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THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  COLBORNE, 
FIELD -MARSHAL  LORD  SEATON, 

G.C.B.,  G.C.H.,  G.C.M.G.,  K.T.S.,  K.Sx.G.,  K.M.T.,  &c., 


COMPILED     FROM     HIS     LETTERS, 

RECORDS  OF  HIS  CONVERSATIONS, 

AND    OTHER    SOURCES 


BY    G.    C.    MOORE     SMITH,    M.A., 

EDITOR  OF  THE  AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OF  SIR  HARRY  SMITH. 


"FEW    MEN   ARE   LIKE    HIM;     INDEED,   EXCEPT   THE    DuKE   OF   WELLINGTON',    I    KNOW- 
NO  OFFICER  IN  THE  BRITISH  ARMY  HIS  IQUAL."— Sir  George  Napier  (1828). 


LONDON : 
JOHN    MURRAY,   ALBEMARLE   STREET,   W. 

1903. 


OA 


PREFACE. 


THE  materials  for  the  following  "  Life  of  Field-Marshal 
Lord  Seaton  "  are  drawn  (i)  from  his  own  letters  and  those 
of  his  wife  and  his  friends,  (2)  from  reports  taken  down  by 
his  daughters  (from  about  1847  onwards)  of  his  spoken 
references  to  events  in  which  he  took  part,  (3)  from  the 
recollections  of  persons  now  living,  (4)  from  published 
works. 

For  the  use  of  letters,  I  am  indebted  in  the  first  place 
to  the  Hon.  Lady  Montgomery-Moore,  whose  anxiety  to 
see  some  such  monument  raised  to  her  revered  father's 
memory  was  my  first  encouragement  towards  undertaking 
this  work  ;  and  secondly  to  the  Lord  Seaton,  to  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  the  Hon.  F.  L.  Colborne,  to  Miss  Mary  Yonge 
of  Yealmpton,  to  John  Yonge,  Esq.,  of  Puslinch,  to  Miss 
H.  E.  Yonge  of  Eastleigh,  Hants,  to  the  Hon.  W.  N.  Bruce, 
grandson  of  Sir  William  Napier,  and  to  Lieutenant-Colonel 
A.  F.  Mockler-Ferryman,  Oxfordshire  Light  Infantry,  who, 
one  and  all,  put  the  letters  and  memoranda  which  were  in 
their  possession  at  my  disposal.  I  have  also  to  thank 
Field-Marshal  H.R.H.  the  Duke  of  Cambridge  for  per- 
mission to  publish  two  of  his  letters  addressed  to  Lord 
Seaton. 

For  the  portraits  and  other  illustrations  given  in  this 
book,  I  am  indebted  to  His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Wellington, 
the  Lord  Seaton,  General  Sir  Alexander  and  the  Hon. 
Lady  Montgomery-Moore,  the  Hon.  and  Rev.  Graham 
Colborne,  Colonel  the  Hon.  F.  L.  Colborne,  and  John 
Yonge,  Esq.,  of  Puslinch. 

In  the  course  of  my  work  I  have  received  most  valu- 
able assistance  and  criticism  from  many  sources.  I  must 
particularly  mention  General  Sir  Alexander  and  Lady 
Montgomery-Moore,  the  Lord  Seaton,  whose  hospitality 
enabled  me  to  see  with  my  own  eyes  many  of  the  scenes 
described  in  this  book,  the  Hon.  and  Reverend  Graham 
Colborne,  Colonel  F.  A.  Whinyates,  late  R.A,  Captain 


iv  PREFACE. 

M.  F.  M.  Meiklejohn,  V.C.,  Gordon  Highlanders,  the 
Reverend  Canon  Charles  Evans  of  Parkstone,  F.  C.  Carr- 
Gomm,  Esq.,  The  Chase,  Farnham  Royal,  Captain  B.  Smyth, 
Lancashire  Fusiliers,  author  of  the  History  of  the  XX. 
Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  A.  F.  Mockler-Ferryman, 
Oxfordshire  Light  Infantry,  E.  D.  A.  Morshead,  Esq., 
Winchester  College,  the  late  C.  W.  Holgate,  Esq.,  editor 
of  the  Winchester  Long  Rolls,  Herbert  Chitty,  Esq.,  an 
enthusiastic  Wykehamist,  T.  F.  Kirby,  Esq.,  Treasurer  to 
Winchester  College,  the  Reverend  H.  E.  Moberley,  Rector 
of  St.  Michael's,  Winchester,  R.  L.  Franks,  Esq.,  Clerk  to 
Christ's  Hospital,  A.  W.  Lockhart,  Esq.,  Treasurer  to 
Christ's  Hospital,  the  Reverend  E.  H.  Pearce,  author  of 
The  Annals  of  Christ's  Hospital,  W.  J.  C.  Moens,  Esq., 
Tweed,  Lymington,  Charles  Oman,  Esq.,  Fellow  of  All 
Souls,  and  G.  J.  Turner,  Esq.,  Lincoln's  Inn.  To  these, 
and  others  not  named,  I  return  my  most  sincere  thanks. 

I  should  like  also  to  express  my  thanks  to  a  gentleman, 
who,  at  Mr.  Murray's  request,  read  my  manuscript  and  gave 
me  some  valuable  suggestions. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  I  owe  much  to  previous 
publications.  Among  those  on  which  I  have  drawn  most 
largely  are  articles  by  the  late  Miss  Charlotte  M.  Yonge, 
in  the  Christian  Remembrancer,  October,  1867,  and  the 
Wykehamist,  June,  1896,  the  privately-printed  account  of 
Lord  Seaton's  war  services  by  Captain  W.  C.  Yonge,  the 
Reverend  W.  Leeke's  book  Lord  Seatoris  Regiment  at 
Waterloo,  Cannon's  Historical  Record  of  the  20th  Regi- 
ment, Sidney's  Life  of  Lord  Hill,  Moorsom's  Historical 
Record  of  the  $2nd  Regiment,  Napier's  History  of  the 
Peninsular  War,  The  Early  Military  Life  of  Sir  G.  T. 
Napier  (for  my  use  of  which  I  have  had  the  special  per- 
mission of  General  William  Napier,  Sir  George's  son),  Sir 
H.  E.  Bunbury's  Passages  in  the  History  of  the  Great 
War,  The  Autobiography  of  Sir  Harry  Smith  (whose 
account  of  his  Brigadier  first  interested  me  in  my  subject), 
W.  Henry's  Events  of  a  Military  Life,  Major  J.  Richard- 
son's Eight  Years  in  Canada,  and  more  particularly  the 
History  of  Canada,  by  the  late  Dr.  Kingsford.  Mr.  R.  E, 


PREFACE.  v 

Kingsford,  LL.M.,  of  Toronto,  in  kindly  allowing  me  to 
make  the  use  I  have  done  of  his  father's  book,  sent  me 
much  valuable  information  in  regard  to  the  history  of 
Upper  Canada  College,  which  Sir  John  Colborne  founded, 
and  of  which  Mr.  Kingsford  is  a  loyal  Old  Boy.  This 
information  unfortunately  arrived  too  late  for  me  to  make 
as  much  use  of  it  as  I  should  have  liked  to  do.  I  can  only 
say  here  that  the  school  has  played  a  distinguished  part  in 
Canadian  history,  and  at  present,  after  passing  through 
great  difficulties,  due  to  no  fault  of  its  own,  appears  to  be 
entering  on  a  no  less  distinguished  future. 

Miss  Christabel  Coleridge's  memoir,  Charlotte  Mary 
Yonge,  appeared  only  as  this  book  was  in  the  press.  It 
deals  greatly  with  persons  who  played  a  part  in  Lord 
Seaton's  life,  and  the  portraits  it  gives  will  be  interesting 
to  all  readers  of  the  following  pages. 

The  index  has  been,  in  the  main,  the  work  of  my  sister, 
Miss  M.  A.  Smith. 

It  gives  me  special  pleasure  to  say  that  this  book  has 
been  read  in  proof  by  Miss  Julia  Moore,  niece  of  Sir  John 
Moore.  The  passionate  admiration  felt  by  Colborne  for 
Sir  John  Moore  will  be  evident  throughout  this  Life,  and 
it  is  to  me  a  fact  of  deep  historic  interest  that  the  story 
of  Lord  Seaton's  career  should  have  been  read  after  these 
many  years  by  a  venerable  lady  who,  still  enjoying  her 
full  intellectual  powers,  remembers  that  day  of  sorrow 
ninety-four  years  ago  which  brought  to  her  father's  house 
the  tragic  news  of  Corunna. 

Although  this  book  appears  so  long  after  Lord  Seaton's 
death,  I  trust  that  an  interest  may  still  be  awakened  in  the 
varied  career  of  a  great  Englishman,  whose  military  genius 
was  at  least  equalled  by  the  beauty  and  nobility  of  his 
character.  What  was  thought  of  him  by  some  of  those 
who  knew  him  best  is  briefly  told  in  the  extracts  which 
follow  :  the  justification  of  their  words  will  be  found  writ 
large  in  the  Life  itself. 

G.  C.  MOORE  SMITH. 

31,  Endcliffe  Rise  Road, 
Sheffield. 


(    vi    ) 

tl  Colborne,  a  man  of  singular  talents  for  war."— SIR  W.  C.  F. 
NAPIER.     History  of  the  Peninsular  War. 


"  The  Master  in  the  art  of  outposts  under  whom  I  learned 
more  in  six  months  than  in  all  the  rest  of  my  shooting  put 
together." — SIR  HARRY  SMITH.  Letter  to  Sir  J.  Colborne, 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  2nd  March,  1832. 


"  No  man  can  point  out  to  me  any  instance,  either  in  ancient 
or  modern  history,  of  a  single  battalion  so  influencing  the  result 
of  any  great  action  as  the  result  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo  was 
influenced  by  the  attack  of  the  5  2nd  Regiment  on  the  Imperial 
Guard." — GENERAL  SIR  J.  SHAW  KENNEDY.  Letter  to  Captain 
Siborne,  i5th  May,  1864. 


"  Never  did  any  man  suffer  more  patiently  than  he  did  [after 
his  wound  at  Ciudad  Rodrigo].  But  it  was  Colborne >  and  that 
is  sufficient,  there  being  no  suffering  in  human  life  which  he 
would  not  endure,  if  necessary,  either  for  his  country  or  his 
friends.  Few  men  are  like  him;  indeed,  except  the  Duke  of 
Wellington,  I  know  no  officer  in  the  British  army  his  equal.  His 
expansive  mind  is  capable  of  grasping  anything,  however  difficult 
or  abstruse ;  his  genius  in  war  is  so  powerful  that  it  overcomes 
all  obstacles ;  and  his  splendid  talents  and  long  experience  have 
gained  him  the  confidence  and  admiration  of  the  whole  army, 
which  looks  up  to  Sir  John  Colborne,  should  a  war  take  place, 
as  the  man  who  will  rise  conspicuous  above  all  others.  The 
Duke  of  Wellington,  from  the  time  Colborne  was  a  lieutenant- 
colonel,  always  placed  the  most  entire  confidence  in  him,  and, 
although  only  a  lieutenant-colonel,  employed  him  constantly  in 
every  enterprise  of  difficulty  and  danger,  and  never  did  he  fail 
once.  He  has,  with  the  most  intrepid  bravery,  a  coolness  of 
head  in  the  very  heat  of  action,  which  never  fails  him,  and  thus 
he  penetrates  with  eagle  eye  into  the  enemy's  intentions,  and 


(     vii     ) 

is  sure  to  baffle  his  designs,  when  least  expected.  Nothing  can 
take  him  by  surprise  or  flurry  him;  and  I  am  confident  if 
Colborne  was  suddenly  awoke  out  of  his  sleep  and  told  he  was 
surrounded  by  an  army  treble  his  numbers,  it  would  only  have  the 
effect  of  making  him,  if  possible,  still  more  calm  and  collected, 
and  that,  if  it  was  possible  for  mortal  man  to  get  out  of  the 
scrape,  he  would.  His  talents  for  civil  government  are  also 
very  great,  as  he  has  proved  in  Guernsey;  and  the  Duke  of 
Wellington  and  Sir  George  Murray  have,  in  consequence  of 
their  high  opinion  of  his  abilities,  sent  him  as  Governor  to 
Upper  Canada,  where  he  is  doing  everything  that  marks  the 
steady,  upright,  fearless  and  able  servant  of  his  king  and  country, 
and  where  if  any  dispute  should  unfortunately  arise  between 
England  and  America,  his  military  skill  will  be  of  most  essential 
service." — SIR  GEORGE  NAPIER  (1828).  Early  Military  Life, 
p.  220. 


"  I  had  a  good  letter  the  other  day  from  Lord  Seaton.  These 
men  and  their  fellows  ...  I  hold  to  be  the  foundation 
stones  of  England.  In  them  is  incarnate  the  sense  of  duty  and 
obedience  as  a  fixed  habit,  not  a  sentiment  or  conviction,  as  the 
people  say,  but  a  true  witness  of  the  Omnipotent  who  wills  it 
thus." — MAJOR-GENERAL  CHARLES  BECKWITH,  2;th  Jan.  1855. 
Autobiography  of  Sir  Harry  Smith,  II.,  p.  303. 


"  Lord  Seaton  was  certainly  the  noblest  type  of  a  soldier  that 
I  have  known  :  .  .  Mildest,  kindest,  gentlest  of  human 
beings :  clear-headed,  calm,  vigorous  in  mind  as  he  was  strong 
in  body,  he  was  always  my  idea  of  a  soldier."— SIR  WILLIAM 
FRASER.  Words  on  Wellington,  1889. 


LIST    OF    ILLUSTRATIONS. 


COLONEL   SIR    JOHN    COLBORNE,    K.C.B.,   52nd    Regiment 

(Photogravure)  Frontispiece 

From  the  portrait  by  J.  W.  Pieneman,  painted  about  1819, 
in  the  possession  of  His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Wellington, 
at  Apsley  House.  The  portrait,  which  was  bought  by 
the  Great  Duke  in  1825,  seems  to  have  been  painted 
by  Pieneman  as  a  study  for  his  famous  picture  of  the 
Battle  of  Waterloo,  now  in  the  Rijks  Museum, 
Amsterdam. 

JOHN  COLBORNE  AS  A  CHILD To  face  p.     2 

From  a  picture  in  the  possession  of  the  Hon.  and  Rev. 
Graham  Colborne,  Dittisham  Rectory. 

"SCHOOL,"  WINCHESTER  COLLEGE      ...         ...         ...         ...         ,,  6 

MAP  OF  NORTH  HOLLAND         „  10 

MAP  OF  THE  DISTRICT  ROUND  ALEXANDRIA ,  26 

MAP  TO  ILLUSTRATE  THE  BATTLE  OF  MAIDA            ...         ...         ,,  52 

MAP  OF  SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL „  83 

PUSLINCH,  YEALMPTON „  124 

MRS.  COLBORNE  (LADY  SEATON)  (Photogravure)      ,,         180 

From  a  miniature  painted  in  1813  in  the  possession  of  the 
Hon.  Lady  Montgomery  Moore.  Colonel  Colborne 
had  this  miniature  with  him  in  the  last  year  of  the 
Peninsular  War,  and  in  his  later  life  it  stood  constantly 
on  his  table. 

COLONEL  COLBORNE  (Photogravure) „         196 

From  a  miniature  painted  in  1813  in  the  possession  of  the 
Hon.  Lady  Montgomery  Moore. 

MAP  OF  LOWER  CANADA  ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ,,        285 

GENERAL  LORD  SEATON  AT  CHOBHAM  CAMP          „        352 

From  a  sketch,  by  an  officer,  in  the  possession  of  the 
Hon.  Lady  Montgomery  Moore. 

GENERAL  LORD  SEATON  (Photogravure)         „        364 

From  a  drawing  made  by  George  Richmond,  R.A.,  about 
1852,  in  the  possession  of  the  Lord  Seaton  at  Beech- 
wood. 

BEECHWOOD,  PLVMPTON ,         „        372 


— And  one,  our  bravest — in  the  years'  dim  cloud 

A  half-forgotten  name — 

Yet  him  our  memory  holds,  in  grey-haired  fame. 
He  climbed  this  height,  our  mimic  wars  he  knew, 

Till  years  brought  toil  more  proud, 
And  o'er  his  head  war's  louder  breezes  blew. 
Him  first  the  swaying  tides  of  battle  bore 
From  fight  to  fight ;  he  on  Corunna's  shore 
Strove  by  the  side,  bowed  by  the  grave,  of  Moore ; 
And  after,  through  the  midnight  murk  of  war, 
Followed,  unflinching,  England's  rising  star, 
Till  o'er  the  Pyrenean  crags  rang  out 

The  bugle  and  the  shout — 
And  when,  one  moment,  seemed  the  star  to  pale, 

And  heroes'  hands  almost  to  fail, 
He  clove  the  ranks  at  Orthez,  plucked  the  bay 

From  out  the  doubtful  fray. 
Last,  in  the  last  throw  of  the  iron  game 

For  stake  of  Death  and  Fame, 
He,  high  of  heart  as  keen  of  eye, 

Set  on  for  victory, 

And  fiercely  breasted,  stemmed,  and  overthrew 
The  last  dark  wave  that  swelled  and  broke  at  Waterloo. 

E.  D.  A.  MORSHEAD, 

Evening  on  Hills  (Winchester). 


CHAPTER    I. 

BIRTH,  1778.  CHRIST'S  HOSPITAL  AND  WINCHES- 
TER, 1785-1794.  GAZETTED  TO  THE  2OTH 
REGIMENT,  1794.  EXPEDITION  TO  HOLLAND, 
1799. 

JOHN  COLBORNE,  the  subject  of  this  biography,  was 
the  son  of  Samuel  Colborne,  of  Lymington,  Hants, 
and  Cordelia  Anne,  daughter  of  John  Garstin,  of 
Leragh  Castle  and  Ballykerrin,  County  Westmeath, 
and  his  wife  Alethea  Farrell.  Samuel  Colborne 
had  inherited  property  through  his  father  from  his 
great-uncle,  Charles  Colborne,  of  the  Knollmans, 
Lyndhurst,  and  Barnes,  Surrey,  a  Director  of  the  East 
India  Company,  who  died  in  1747  at  the  age  of  57. 
This  gentleman,  whose  bust  by  Rysbraeck,  with  a 
laudatory  Latin  epitaph,  still  adorns  the  chancel  of 
Lymington  Church,  was  in  his  time  a  local  celebrity. 
He  was  a  burgess  of  Lymington  as  early  as  1720, 
and  in  1745  we  find  his  name  among  those  of  the 
Tories  of  the  town,  Sir  Harry  Burrard  being  the 
leading  Whig.  Mr.  King,  in  his  Old  Times 
Revisited  (p.  118),  records  the  following  traditional 
account  of  Charles  Colborne : 


2  CHILDHOOD.  [Cn.  I. 

"  He  was  a  tall,  portly  gentleman,  with  a  long 
flowing  wig,  who  drove  a  handsome  gingerbread- 
coloured  carriage  with  four  black  Flanders  mares. 
He  was  a  great  favourite  with  the  populace,  whose 
liking  for  '  panem  et  circenses  '  he  gratified  by  plenty 
of  ale  and  frequent  bull-baitings.  When  his  car- 
riage drove  through  the  town,  the  rabble  used  to 
press  round  his  coach  with  shouts  for  King 
Colborne." 

Samuel  Colborne  and  Cordelia  Anne  Garstin 
were  married  at  Ellingham,  Hants,  where  Miss 
Garstin  had  been  staying,  on  2Oth  October,  1774. 
Their  eldest  child,  Cordelia  Anne,  was  born  in 
1775  ;  a  son,  Samuel,  who  died  as  an  infant,  in  1776  ; 
John,  their  youngest  child,  on  i6th  February,  1778, 
and  baptized  on  3ist  March  following.  Mr. 
Colborne,  after  suffering  reverses  of  fortune,  died 
in  April,  1785.  His  son  was  then  seven,  and  in 
after  years  retained  little  or  no  memory  of  his  father. 
On  Mr.  Colborne's  death  his  widow  procured  the 
admission  of  her  son  John  to  Christ's  Hospital  (i5th 
June,  1785)  "on  the  presentation  of  Deputy  Robert 
Harding." 

To  John  Colborne,  therefore,  may  be  applied  the 
words  in  which  Samuel  Taylor  Coleridge,  his  elder 
contemporary  at  Christ's  Hospital,  speaks  of  his  own 
schooldays : 

"  I  was  reared 

In  the  great  city,  pent  'mid  cloisters  dim 
And  saw  nought  lovely  but  the  sky  and  stars,"* 

and  it  is  interesting  to  think  that  Colborne,   like 

*  Colborne  appears  never  to  have  been  at  the  school  at  Hertford,  but 
to  have  joined  the  London  school  from  the  beginning. 


JOHN    COLBOKNE. 


To  face  p.  2. 


1778-89.]  CHRIST'S  HOSPITAL.  3 

Charles  Lamb,  may  have  seen  their  gifted  school- 
fellow "  in  the  day-spring  of  his  fancies,  with  hope 
like  a  fiery  column  before  him,  the  dark  pillar  not 
yet  turned."  In  fact,  if  we  would  have  a  picture  of 
some  years  of  John  Colborne's  boyhood,  we  have 
only  to  turn  to  Lamb's  essay  on  "  Christ's  Hospital 
five  and  thirty  years  ago." 

On  6th  February,  1787,  Mrs.  Colborne  was 
married  at  Lymington  to  the  Rev.  Thomas  Bargus,* 
who  became  a  second  father  to  his  stepchildren,  and 
received  from  them  in  return  a  lifelong  affection. 
Mr.  Bargus  had  been  educated  at  Winchester  and 
at  Pembroke  College,  Oxford  (B.A.,  1773),  of 
which  he  became  a  Fellow.  From  1783  till  April, 
1784,  he  had  been  curate  of  Lymington,  but  he  was 
now  residing  at  Winchester,  in  St.  Michael's  parish, 
and  receiving  into  his  house  (probably  that  now 
called  "Witham  Close,"  in  Kingsgate  Street) 
"  commoners  "  of  the  school  who  lived  at  a  distance 
— "  street  commoners,"  as  such  boarders  in  the 
town  were  called,  in  contrast  to  the  commoners 
who  boarded  with  the  head  master.  Among  them 
had  been  Lord  Warwick's  eldest  son,  Lord  Brooke, 
who  had  died  of  scarlet  fever  while  under  Mr. 
Bargus'  care  in  1786,  but  was  succeeded  by  another 
brother  a  year  or  two  later. t 

Mrs.  Bargus  brought  her  second  husband  a 
daughter,  Alethea  Henrietta  (born  7th  June,  1789), 

*  Mr.  T.  F.  Kirby  tells  me  that  "Bargus*'  is  a  corruption  of 
"  Baughurst,"  the  name  of  a  village  in  Hants. 

f  Miss  C.  M.  Yonge,  writing  in  the  Wykehamist,  June,  1896,  states 
that  Mr.  Bargus  was  a  Chaplain  of  Winchester  College.  Messrs. 
T.  F.  Kirby  and  C.  W.  Holgate,  both  well-known  Wykehamist 
antiquaries,  assure  me  that  this  was  not  the  case. 

B  2 


4  BOYHOOD.  [Cn.  I. 

but  died  on  the  i5th  March,  1791,  and  was  buried 
at  Fareham,  Mr.  Bargus'  birthplace. 

Her  only  son,  John  Colborne,  was  then  13,  and 
a  scholar  of  Winchester.  He  always  remembered 
his  mother  with  the  most  tender  love.  He  described 
her  as  the  most  beautiful  woman  he  ever  saw,  and 
in  his  extreme  old  age  spoke  with  tears  of  the  misery 
which  her  death  caused  to  his  elder  sister  and  him- 
self; while  Mr.  Bargus,  in  recording  her  death, 
spoke  of  her  as  "  my  ever-to-be-remembered  dearest, 
dear,  dear  wife." 

About  August,  1792,  Mr.  Bargus  found  con- 
solation in  a  second  marriage  with  Miss  Mary 
Kingsman,  daughter  of  the  Rector  of  Botley,  Hants, 
and  by  her  had  a  daughter,  Frances  Mary  (Fanny), 
born  1 3th  January,  1795,  whom  John  Colborne  always 
called  "  sister."  Miss  Fanny  Bargus  became  the 
mother  of  the  popular  writer,  Miss  Charlotte  M. 
Yonge.* 

John  Colborne's  removal  from  Christ's  Hospital 
is  recorded  in  the  register  of  the  Hospital  under  the 
date  "  1789,  January  29." 

In  the  same  year  he  entered  Winchester  School 
as  a  commoner,  there  not  being  sufficient  vacancies 
for  him  to  enter  as  a  scholar,  though  his  name  had 
been  placed  on  the  roll  for  that  purpose.  When 
he  entered  the  school,  as  he  wrote  in  1845,  "Dr. 
Warton  was  Head-master,  Woodhouse  Senior 
Tutor,  and  Dr.  Goddard  Under-master.  Lord  Boyle 

*  Further  particulars  of  Colborne's  family  will  be  found  in  Burke's 
Peerage  under  "  Seaton,"  in  his  Landed  Gentry  of  Ireland  under 
"Garstin  of  Brag-ganstown,"  in  his  Landed  Gentry  of  Great  Britain 
under  "  Yonge  of  Pusilnch,"  and  in  Miss  Coleridge's  book,  Charlotte 
M.  Yonge. 


1789-94-]  WINCHESTER  COLLEGE.  5 

and  a  person  by  the  name  of  Gleed  were  the  Senior 
Prefects.  I  occupied  a  room  in  the  Hall  Gallery 
(in  the  Head-master's  house,  then  called  *  Com- 
moners '),  and  afterwards,  with  the  nomination  of 
the  Warden,  succeeded  to  a  vacancy  in  College." 

He  was  placed  in  the  senior  part  of  Fourth  Book 
(i.e.,  the  lowest  form  but  one  in  the  school)  and  his 
position  was  looth  out  of  the  109  boys  then  in  the 
school.  In  1790  he  was  admitted  a  scholar,  and  put 
in  the  7th  Chamber  in  College.  In  October  this 
year  he  was  87th,  in  1791,  85th,  out  of  in  boys. 
In  1792  he  was  55th  out  of  115,  in  1793  nth  out 
of  109,  the  sudden  rise  being  accounted  for  by  the 
expulsions  which  followed  the  famous  "  rebellion " 
of  1793,  when  the  boys  imprisoned  the  Warden,  the 
Usher  and  one  of  the  Fellows,  and  barricaded  the 
school.  Colborne  would  tell  in  after  years  of  the 
part  he  played  in  the  rebellion,  how  he  held  a  posi- 
tion against  the  masters,  and  hurled  down  stones 
from  the  battlements — the  beginning  of  his  military 
career  and  love  of  battles,  as  his  wife  would  say 
jokingly.  More  fortunate  than  many  of  his  school- 
fellows, he  escaped  expulsion,  and  remained  at 
Winchester  till  July,  1794,  when  he  was  already  a 
Prefect.  He  was  now  in  ist  Chamber. 

Miss  Yonge  writes  of  Colborne's  school-days : 
"  He  was  considered  to  be  dull  and  backward, 
though  a  lady  who  used  to  play  chess  with  him 
always  maintained  that  he  showed  the  promise  of 
something  remarkable.  However,  his  spirit  and 
ability  are  said  to  have  been  chiefly  shown  in  build- 
ing and  defending  snow  forts."* 

*  Wykehamist,  June,  1896.     The  "  lady"  was  Miss  Maria  Kingsman. 


6  TWENTIETH   REGIMENT.  [Cn.  I. 

A  writer  in  the  Christian  Remembrancer,  October, 
1867,*  while  telling  us  that  Colborne  retained  through 
life  a  warm  affection  for  Winchester,  remarks  on  the 
lack  of  discipline,  and  especially  of  religion,  that 
prevailed  in  the  school  in  his  day.  "  Boys  then 
prepared  their  lessons  or  read  newspapers  in  chapel 
unreproved,  and  the  general  lawlessness  broke  out 
in  the  first  of  the  two  great  rebellions  still  remem- 
bered in  the  traditions  of  the  school.  This  renders 
more  remarkable  the  deep  sense  of  religion  and 
the  purity  of  mind,  manners,  and  language  which 
characterized  John  Colborne  from  his  earliest  to  his 
latest  years,  and  which  became  stamped  on  the 
memory  of  all  who  came  in  contact  with  him." 

John  Colborne  was  only  16  when,  on  loth  July, 
1794,  he  received  a  commission  as  Ensign  in  the 
2Oth  Regiment,  by  the  interest  of  the  Earl  of 
Warwick.!  He  left  school  immediately  afterwards. 
He  became  Lieutenant  on  loth  September,  1795. 
The  20th  did  not  return  from  the  West  Indies  till 
the  summer  of  1796.  Colborne,  who  had  been 
assiduously  devoting  his  time  since  he  left  school 
to  the  improvement  of  his  education,  joined  his 
regiment  in  October,  at  Exeter,  and  served  with  it 
at  Lichfield,  Liverpool  and  Preston  from  1796  to 
1799.  More  than  six  feet  high,  and  singularly  hand- 
some, he  must  have  looked  every  inch  a  soldier. 

Colborne    has    told    us    nothing    of    his    earliest 

*  This  was  also,  without  doubt,  Miss  C.  M.  Yonge. 

f  Lord  Seaton  told  Mr.  Eyre  Matcham,  of  Newhouse,  Salisbury, 
that  as  a  little  boy  he  had  been  intended  for  the  Church,  and  that  once 
when  he  came  back  from  school  he  was  told  that  he  was  to  go  into 
the  army  instead.  He  added  "  I  was  very  glad."  Mr.  Matcham 
remarking  "Well,  you  must  be  satisfied  with  the  result,"  he  replied 
simply  "Yes,  I  am." 


1 794-9.]  ORDERED   TO  HOLLAND.  J 

days  in  the  service,  but  the  following  story : — "  I 
remember  when  I  first  joined,  my  Colonel,  when 
speaking  to  me,  pointed  to  an  officer  and  said: 
*  There,  sir,  that  officer  was  shot  through  the  body, 
and  was  all  the  better  for  it ;  there's  encouragement 
for  you/  " 

In  the  summer  of  1799  the  2Oth  Regiment 
received  orders  to  join  the  expedition  to  Holland, 
which  was  to  be  commanded  by  H.R.H.  the  Duke 
of  York.  It  marched  from  Preston  to  Canterbury, 
where  it  was  joined  by  1,800  excellent  soldiers, 
volunteers  from  the  militia  regiments  of  many 
counties.  Before  leaving  Preston,  Colborne  wrote 
the  following  letter  to  his  stepfather,  who  had  left 
Winchester  in  1798,  on  being  presented  by  Mr. 
Peachey,  afterwards  Lord  Selsey,  to  the  living  of 
Barkway,  Herts,  a  village  situated  on  the  chalk  hills 
a  few  miles  south-east  of  Royston :  — 

"  Preston,  July  2ist,  1799. 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  am  this  moment  ordered  to  Windsor  to 
receive  the  ist  Staffordshire  Militia,  who  have  volun- 
teered into  our  regiment.  The  2Oth  Regiment  marches 
to-morrow,  and  is  destined  for  the  second  embarkation. 
Part  of  the  2nd  Stafford  and  3rd  Lancashire  have 
also  volunteered  for  our  regiment  We  shall  soon  be  a 
thousand  strong.  Owing  to  the  expense  I  shall  be  at  in 
going  to  Windsor,  and  being  ordered  away  at  so  short  a 
notice,  has  induced  me  to  do  a  thing  not  altogether  proper. 
I  have  drawn  on  you  for  nve-and-twenty  pounds  three 
days  after  sight,  payable  to  Captain  Thos.  Hipkins.  I 
could  not  do  without  it,  I  assure  you,  for  although  my 
expences  will  finally  be  paid  by  Government,  yet  it  will 
be  some  time  before  I  shall  receive  the  money.  I  shall 
be  very  much  obliged  to  you  if  you  will  accept  the  bill, 


8  IN  HOLLAND.  [Cn.  I. 

and  beg  you  will   deduct  the   amount  from   Mr.   Lind's 
legacy.     ...     I  am,  yours  affectionately, 

"  J.   COLBORNE. 
"  Rev.  T.  Bargus,  Barkway." 

From  Canterbury  the  2Oth  proceeded  to  the  camp 
at  Barham  Downs,  where  it  was  divided  into  two 
battalions,  Lieut.  Colborne  being  appointed  to  the 
ist,  which  was  commanded  by  Lt.-Col.  George 
Smyth.  The  main  part  of  the  intended  force, 
amounting  to  about  15,000  men,  left  Barham  Downs 
on  August  8th,  embarked  on  the  I3th,  and,  landing 
at  the  Helder  on  the  27th,  fought  a  successful  action 
on  the  same  day.  On  the  following  day  a  reinforce- 
ment of  5,000  men  under  Maj.-Gen.  Don  arrived. 
This  included  the  I7th,  2Oth  and  4oth  Regiments 
(two  battalions  each)  and  the  63rd  Regiment,  the 
two  battalions  of  the  2Oth  and  the  63rd  forming  a 
brigade.  The  whole  army,  until  the  arrival  of  the 
Duke  of  York,  was  commanded  by  Sir  Ralph  Aber- 
cromby. 

Colborne  said  in  later  years  :  "  We  landed  without 
our  baggage  on  a  cold,  rainy  night,  and  were  on  the 
bare  sands  with  no  food  and  no  wood.  General 
Don  had  a  nice  little  cart  with  his  things  in,  in  which 
he  was  to  sleep,  and  I  recollect  envying  him  when 
he  said :  '  Now,  gentlemen,  we  halt  here  ;  make 
yourselves  comfortable!  '  An  officer  I  recollect  shot 
a  \vildfowl  and  roasted  it  himself,  and  gave  us  all 


some." 


Immediately  on  landing,  the  regiment  formed  in 
position  on  the  sand  hills  a  few  miles  south  of 
Helder  Town.  It  was  afterwards  moved  to  Zijp 
Dyke,  and  posted  near  the  village  of  Crabbendam. 


1 799.]  THE  FORCE  LANDED.  9 

The  following  narrative  gives  Colborne's  remini- 
scences of  his  first  campaigning  days : — "  Eight  days 
after  our  landing  Colonel  Smyth  was  given  a 
separate  employment  by  General  Abercromby — to 
take  a  dyke,  I  think.  This  was  the  first  time  I  saw 
Sir  John  Moore,  who  rode  up  to  us  with  General 
Abercromby.  Colonel  Smyth  was  exceedingly 
delighted,  and  I  recollect  his  instruction  was,  '  March 
straight  in,  and  if  you  see  anything,  don't  fire,  but 
push  at  them  with  the  bayonet.'  We  pushed  in 
accordingly,  but  saw  no  one.  We  took  the  dyke  and 
a  large  farmhouse,  in  which  I  established  myself 
very  comfortably,  and  thought  I  was  going  to  have 
a  good  night's  rest,  when  I  was  suddenly  ordered 
out  on  a  picquet  to  inspect  the  road.  I  had  not 
been  there  long  when  I  heard  a  bugle  sound.  I  was 
wondering  what  it  could  mean,  when  a  sergeant 
said,  '  Oh,  sir,  it  must  be  for  a  truce ! '  However,  a 
very  smart  French  Dragoon  officer  came  galloping 
clown  with  two  led  horses.  He  said  he  had  brought 
General  Don's  horses,  that  General  Don  was  de- 
tained by  the  French  general,  but  the  latter  had 
sent  back  his  horses,  and  the  dragoon  wanted  a 
receipt  for  them.  So  I  gave  the  receipt — the  first 
time  I  ever  had  occasion  to  write  French.  The 
fact  was  that  General  Don  had  gone  with  some 
despatches  to  the  French  camp.  We  were  then 
trying  to  entice  Holland  back  to  allegiance  to 
the  Stadtholder,  and  we  all  wore  Orange  ribbon. 
General  Don  had  several  yards  of  Orange  ribbon  in 
his  pocket,  as  well  as  some  proclamations,  and,  being 
an  absent-minded  man,  in  taking  out  the  despatches 
he  pulled  out  the  Orange  ribbon  too.  They  then 


10  IN  HOLLAND.  [Cn.  I. 

searched  him  and  found  the  proclamations.  So  the 
French  general  said,  '  I  think  this  is  a  very 
suspicious  thing.  You  come  here  with  despatches, 
and  you  have  these  things  to  corrupt  the  soldiers 
with.  I  shan't  let  you  go  until  it  is  enquired  into/ 
and  he  detained  him  for  three  or  four  days. 

"  I  sent  round  to  my  commanding  officer,  that  he 
might  receive  the  story  from  the  Frenchman  himself. 
The  colonel  talked  to  him  a  long  time  and  extracted 
some  valuable  information  from  him,  among  other 
things  that  the  road  on  which  I  was  stationed  with 
my  picquet  was  the  high  road  to  Alkmaar.  On  dis- 
covering this  the  colonel  said,  '  This  is  of  the  utmost 
importance.  There  must  be  an  intrenchment  placed 
here/ 

"  I  was  to  remain  with  the  picquets  all  night.  At 
the  grey  of  the  morning  the  post  was  attacked,  two 
men  on  my  picquet  were  killed  and  some  wounded. 
This  was  the  first  time  I  had  been  under  fire,  for 
at  the  disembarkation  the  2Oth  were  in  reserve. 

"As  I  expected  an  attack  I  had  the  men  on  the 
watch.  There  were  some  militia  on  the  picquet 
who  had  only  been  embodied  ten  days.  As  they 
were  throwing  up  a  trench  I  heard  one  of  them  say 
to  another,  '  Well,  I'll  stand  as  long  as  the  officer 
stands ! '  and  all  did  behave  remarkably  well.  The 
French  soon  went  back  when  they  found  that  we 
were  prepared  for  them.  Colonel  Smyth  next 
morning  gave  me  great  commendation  for  having 
first  caused  a  trench  to  be  thrown  up  in  a  very  good 
position,  and  for  having  then  repulsed  the  enemy 
very  gallantly  and  defeated  the  design  of  the  French 
officer. 


NORTH  HOLLAND 

to  illustrate  the 
HELDER    CAMPAIGN 


20  face  p.  10. 


1 799-]  PICQUET  ATTACKED.  II 

"  Later  that  day  Sir  Ralph  Abercromby  came 
down  himself  to  see  all  about  it,  and  ask  how  far 
the  enemy  came,  &c.,  and  I  was  nervous  and  em- 
barrassed, thinking  it  a  very  formidable  thing  to 
speak  to  the  Commander-in-Chief :  when  an  old 
Dutch  General,  Sontag,  who  had  come  with  him  (he 
was  known  in  the  camp  as  £  General  Ney/  on  account 
of  his  long  nose),  came  blustering  out,  *  Now,  Sir, 
speak  out,  and  tell  the  General  all  you  have  seen ! ' 
I  was  so  angry  with  him  I  felt  as  if  I  could  have 
knocked  him  down,  but  his  words  made  me  conquer 
my  modesty  and  speak  out  directly. 

"  On  my  returning  to  camp  I  was  surrounded  by 
all  the  officers  of  the  2Oth,  and  congratulated  on 
having  opened  the  ball. 

"  On  another  occasion  I  was  visiting  a  distant 
picquet  near  a  dyke  when  I  heard  a  sound  in  the 
water  which  I  thought  at  first  was  a  dog,  but  on 
going  with  a  sergeant  to  reconnoitre,  we  discovered 
a  Dutch  officer  in  uniform  measuring  the  depth  of 
the  dyke  with  a  stick,  and  we  captured  him.  The 
dyke  was  about  three  feet  deep  in  water  and  three 
in  mud.  It  was  thought  he  was  measuring  with  a 
view  to  an  attack,  and  the  surmise  proved  to  be 
correct,  for  we  were  attacked  two  days  afterwards. 
I  was  much  complimented  by  my  commanding  officer 
for  what  I  had  done. 

"  Before  we  went  to  Holland  several  soldiers  from 
our  regiment,  as  was  then  allowed,  volunteered  into 
the  regiments  ordered  for  service.  However,  a  few 
months  later  we  followed.  I  recollect  two  soldiers 
coming  back  to  find  their  old  regiment.  I  was  lying 
half  asleep  on  a  sand  bank,  and  I  heard  them  coming 


12  IN  HOLLAND.  [Ca.  I. 

along,  and  then  one  said  to  the  other,  *  Here,  Tom, 
here's  the  old  drum,  I'll  be  hanged  if  it  isn't/  recog- 
nising the  drum  of  their  old  regiment,  and  very  sorry 
they  had  ever  left  it. 

"  The  first  man  I  ever  saw  shot  was  in  Holland. 
There  was  a  breach  in  the  wall  and  the  French  were 
opposite.  Several  officers,  and  I  among  them,  were 
standing  round,  when  suddenly  a  shot  came  and 
carried  off  the  leg  of  a  poor  artilleryman  sitting  on  a 
cannon.  The  poor  fellow  screamed  so,  and  seemed 
in  such  agony,  that  I  hoped  then  I  should  never  have 
my  leg  carried  off." 

On  the  loth  September  the  French  and  Dutch 
made  a  determined  attack  on  the  positions  occupied 
by  the  British  troops  at  the  head  of  the  Zijp  Dyke. 
They  gained  some  advantage  on  their  right,  but 
were  met  with  determined  resistance  on  their  centre 
and  left,  especially  from  the  2Oth  Regiment,  who 
gallantly  repelled  the  attack  of  their  centre  column 
on  the  entrenchments  raised  upon  the  dyke  at 
Crabbendam.  They  were  eventually  driven  back 
with  a  loss  of  nearly  1,000  men. 

This  affair  (Schagen  Brug)  was  John  Colborne's 
first  battle.  He  himself  was  among  the  wounded,  as 
were,  in  his  own  battalion,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Smyth,  Major  Ross  (afterwards  "  Ross  of  Bladens- 
burg  "),  Captain  Powlett,  and  Lieutenants  DesVceux 
and  Hamilton. 

The  following  letters  were  sent  home  by  Colborne 
after  the  battle  :  «  yjey  [-  ?  viie], 

"  Zephyr. 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  have  only  time  to  say  we  were  yesterday 
attacked  by  a  very  large  force.  Our  regiment  suffered 


1 799.]  BATTLE  OF  SCHAGEN  BRUG.  13 

particularly.  I  am  wounded  in  the  head,  but  not  severely. 
Three  thousand  of  the  enemy  were  killed  and  wounded. — 
I  am,  yours  affectionately, 

"J.  COLBORNE. 
"Rev.  T.  Bargus,  Barkway." 


"Heelder,  I3th  September. 

"  My  dear  Delia, — Of  course  you  have  heard  of  the 
action  before  this.  I  should  have  written  to  you  immedi- 
ately after  it,  but  was  so  situated  then,  I  could  get  but 
one  sheet  of  paper  before  the  packet  sailed,  which  I  sent 
to  Mr.  Bargus.  I  was  wounded  in  the  head,  and  feel  no 
inconvenience,  except  from  the  violence  of  the  blow  and 
the  sudden  compression,  which  occasioned  violent  pains  in 
the  head.  I  have  been  bled  twice,  and  find  myself  greatly 
relieved. 

"The  ist  Battalion  have  had  the  advanced  post  ever 
since  we  have  been  [here].  On  the  loth  the  Dutch  and 
French  made  an  attack  on  the  whole  line.  They  attacked 
the  right  and  left  first,  but  only  as  a  diversion,  and  then 
advanced  with  nearly  their  whole  force  against  the  ist 
Battalion  of  the  2Oth.  They  came  down  in  three  large 
columns  with  their  riflemen  in  front,  who  soon  spread  them- 
selves around  us.  The  grenadiers  of  our  regiment  de- 
fended an  outpost  three  hours,  till  all  our  ammunition  was 
expended.  We  were  then  obliged  to  retire,  as  a  company 
of  the  battalion  had  given  way,  placed  on  our  right  at  a 
bridge.  Neither  the  artillery  nor  our  own  men  had  any 
ammunition  remaining.  The  enemy  crossed  the  bridge. 
We  then  charged  them  with  the  2nd  Battalion,  who  came 
to  our  assistance,  and  drove  them  over  the  bridge.  We 
charged  twice  in  a  village  which  they  had  taken.  They 
then  retired,  leaving  heaps  of  dead  and  wounded  behind. 
Our  regiment  behaved  uncommonly  well.  The  first  [bat- 
talion] had  but  six  hundred  men,  as  we  left  part  of  the 
regiment  at  the  Texel  Island.  Our  army  is  very  much 


14  W  HOLLAND.  [Cn.  I. 

scattered  No  regiment  but  the  2nd  Battalion  came  to 
our  assistance  till  the  action  was  over.  It  lasted  from  four 
till  eleven  [a.m.].  I  hope  to  join  the  regiment  in  two  or 
three  days  again. — I  am,  yours  affectionately, 

"J.   COLBORNE. 
"  Miss  Colborne." 


"  Heelder, 

"  1 3th  September. 

"Dear  Sir, — Since  we  have  been  here  the  1st  Battalion 
of  the  2Oth  have  had  the  honour  of  occupying  the  advanced 
post  of  the  whole  army,  consequently  we  have  been  but 
a  few  yards  from  the  enemy  for  this  last  fortnight  Our 
picquets  have  had  frequent  skirmishes ;  but  on  the  loth 
September  the  enemy  made  an  attack  on  the  whole  line, 
advancing  on  the  right  and  left  as  a  diversion,  but  making 
their  real  attack  on  our  battalion.  Three  large  columns 
advanced  on  us  in  very  good  order  with  riflemen  in  front, 
who  spread  themselves  on  all  sides  in  a  few  minutes,  and 
came  within  eight  or  nine  yards,  picking  out  the  officers  to 
fire  at.  The  grenadiers  were  advanced  about  a  quarter  of 
a  mile  in  front  of  the  battalion  and  defended  the  post  until 
all  their  ammunition  was  expended,  firing  more  than  a 
hundred  rounds.  At  this  time  a  company  in  our  rear, 
defending  a  bridge,  was  obliged  to  retire,  the  officer  of  the 
artillery  being  wounded  and  having  no  ammunition  remain- 
ing ;  we  then  retreated  with  difficulty.  The  enemy  passed 
the  bridge  and  pressed  on  us.  Part  of  the  1st  and  2nd 
Battalions  charged  and  drove  them  back  ;  we  then  charged 
them  twice  in  a  village  which  they  had  taken ;  they  re- 
treated immediately,  leaving  heaps  of  dead  and  wounded 
on  the  field.  Our  army  being  so  much  scattered  no  regi- 
ment could  come  to  our  assistance  till  the  enemy  had 
retired.  The  action  began  between  four  and  five,  and 
ended  about  twelve.  Sir  Ralf  was  very  much  pleased  with 
the  conduct  of  the  regiment ;  indeed,  it  was  impossible  for 


1799]  BATTLE   OF  SCHAGEN  BRUG.  15 

them  to  behave  better.  Six  officers  of  the  1st  Battalion 
were  wounded  out  of  eighteen  who  were  engaged.  The 
wounded  are  removed  to  this  place.  I  hope  in  a  few  days 
to  join  the  regiment  again.  The  bullet  took  me  on  the'' 
side  of  my  head  just  above  the  temple,  but  fortunately  I 
had  my  hat  on  sideways,  which  prevented  the  ball  from 
entering  the  skull ;  there  is  no  fracture.  I  have  been  bled 
twice  and  find  myself  greatly  relieved.  Remember  me  to 
Mrs.  B.  and  the  children. 

"  The  Rev.  T.  Bargus, 
"  Barkway,  near  Royston,  Hertfordshire." 

Colborne  referred  to  the  action  in  later  years  as 
follows : 

"  During  the  course  of  the  battle  General  Aber- 
cromby  came  galloping  among  our  artillery,  exclaim- 
ing, '  Now  fire  one  more  round  at  them.'  The 
officer  in  command  said,  '  We  have  no  ammunition 
left.'  '  The  first  time  I  have  ever  seen  the  artillery 
ill  served/  said  the  General,  in  vexation,  and  then, 
turning  to  the  2Oth,  '  Now  are  there  not  forty  or  fifty 
of  you  who  will  charge  with  me  into  the  village  and 
drive  the  French  back  ? "  Immediately  the  whole 
regiment  rushed  forward,  and  a  good  many  militia 
with  them,  who  had  only  just  come  from  England 
and  had  not  had  time  even  to  change  their  militia 
uniforms.  Sir  Ralph,  recognising  this,  called  out, 
'  Come  along !  You  are  as  safe  here  as  if  you  were 
in  Norfolk!' 

"  General  Hamilton  lost  his  leg  in  the  battle — his 
first  battle  and  my  first  battle,  and  so  did  Sir  Charles 
DesVceux.  Hamilton  did  not  care  a  bit  about  it, 
but  Sir  Charles  was  a  very  different  person,  of  a  low, 
nervous  temperament.  I  recollect  his  saying,  '  I 


1 6  IN  HOLLAND.  [Cn.  I. 

have  lost  my  leg,  and  on  my  birthday,  too ! ' 
Hamilton  was  going  soon  after  to  Yorkshire  to  see 
a  person  very  famous  for  making  wooden  legs,  and 
on  his  way  he  met  with  a  young  lady  with  whom  he 
fell  in  love.  She  turned  out  to  have  a  large  fortune, 
and  he  married  her;  so  he  found  a  wife  and  a 
wooden  leg  in  one  journey. 

"  My  own  wound  was  caused  by  a  bullet  which 
grazed  my  head.  I  was  taken  to  the  house  of  a 
priest,  who  treated  me  very  kindly.  The  doctors 
thought  it  a  bad  wound,  but  after  being  laid  up  for 
three  weeks  or  a  month,  and  fed  on  rice,  I  joined 
again ;  the  wound  was,  however,  still  open." 

In  the  priest's  house  Colborne  and  his  host,  says 
Miss  C.  M.  Yonge,  had  no  common  language  save 
Latin,  "  and  this  (as  he  used  to  tell)  convinced  him 
of  the  value  of  the  classical  studies  which  he  had 
hitherto  rather  despised,  and  from  that  time,  through 
all  his  stirring  life,  he  set  himself  steadily  to  self- 
improvement.  He  managed  to  acquire  French, 
Italian,  and  Spanish,  and  even  filled  quires  of  paper 
with  exercises  of  strokes  to  improve  his  handwriting." 

In  other  respects,  the  time  for  reflection  caused  by 
the  wound  seems  to  have  had  a  lasting  influence  on 
Colborne's  character.  In  the  early  days  of  his  ser- 
vice he  was,  as  he  used  to  say,  a  "  wild  fellow,"  but 
the  wound  "  sobered  him."  From  this  time  onwards 
he  was  conspicuous  for  his  extreme  abstemiousness, 
and  for  his  refusal  to  follow  the  fashionable  habit  of 
swearing.  "  I  determined,"  he  said,  "  to  abjure  it 
altogether." 

During  the  time  that  Colborne  was  laid  up  with 
his  wound,  the  Duke  of  York  landed  at  the  Helder 


1 799-]  RETURNS  TO   THE  REGIMENT.  17 

(i3th  September)  with  three  brigades  of  British 
troops,  and  was  followed  by  17,000  Russian 
auxiliaries.  Many  of  the  Russian  soldiers  wore 
medals,  which  was  astonishing  to  their  British  allies, 
as  at  that  time  no  British  medals  were  conferred  on 
private  soldiers. 

The  allied  army  attacked  the  enemy  at  Petten  on 
iQth  September,  but  without  success,  owing  to  the 
inconsiderate  valour  of  the  Russians,  and  on  the 
2nd  October  made  another  attack  on  the  position 
occupied  by  the  French  and  Dutch  troops  between 
Bergen  and  Egmont  op  Zee. 

Colborne's  presence  in  this  action  was  an  early 
proof  of  his  courage  and  determination.  It  was  only 
three  weeks  since  he  had  received  his  wound  in  the 
head,  and  he  had  tasted  nothing  but  rice  since,  but 
though  his  wound  was  by  no  means  cured,  and  his 
physicians  were  afraid  of  the  consequences  of  any 
exertion,  he  had  determined  on  joining  his  regiment 
before  the  impending  battle,  and  nothing  could 
detain  him.  He  desired  to  go  in  a  commissariat 
waggon,  but  the  commissary  would  not  permit  this, 
and  the  dispute  grew  so  violent  that  they  were  both 
taken  before  Lieutenant- Colonel  Smyth,  of  the  2oth, 
who  was  then  ill  from  wounds  received  on  loth  Sep- 
tember. Colborne,  in  a  violent  passion,  exclaimed 
to  the  commissary,  "  You  actually  think  a  bag  of 
biscuits  of  more  value  than  a  British  officer !  "  at 
which  the  Colonel  laughed  heartily,  but  said, 
"  Remember,  Colborne,  this  won't  do."  So,  being 
refused  the  commissariat  waggon,  he  had  to  do  the 
twenty  miles  on  foot.  On  the  way  he  met  Colonel 
MacDonald,  who  said,  "  Well,  Colborne,  are  you  for 


1 8  IN  HOLLAND.  [Cn.  I. 

England?  "  "  No,"  he  replied,  "  I  was  wounded  at 
Schagen  Brug,  and  am  on  my  way  to  join  my  regi- 
ment before  the  battle  1 "  Colonel  MacDonald  ex- 
pressed his  delight  at  the  spirit  shown  by  the  young 
lieutenant,  and  when  he  reached  his  regiment  he  was 
quite  repaid  for  his  long  walk  by  the  enthusiasm 
with  which  he  was  received  by  his  brother  officers. 

During  the  early  part  of  the  action,  the  2Oth  (who 
were  in  Pulteney's  column)  were  not  engaged,  but 
afterwards  deployed  and  advanced  among  the  sand 
hills,  where  they  showed  great  gallantry  in  a  fierce 
musketry  battle  lasting  till  nightfall,  in  which  they 
had  fifty  soldiers  killed  and  wounded.  The  regiment 
still  bears  "  Egmont  op  Zee "  on  its  regimental 
colours. 

Colborne  told  a  story  of  this  battle :  "  At  that  time 
we  had  so  little  baggage,  and  there  was  so  much 
difficulty  in  getting  things,  that  we  all  wore  our  large 
cloaks  strapped  on  to  us.  I  had  mine  slung  across 
my  shoulders.  I  was  standing  with  an  old  Scotch 
officer,  a  friend  of  mine,  Captain  Walker  of  the  2Oth, 
as  the  enemy  were  firing  from  a  hill  opposite  to  us, 
when  a  shot  hit  me,  at  least  on  the  cloak,  and  when  I 
took  it  off  I  found  it  had  gone  through  and  through 
every  fold.  Captain  Walker  said,  '  Ah !  I  see  they 
are  determined  to  have  you  yet.'  Captain  Powlett, 
of  the  2Oth,  received  a  wound  in  his  head,  and 
putting  up  his  hand,  exclaimed,  '  I'm  done  for! '  on 
which  I  took  the  command  of  the  company. 

"At  this  battle  a  militia  officer  named  Musket,  a 
very  fierce-looking  man,  his  face  covered  with  black 
whiskers,  &c.,  took  fright  almost  at  the  first  shot,  set 
spurs  to  his  horse,  galloped  for  his  life  to  the  Helder, 


1 799.]  BATTLE  OF  EGMONT  OP  ZEE.  19 

embarked  for  England,  and  was  never  afterwards 
heard  of.  Innumerable  were  the  jokes  and  epigrams 
made  in  the  army  on  this  occasion.  Colonel  Mac- 
Donald  declared  that  the  captain  of  the  ship,  seeing 
an  officer  arrive  at  full  gallop,  thought  he  was  the 
bearer  of  despatches,  and  sent  a  boat  off  for  him. 

"  Cunningham,  afterwards  General  Cunningham, 
was  engaged  to  be  married  just  before  embarking 
for  the  campaign.  At  Egmont  op  Zee  he  was 
wounded,  and  dreadfully  disfigured  in  the  face.  So, 
on  his  return,  he  offered  to  release  the  lady  from  her 
engagement,  saying  that  he  was  not  at  all  the  same 
person  as  the  man  to  whom  she  had  engaged  herself. 
However,  she  would  not  hear  of  it,  and  they  were 
married  immediately." 

The  result  of  the  Battle  of  Egmont  op  Zee  (or 
Alkmaar,  or  Bergen),  in  which  the  British  loss 
amounted  to  1,200  men,  was  the  capture  of  Alkmaar 
and  the  retreat  of  the  enemy  on  his  last  strong  posi- 
tion at  Beverwyk.  But  the  enemy,  on  6th  October, 
again  opposed  the  advance  of  the  allies,  and  an  in- 
decisive battle  took  place  near  Castricum,  or  Egmont 
Binnen,  in  which  the  British  lost  1,400  men — among 
the  regiments  which  suffered  most  being  the  two 
battalions  of  the  2Oth.  As  the  Dutch  did  not  appa- 
rently reciprocate  our  desire  that  they  should  abandon 
their  French  friends  and  return  to  the  allegiance  of 
the  House  of  Orange,  the  Duke  of  York  again 
retired  beyond  the  Zijp,  and  in  consequence  of  a 
capitulation  signed  at  Alkmaar  on  i8th  October  the 
allies  re-embarked  unmolested  before  the  end  of 
October,  after  restoring  8,000  prisoners.  Though 
the  land  war  in  Holland  had  thus  proved  a  failure, 


20  RETURN  TO  ENGLAND.  [Cn.  I. 

we  had  obtained  possession  of  the  Dutch  fleet  and 
the  island  of  Surinam,  which  had  surrendered  to  our 
arms  on  2Oth  August. 

John  Colborne  had  been  twice  shot  through  the 
cap  in  the  course  of  this  campaign.  On  the  return 
of  the  expedition  to  England,  as  he  was  sitting  in  a 
coffee-house  at  Yarmouth,  he  heard  two  officers  say 
to  each  other.  "  Impossible !  "  as  they  examined  the 
bullet-holes  at  a  little  distance.  They  indeed  testi- 
fied to  a  narrow  escape. 


CHAPTER    II. 

MINORCA  AND  EGYPT,  1800-1801. 

COLBORNE  thought  himself  ill-used  at  not  receiving 
promotion  for  his  services  in  Holland,  merit  in  those 
days,  as  he  held,  being  subordinated  to  interest.  He 
called  on  the  military  secretary  to  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  to  represent  his  case.  "  I  was  stammering, 
and  feeling  rather  nervous,  when  he  said, '  Come,  Sir, 
speak  up  ;  my  time  is  precious/  which  so  touched  me 
up  that  I  began  to  speak  quite  fluently — and  when 
he  asked  me  '  How  long  have  you  been  in  the  army? ' 
it  put  me  quite  in  a  rage,  and  nothing  makes  a  man 
speak  so  well  as  that.  So  I  said,  '  How  long  have 
I  been  in  the  army?  That's  nothing  to  the  purpose ; 
look  at  that  letter,  and  that.'  So  then  he  said,  '  Yes, 
Sir,  yes,  it  is  a  very  hard  case ;  put  in  on  paper,  and 
I  will  give  it  to  the  Commander-in-Chief.'  He  was 
sitting  up  at  a  desk  like  a  clerk,  and  I  recollect 
striking  the  desk  with  a  little  twig  I  had  in  my  hand 
and  saying,  '  I  do  think  it  a  confoundedly  hard  case, 
to  use  no  other  terms.' '  The  visit  seems  to  have 
been  not  without  effect,  as  on  I2th  January,  Col- 
borne,  not  yet  21,  became  brevet-captain. 

Early  in  1800  the  2Oth  Regiment  proceeded  to 
Ireland  and  was  stationed  at  Cork,  where  its  num- 
bers were  increased  by  volunteers  from  several  corps 
of  Irish  militia. 


22  IN  MINORCA.  [Cn.  II. 

In  June  the  2Oth  was  despatched  with  a  small 
expedition  against  Belle  Isle.  According  to  Miss 
Yonge*  Colborne  used  to  tell  the  story  that  as  he 
embarked  at  Cork  an  old  Irish  woman  blessed  him 
v/ith  the  prophecy  that  he  would  come  back  com- 
mander-in-chief,  a  prophecy  literally  fulfilled  fifty- 
five  years  later.  The  attack  on  Belle  Isle  having 
been  abandoned,  the  troops  were  landed  on 
the  little  isle  of  Houat,  where  for  a  week  they  had 
nothing  to  do  but  to  gallop  about  on  the  rough 
ponies  with  which  the  island  abounded.  The  regi- 
ment then  proceeded  to  the  island  of  Minorca,  where 
it  remained  ten  months. 

The  following  letter  was  written  soon  after  the 
disembarkation  to  his  elder  sister,  Miss  Colborne  :  — 

"  Fort  George, 

"  loth  September,  1800. 

"  Dear  Delia, — Have  you  not  been  daily  expecting  a 
large  quantity  of  Genoa  velvet?  I  am  sorry  to  say  the 
velvet  must  now  be  changed  into  Minorca  honey.  I  am 
very  much  disappointed.  After  our  expectations  had  been 
raised  with  the  idea  of  co-operating  with  the  Austrian 
army,  we  find  ourselves  garrison  troops  at  Minorca,  with 
our  light  baggage  only.  My  wardrobe  consists  of  four 
shirts,  as  many  stockings,  and  other  necessaries  in  propor- 
tion— very  agreeable  in  a  hot  climate.  Our  original 
destination  was  Genoa — but  through  the  late  arrival  of 
Sir  Ralph  Abercrombie  and  the  treachery  of  Melas'  armyt 
the  grand  expedition  which  has  covered  the  seas  for  so 
long  a  time  was  rendered  useless.  Until  /  am  at  the  head 
of  affairs  these  expeditions  never  will  be  properly 
managed. 

*  Wykehamist,  June,  1896. 
f  Melas  was  defeated  by  Napoleon  at  Marengo,  I4th  June,  1800. 


i8oo.]  LIFE  AT  FORT  GEORGE.  23 

"  The  battalions  of  the  2Oth,  from  the  time  of  their  enter- 
ing the  harbour  of  Mahon,  voluntarily  remained  on  board, 
hoping  there  would  still  be  some  expedition  going  on. 
Two  days  before  Sir  Ralph  sailed  we  were  ordered  to 
disembark,  as  he  had  received  orders  from  England  to 
leave  behind  those  regiments  which  received  militia.  The 
men,  as  much  disappointed  as  their  officers,  and  thinking 
the  expedition  might  be  going  out  of  Europe,  volunteered 
for  general  service.  The  Commander-in-Chief  could  not 
accept  their  services  without  an  order  from  England.* 

"  I  am  quartered  at  Fort  George  (formerly  Fort  St. 
Philip),  remarkable  for  the  siege  in  1782.  I  send  this  by 
the  '  Guillaume  Tell/  one  of  the  Nile  fleet  that  escaped  in 
Nelson's  action.  If  you  can  steal  a  few  old  newspapers 
dated  since  the  latter  end  of  May  (for  I  have  not  perused 
a  paper  from  the  time  I  left  Sweet  Ireland),  send  them 
to  me,  and  I  shall  be  yours  for  ever.  You  must  learn 
Italian  immediately,  for  I  speak  nothing  but  the  '  bella 
lingua  Toscana.'  I  mean  to  make  the  Grand  Tour  as  soon 
as  the  Governor  and  the  dollars  will  permit.  By  the  way, 
I  must  tell  you  that  we  are  well  paid  in  this  island,  and, 
what  is  more,  I  save  money  for  the  first  time  in  my  life. 
The  sun  has  already  made  some  impression  on  me,  inas- 
much as  that  I  am  getting  very  thin  and,  of  course,  genteel. 
The  word  'thin'  reminds  me  of  the  garrison  of  Malta, 
who  have  entered  the  harbour  this  morning,  starved  out  of 
the  fortification  of  Valetta.t 

"  As  I  am  not  to  be  actively  employed,  I  prefer  this  place 
to  England  I  can  live  on  my  pay  comfortably,  I  have 
good  rooms,  and  I  have  an  opportunity  now  of  spending 
(except  when  on  duty)  the  greater  part  of  the  day  in  pri- 
vate. I  assure  you  I  am  sensible  of  the  number  of  days 
that  I  have  lost,  and  am  determined  now,  in  a  manner,  to 
regain  them.  I  am  now  astonished,  on  reflection,  how  I 

*  Militia-men  were  received  in  regiments  of  the  line  with  the 
stipulation  that  they  should  not  be  employed  out  of  Europe. 

f  Malta  surrendered  to  the  British  forces  early  in  September,  1800, 
after  an  investment  of  nearly  two  years. 


24  IN  MINORCA.  [Cn.  II. 

could  have  thrown  away  so  much  good  time,  and  as  activity 
of  mind  gives  life  to  the  most  dreary  desert,  so  I  am  willing 
to  convert  this  dull  fortress  into  a  social  world ;  for  the 
constant  society  of  redcoats  to  a  military  man  is  no  society. 
Female  society  we  have  none.  The  Minorca  ladies  are 
some  of  them  pretty,  but  disfigure  themselves  much  by 
their  dress,  wearing  their  hair  down  to  their  feet  twisted 
in  the  form  of  a  cow's  tail,  a  close  cap,  and  formidable 
stays  with  a  peak  as  long  as  Teneriffe.  A  strange  custom 
and  barbarous,  the  parents  have,  of  sending  their  daughters 
that  are  pretty  to  a  nunnery — the  '  uglies  '  are  suffered  to 
enjoy  the  pomps  and  vanities.  The  military  are  obliged 
to  behave  very  reverently  to  the  friars,  and  pay  the  great- 
est respect  to  the  religions  of  the  country.  There  are 
about  nine  monasteries  and  two  nunneries  in  the  island 
But  one  nun  has  been  stolen  from  the  convents  since  the 
arrival  of  the  British.  This  holy  sister  was  carried  off  by 
an  officer  of  the  42nd  Regiment,  but  was  obliged  to  be 
sent  back  in  faded  splendour  wan. 

"  Fancy,  how  sublime,  romantic,  and  picturesque,  to  see 
and  hear  the  happy  swains  playing  under  the  windows  of 
their  charming  brunettes.  This  is  the  mode  of  making 
love.  They  are  only  allowed  to  see  the  fair  for  the  first 
two  years  at  the  window,  except  at  Mass.  The  third  year 
they  are  admitted  to  kiss  the  hand,  and  the  fourth,  if  agree- 
able to  the  parties,  the  courtship  ends.  As  I  think  a 
month's  attendance  on  these  occasions  is  quite  sufficient,  I 
have  no  chance  of  marrying  here.  The  society  you  would 
like,  I  have  no  doubt,  and,  when  tired,  you  would  have  an 
opportunity  of  entering  a  very  elegant  nunnery,  which  is 
a  place  I  would  recommend  to  you  if  you  would  promise 
not  to  run  away  and  bring  disgrace  on  the  sisterhood. — I 
am,  yours  affectionately, 

"J.   COLBORNE. 

"Miss  Colborne,  Salton." 

At  Minorca  Colborne  did  indeed  set  himself — as 
he  hinted — to  "  redeem  the  time."  "  I  used  to  ride 


iSoi.]  ORDERED   TO  EGYPT.  2$ 

at  four  o'clock  every  morning  several  miles  to  a  man 
who  taught  me  French,  Italian  and  drawing.  I 
used  to  translate  Latin  into  Italian.  I  used  to  ride 
back  again  by  ten,  and  tie  up  my  horse  in  the  town 
and  be  in  time  for  parade.  My  time  in  Minorca 
was  a  very  happy  one."  He  adds  one  little  trait: 
"  We  could  get  no  vegetables  in  Minorca  except 
pumpkins,  and  we  used  to  have  pies  made  of  them, 
mashing  them  with  pepper." 

Meanwhile  Lieutenant-General  Sir  Ralph  Aber- 
cromby  had  proceeded  with  a  British  force  to  Egypt 
to  force  the  French  "Army  of  the  East"  to 
evacuate  that  country.  A  landing  was  effected  on 
the  8th  March,  and  three  engagements  favourable 
to  British  arms  followed;  but  on  the  2ist  March 
Sir  Ralph  Abercromby  was  mortally  wounded  and 
the  command  devolved  on  Lieutenant-General. 
Hutchinson.  Hutchinson  advanced  up  the  country 
to  attack  Cairo.  Reinforcements  were  ordered  to 
join  the  army  in  Egypt,  and  on  the  24th  June  the 
20th  Regiment  embarked  from  Minorca,  and  landing 
in  Aboukir  Bay  on  24th  July,  took  post  on  the  east 
side  of  Alexandria.  Lieutenant-General  Hutchin- 
son, having  returned  from  Cairo,  whose  garrison  had 
capitulated  on  27th  June,  resolved  to  press  the  siege 
of  Alexandria  with  vigour.  This  was  the  situation 
when  Colborne  wrote  the  following  letter  to  his  step- 
father : 

"  Camp  before  Alexandria, 

"  ;th  August,  1 80 1. 

"  Dear  Sir, — We  arrived  in  the  Bay  of  Aboukir  the 
1 7th  of  July,  after  a  short  passage  from  Minorca,  and  are 
now  encamped  about  five  miles  from  Alexandria  on  a 


26  IN  EGYPT.  [Cn.  II. 

sandy  desert,  the  sea  on  our  right  and  a  large  lake  on  our 
left,  which  has  been  cut  so  as  to  inundate  a  vast  extent  of 
country.  I  see  Pompey's  pillar  at  a  distance,  and  probably 
in  a  few  days  shall  have  an  opportunity  of  inspecting  it 
nearer,  as  the  attack  is  to  be  made  on  Menou's  strong 
position  before  the  town,  as  soon  as  the  French  that  capitu- 
lated at  Cairo  are  embarked.  They  consist  of  9,000 
effective  Frenchmen,  4,000  auxiliaries,  Greeks,  Copts, 
&c,  and  63  pieces  of  cannon.  General  Hutchinson  is 
thought  to  have  acted  politically  in  getting  so  large  a  force 
out  of  the  country  without  fighting — his  forces  consisting 
but  of  5,000  English,  the  rest  being  Turks,  who  are  any- 
thing but  soldiers,  a  mere  undisciplined  rabble,  not  to  be 
depended  on.  General  Coote  commands  the  division 
before  Alexandria,  which  has  remained  inactive  since  the 
2  ist  March.  There  is  now  an  immense  army  here,  in 
general  healthy,  sore  eyes  being  the  chief  complaint,  which 
occasions  frequently  loss  of  sight  for  a  month  or  six  weeks. 
There  are  but  few  instances  of  men  going  blind  entirely. 
I  prefer  the  climate  to  Minorca.  Here  you  have  a  fine, 
steady  breeze  continually  blowing  from  the  north-west ; 
there,  during  three  months,  not  a  breath  of  wind  can  be 
perceived.  We  have  only  to  dread  the  Sirrock,  or  hot 
southerly  wind,  which  has  blown  but  twice  since  the  arrival 
of  the  army.  Sir  Ralph  was  told  by  the  Consul,  Baldwin, 
that  no  water  could  be  found,  but  fortunately  we  get  water 
by  digging  under  any  palm  tree,  of  which  there  are  plenty 
— indeed,  Julius  Caesar  has  shown  us  the  way,  who  says 
he  found  *  copia  dulcis  aquae '  by  digging  near  the  sea. 
The  leaves  of  the  palm  afford  us  shelter— we  make  com- 
fortable huts  from  them  which  enable  us  to  enjoy  the 
breeze,  at  the  same  time  screening  us  from  the  burning 
sun. — Yours  affectionately, 

"  J.  C. 
"The  Rev.  T.  Bargus,  Barkway." 

In  after  days  Colborne  told  a  story  of  the  siege  of 
Alexandria.     "  As  I  and  another  officer  were  walk- 


i8oi.]  ALEXANDRIA    TAKEN.  27 

ing  round  the  walls,  a  French  officer  called  out  to 
us  from  the  rampart  and  told  us  there  was  a  friend 
of  his  whom  we  had  taken  prisoner  to  whom  he 
wished  to  send  a  letter  and  some  money.  He  then 
threw  the  letter  and  a  purse  over  to  us.  I  thought 
it  showed  great  confidence  in  English  officers.  I 
inquired  about  the  prisoner,  who  had  been  wounded, 
and  sent  him  the  money.53 

Before  the  date  of  the  conclusion  of  the  following 
letter  Alexandria  had  fallen. 

"  Camp  near  Alexandria, 

"  2Qth  August. 

"Dear  Sir, — The  army  remained  inactive  till  the  i/th 
August,  when  General  Coote  sailed  up  the  Lake  Mareotis 
with  4,000  men,  and  landed  without  opposition  near  Mara- 
bou, westward  of  Alexandria.  The  same  day  General 
Hutchinson  forced  the  enemy  from  a  strong  position  on 
the  east  side.  Coote  advanced  on  the  2ist  three  miles; 
the  enemy  retired  in  great  confusion,  leaving  us  seven 
pieces  of  cannon.  We  encamped  within  three  quarters 
of  a  mile  of  Alexandria.  Our  camp  was  annoyed  by 
shells  from  the  French  batteries  previous  to  our  attacking 
another  of  their  positions  on  the  night  of  the  2/th  [25th?] 
August,  which  was  carried  without  any  loss.  The  same 
night  they  endeavoured  to  make  our  picquets  retire  by 
firing  at  us  about  two  hours.  Next  morning  General 
Menou  requested  a  cessation  of  hostilities  in  order  to 
arrange  the  terms  of  capitulation. 

"  2nd  September.  Our  grenadiers  this  day  marched  into 
the  principal  forts  of  the  enemy,  agreeable  to  the  Articles 
of  Capitulation,  which  are  much  the  same  as  those  of  Cairo. 
Thus  has  ended  the  Egyptian  expedition,  in  which  neither 
French  or  English  generals  have  displayed  great  military 
talents.  However,  those  who  read  the  elegant  letters  of 
Hutchinson  will  be  persuaded  that  he  is  one  of  the  greatest 
generals  of  the  age. 


28  IN  EGYPT.  [Cn.  If. 

"  That  part  of  the  army  which  arrived  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  affair  have  suffered  unexampled  hardships 
with  cheerfulness,  and  on  every  occasion  shown  courage 
and  discipline.  Since  the  death  of  Sir  Ralph,*  Fortune 
has  decidedly  been  Hutchinson's  greatest  friend  in  every 
instance.  The  French  generals  have  either  behaved 
treacherously  or  injudiciously.  We  are  not  permitted  to 
enter  Alexandria  yet.  The  country  immediately  about  us 
is  much  improved  by  the  junction  of  the  lakes  Maadie  and 
Mareotis,t  lately  stinking  marshes.  By  the  heaps  of  ruins, 
catacombs  and  baths  (which,  of  course,  are  called  Cleo- 
patra's), it  appears  Alexandria  extended  as  far  as  our  en- 
campment formerly. 

"  Sir  Sydney  Smith  is  now  off  the  Old  Harbour,  about  to 
take  possession  of  a  Venetian  64  and  two  frigates, 
'  L'Egyptienne '  and  '  La  Justice/  which  are  now  in  a  fine 
bason  near  the  town ;  the  entrance  is  rendered  difficult  by 
shallows.  The  New  Harbour  is  on  the  east  side  of  the 
town  and  separated  from  the  Old  by  a  presqu'isle,  at  the 
end  of  which  is  Pharos.  The  harbourage  is  bad,  and  ships 
are  exposed  to  the  northerly  winds.  Pompey's  Pillar  rises 
majestically  from  amidst  the  sand  hills,  about  half  a  mile 
from  the  town,  composed  of  three  pieces  of  granite,  the 
base,  shaft  and  capital.  They  say  it  is  94  feet  high.  I 
have  not  measured  it.  I  have  more  than  once  trembled 
lest  this  vast  work,  which  has  so  long  withstood  time, 
should  be  demolished  or  injured  by  the  shot  from  our 
gunboats,  whose  fire  was  directed  at  a  redoubt  very  near 
it.  I  am  happy  to  find  the  balls  have  paid_  respect  to  this 
elegant  column.  General  Coote  made  a  regimental  band 
play  '  God  Save  the  King '  round  it  this  morning.  There 
appears  no  historical  proof  why  it  should  be  called  Pom- 
pey's Pillar,  Damietta  being  the  place  where  he  fell.  M. 
Sonnini  is  anxious  it  should  be  called  hereafter  Buona- 
parte's Pillar,  or  the  Column  of  the  French  Republic,  and 
says, '  Posterity  will  recollect  that  this  was  the  headquarters 

*  On  the  28th  March  preceding, 
f  1 2th  and  I3th  April. 


i8oi.]  ALEXANDRIA.  29 

from  whence  Buonaparte  issued  orders  for  the  escalade, 
and  it  is  not  easy  to  determine  whether  of  the  two  heroes, 
the  Founder  or  Restorer,  will  excite  most  admiration  in 
their  eyes.'  Were  you  to  see  the  wretches  whom  the 
Restorer  fought  against,  and  the  old  towers  that  were 
taken  by  escalade,  the  point  would  easily  be  determined  in 
your  own  mind.  Alexandria,  at  that  time,  was  only  sur- 
rounded by  the  old  walls  erected  by  the  Arabs  on  their 
invasion.  This  enclosure  forms  modern  Alexandria.  The 
Grand  Vizier's  army  is  composed  of  the  most  despicable 
rabble  ever  collected  together.  The  annihilation  of 
Turkey  is  at  no  great  distance ;  not  even  a  Belisarius 
would  save  this  sinking  State.  These  people,  the  proudest 
in  the  world  without  any  reason,  now  condescend  to  shake 
an  Englishman  cordially  by  the  hand  and  pass  him  with 
the  greatest  respect,  repeating  frequently,  '  Buono  Inglese.' 
As  for  Buonaparte,  they  have  curtailed  his  name,  and  now 
know  him  by  no  other  than  '  Parte.'  The  Indian  army  is 
at  Rosetta — they  remain  in  Egypt  for  the  present.  So 
pleasant  is  the  climate  to  me  that  should  no  other  expedi- 
tion take  place  I  would  rather  remain  also.  The  oph- 
thalmia is  much  in  the  army,  fevers  are  very  common  also., 
I  never  enjoyed  better  health,  having  had  no  complaint 
since  my  arrival.  I  intend  going  to  Rosetta  to-morrow  on 
my  way  to  the  Pyramids. 

"  It  is  most  probable  that  we  shall  perform  quarantine 
at  Gozo,  a  small  isle  near  Malta. 

"  The  climate  in  whose  praise  I  have  been  so  lavish  has 
carried  off  in  a  few  hours  my  most  intimate  friend,  a 
young  man  respected  by  the  whole  regiment. — Yours 
affectionately  and  sincerely, 

"J.  C." 

The  20th  was  detained  in  Egypt  for  two  months 
more. 

"  Camp  near  Alexandria, 

"  5th  November,  1801. 

"  Dear  Sir, — We  have  been  encamped  since  September 


30  IN  EGYPT.  [Cn.  II. 

on  very  unpleasant  ground  near  Pompey's  Pillar.  The 
dust,  in  which  there  is  a  mixture  of  lime,  annoys  us  per- 
petually. At  present  there  are  240  men  blind  in  the  bat- 
talion. We  expect  to  sail  in  a  few  days — Malta,  it  is  sup- 
posed, will  be  our  winter  quarters.  Five  thousand  men 
remain  here,  exclusive  of  the  Indian  army — they  consist  of 
the  Irish  regiments  and  the  Foreign  Brigade.  Alexandria 
is  a  most  villainous  town — Cleopatra's  Needles  and  a  few 
baths  are  the  only  antiquities  to  be  seen  in  this  once  splen- 
did city,  except  some  granite  pillars  which  you  frequently 
see  adorning  a  mud-house. 

"  I  have  been  to  Rosetta.*  The  streets  are  similar  to 
those  of  Alexandria,  but  the  eye  is  refreshed  by  the  green 
fields  of  the  Delta  and  the  Nile  running  rapidly  by  them. 
From  Rosetta  we  proceeded  to  Cairo.  The  Nile  was  at 
its  height.  It  does  not  inundate  the  whole  country  like  a 
sea,  as  travellers  have  represented,  but  seems  perfectly 
under  the  control  of  the  husbandmen,  who,  by  canals  and 
wheels,  admit  what  quantity  of  water  they  think  proper 
into  their  fields.  We  made  our  headquarters  at  Gizeh,  a 
village  where  Murat  Bey  formerly  resided,  situated  oppo- 
site Cairo  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Nile.  We  set  out  from 
this  place  at  10  o'clock  p.m.,  and  managed  to  be  on  the 
top  of  one  of  the  Pyramids  before  sunrise. 

"  Cairo  is  a  large,  stinking,  ill-built  town.  The  streets 
are  so  exceedingly  narrow  that  it  requires  some  exertion  to 
pass  through  the  groups  of  Arabs,  Mamaloucs  and  Turks, 
mules  and  loaded  animals,  which  latter  take  up  the  whole 

*  "  While  we  were  at  Rosetta  we  met  one  or  two  parties  and  with 
one  of  them  was  an  old  brother  officer  of  the  2Oth,  Captain  Colborne. 
He  was  very  much  teased  with  the  musquitos  one  night  when  many  of 
us  were  lying  down  to  rest  in  a  large  room  at  one  of  the  inns  at  Rosetta  : 
he  thought  he  would  hit  upon  a  plan  to  give  the  musquitos  the  slip, 
thinking  they  were  on  the  walls  of  the  room  ;  he  therefore  shifted 
his  bed  to  the  middle  of  the  room,  and  much  to  our  amusement  the 
musquitos  attacked  him  worse  than  ever,  and  I  believe  few  of  us  had 
any  rest  that  night  ;  we  tried  to  smoke  them  out,  but  all  would  not  do, 
and  we  arose  in  the  morning  very  little  refreshed." — Lieut.-Col.  Chas. 
Steevens,  Reminiscences  of  my  Military  Life,  p.  31. 


i8oi.]  NEWS  OF  PEACE.  31 

breadth  of  the  street  The  only  decent  part  to  be  seen  is 
the  Place  d'Eau,  a  large  square  where  Menou  has  built  a 
house  a  la  Turque. 

"  There  happened  a  few  days  since  a  most  horrid 
assassination,  which  now  makes  every  Englishman  ashamed 
to  have  acted  with  such  detestable  allies.  The  Mamalouc 
Beys,  who  have  materially  assisted  in  expelling  the  French, 
and  whom  the  Commander-in-Chief  promised  to  protect  on 
the  arrival  of  the  army  in  Egypt,  were  invited  by  the 
Pacha  to  a  magnificent  breakfast.  He  afterwards  per- 
suaded seven  of  them  to  enter  his  boat  on  pretence  of 
calling  on  Lord  Cavan,  the  commandant  of  Alexandria. 
In  a  few  minutes  he  changed  his  boat  and  went  on  shore, 
pretending  a  despatch  had  arrived  from  the  Grand  Vizier. 
Another  boat  came  alongside  of  that  which  the  Beys  were 
in,  filled  with  armed  soldiers,  and  massacred  Osman  Bey 
and  four  others.  General  Hutchinson  has  behaved  with 
spirit,  and  has  acted  like  a  soldier,  if  not  as  a  politician.* 
The  affair  now  detains  us  here. 

"  The  news  of  Peace  has  just  reached  us,  but  not 
officially.! — Yours  affectionately, 

"  J.  C." 

At  the  moment  of  the  fall  of  Alexandria  General 
Baird  had  arrived  with  an  Indian  army  in  fine  order, 
but  found  nothing  for  him  to  do.  Colborne  had 
some  idea  of  joining  him  on  his  return  to  India,  but 
abandoned  the  intention.  He  said  afterwards,  "  It 
would  have  made  a  great  change  in  my  fortunes  if 
I  had  gone." 

Colborne's  love  of  knowledge  often  led  him  into 

*  Colborne  told  the  story  in  1847.  "  General  Hutchinson  went  to 
the  Pacha's  tent  and  upbraided  him  with  it,  and  he  said  it  was  not 
his  doing.  *  I  had  received  my  orders — what  could  I  do  ?  '  We 
buried  them  with  military  honours,  and  it  was  a  most  impressive 
spectacle." 

f  The  "  Lodi "  brig  carrying  the  official  intimation  entered  Alex- 
andria on  November  i5th. 


32  EMBARKATION  FROM  EGYPT.  [Cn.  II. 

rash  escapades.  One  of  these  seems  to  have  occu- 
pied his  last  days  in  Egypt.  "  I  rode  a  very  foolish 
expedition  by  myself,  day  and  night,  all  through  the 
Turkish  camps,  and  when  I  got  back  to  Alexandria 
I  found  the  army  was  to  sail  next  day." 


(     33     ) 


CHAPTER    III. 

MALTA,   1802-1805. 

FROM  Egypt  the  2Oth  was  sent  to  Malta  (disembark- 
ing on  Qth  December),  which  island,  according  to 
the  terms  of  the  Peace  of  Amiens,  we  were  then 
to  evacuate.  However,  owing  to  the  ambiguous 
conduct  of  Bonaparte,  the  British  Government 
determined  to  retain  the  island,  and  war  soon  broke 
out  afresh.  Colborne  had  not  been  long  in  Malta 
when,  taking  advantage  of  the  interval  of  peace,  he 
obtained  leave  to  spend  some  months  in  an  adven- 
turous tour  through  Sicily  and  Calabria,  and  thus 
acquired  a  knowledge  of  those  countries  which  was 
afterwards  of  much  use.  He  found  some  brother 
officers  ready  to  accompany  him,  among  them 
Robert  Ross,  afterwards  the  victor  of  Bladensburg, 
and  the  Hon.  William  Lumley.  One  night  at  an  inn, 
as  Colborne  used  to  relate,  the  people  came  round 
and  began  firing  into  the  windows  at  them.  He 
knew  no  reason,  unless  it  was  that  one  of  his  com- 
panions had  given  some  offence  in  the  town  during 
their  visit.  On  another  occasion  they  lost  their  way 
late  one  night  and  got  into  a  river,  after  which  they 
were  shown  to  a  gentleman's  house,  who  received 
them  very  kindly  and  entertained  them  for  several 
days.  Strange  to  say,  four  years  later,  this  casual 

c 


34  IN  MALTA.  [Cn.  III. 

acquaintance  was  renewed,  the  British  force  being 
encamped,  after  the  battle  of  Maida,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  this  gentleman's  house.  Some  other 
incidents  of  the  tour  we  may  give  in  Colborne's  own 
words : 

"  In  Sicily  a  tailor  once  sent  in  a  bill  about  four 
times  as  much  as  it  should  have  been,  so  we  agreed 
to  pay  each  £3  and  present  it  on  the  points  of  our 
swords.  The  tailor,  thus  treated,  would  not  take  the 
money,  so  we  went  on  presenting  it  till  he  was  driven 
into  a  corner,  and  every  time  the  sword  touched  him, 
screamed  out  *  O  Signori  !  '  At  last  he  snatched  the 
money  from  each  of  the  swords  and  ran  off  as  hard  as 
he  could.  Afterwards,  on  our  tour,  whenever  they 
brought  us  a  bill  which  we  thought  too  much,  Ross, 
a  very  funny  fellow,  always  said,  '  I  think  we  must 
prick  this  man.' 

"  None  of  us  could  speak  Italian,  but  we  had  an 
Italian  grammar  with  us,  and  we  had  learnt  a  list  of 
adjectives  and  expletives.  So  at  one  place — where 
the  man  charged  too  much — we  went  on  calling  him 
one  term  of  abuse  after  another,  the  man  quite  sur- 
prised where  we  could  have  got  them  all,  till  we  came 
to  '  Boja  '  ('  hangman J),  which  made  him  very  angry. 
Afterwards,  when  we  were  coming  back,  we  stopped 
a  night  at  the  same  place  and  called  at  the  inn.  The 
man  looked  out,  recognized  us,  and  shouting,  '  lo 
non  sono  Boja'  slammed  the  door  in  our  faces." 

"  Malta, 

"20th  April,  1802. 

"Dear  Sir,— I  am  lately  returned  from  Sicily.  The 
description  of  it  by  Brydone  is  poetry.  I  was  much  disap- 
pointed in  this  renowned  island  We  landed  at  Syracuse, 


1802.]  TOUR  IN  ITALY.  35 

a  miserable  hole,  and  then  proceeded  to  Catania,  slept  at 
a  village  on  the  mountain,  and  ascended  to  the  crater  early 
in  the  morning,  a  dangerous  experiment  at  this  time  of  the 
year.  The  effect  of  the  cold  we  did  not  recover  [from]  for 
many  hours. 

"  Messina  was  our  next  stage,  from  which  place  we 
crossed  to  the  town  of  Scylla.  The  current  is  amazingly 
rapid,  and  our  Messinese  mariners  were  as  much  frightened 
at  it  as  their  forefathers  could  have  been  at  Scylla  and 
Charybdis. 

"  We  experienced  many  difficulties  in  passing  through 
Calabria  to  Naples — the  greatest  obstacles  were  rivers 
swollen  by  the  rains.  I  found  my  swimming  of  use  to  me. 
The  Calabrian  gentlemen  were  very  polite,  and  we  made 
it  an  invariable  rule  to  enter  the  best  house  in  the  town 
[where]  we  halted.  We  travelled  in  uniform,  and  being 
English  officers,  it  was  a  sufficient  introduction  to  the  in- 
habitants. Having  seen  Vesuvius,  Naples  and  all  the 
lions,  we  returned  by  Palermo,  where  we  saw  his  Sicilian 
majesty,  whose  chief  employment  is  making  butter. 
Although  his  amusements  are  so  innocent,  yet  he  is  a 
detested  tyrant  It  is  a  most  miserable  government  that 
these  Neapolitans  and  Sicilians  live  under,  and  they  are 
such  wretches  a  -principio  that  they  deserve  no  better. 

"  The  second  battalion  is  about  to  be  reduced.  I  stand 
seemingly,  with  or  without  a  company.  On  the  battalions 
being  consolidated  we  shall  have  about  1,000  men  for 
general  sendee.  We  evacuate  this  island  in  two  months, 
and  then  to  the  West  Indies  it  is  reported  we  go.  Eighty 
of  our  men  are  sent  home  blind,  who  I  think  will  never 
recover  their  sight — Yours  affectionately, 

"J.   COLBORNE." 


"2gth  April,  1802. 

"  Dear  Delia, — I  have  heard  nothing  of  you  for  an  age. 
You  either  do  not  pay  the  inland  postage  or  never  write. 
One  letter  only  have  I  received  from  you  in  Egypt, 


C  2 


36  IN  MALTA.  [Cn.  III. 

although  I  have  expended  a  quire  of  paper  in  writing  to 
you.  We  expect  to  evacuate  Malta  in  a  month.  It  is 
reported  that  we  are  destined  for  the  West  Indies.  If 
that  be  really  our  destination,  you  may  expect  me  to  return 
in  the  course  of  three  or  four  years,  not  with  the  fat  cheeks 
that  you  were  wont  to  see,  but  emaciated,  scorched  and 
shrivelled  beneath  the  burning  zone.  You  will  be  unable 
to  trace  my  unmeaning  features. 

"  Garstin,  of  the  2Oth  Regiment,  your  coz,  has  been  here 
a  long  time  sick.  I  recollect  you  once  mentioned  that  he 
was  a  handsome  man,  from  which  speech  I  must  infer  that 
either  your  eyes  deceived  you  or  that  the  poor  animal  is 
miserably  fallen  away. 

'  Meagre  and  very  rueful  were  his  looks, 
Sharp  misery  had  worn  him  to  the  bones. 
Famine  is  in  his  cheeks.' 

(Otway,  hem!)  * 

"  I  am  not  exactly  certain  whether  it  is  sharp  misery 
that  has  made  the  man  such  an  object,  but  at  present  1 
am  at  a  loss  whether  to  compare  him  to  the  Apothecary  in 
Caius  Marius,  or  Lismahago.t  He  was  very  attentive 
and  polite  to  me  in  Egypt 

"  Charles  Greville  passed  this  place  on  his  way  to 
England.  He  is  not  a  great  coxcomb,  only  the  poor  man 
can't  open  his  mouth.  '  Will  you  dine  with  me  to-day, 
Greville  ?  '  Three  times  was  I  obliged  to  repeat  the  ques- 
tion before  I  could  discover  whether  he  said  '  yes '  or 
*  no.'  At  last,  by  a  certain  motion  of  his  head,  I  conceived 
that  he  answered  in  the  affirmative.  He  certainly  is  a  very 
fine  young  man. 

"  I  have  been  three  months  in  Sicily  and  Naples,  experi- 
enced many  difficulties  in  passing  through  the  most 
romantic  country  in  the  world,  Calabria — saw  Hercu- 

*  Colborne  is  quoting  from  Otway's  History  and  Fall  of  Caius 
Marius,  a  classicized  version  of  Romeo  and  Juliet.  All  that  is  Otway's 
in  these  lines  is  the  addition,  "and  very  rueful  ";  the  rest  is  Shake- 
speare's, though  Colborne  was  perhaps  unaware  of  it. 

f  In  Smollett's  Humphry  Blinker. 


i8o2.]  TOUR  IN  ITALY.  37 

laneum,  Pompeii,  Pozzoli,  Baias  and  Cumaa,  and  ascended 
the  two  mountains  ^Etna  and  Vesuvius— and  am  returned, . 
perfect  master  of  Italian,  speak  it  fluently,  much  better  than 
a  Neapolitan  and  full  as  well  as  a  Roman — never  praise 
yourself.  I  shall  not  attempt  giving  a  description  of  these 
countries,  the  history  of  which,  both  antient  and  modern, 
you  are  so  well  acquainted  with.  Besides,  any  poetical 
descriptions  would  swell  my  letter  too  much.  I  presume 
you  have  read  Brydone.  I  have  discovered  that  his 
volumes  are  poesy,  that  is,  fiction,  the  greatest  part;  he 
deserves  praise  for  his  ingenuity.  I  doubt  whether  he  ever 
visited  Sicily. 

"  I  am  afraid  now  my  chance  for  a  company  is  not  great, 
unless  we  go  to  the  West  Indies,  where,  if  we  go,  I  would 
not  compound  for  a  majority. 

"  You  will  say  this  is  a  strange  hand  he  writes  now,  but 
know,  this  is  a  pattern  for  you  to  copy — I  think  there  are 
more  words  in  one  page  of  this  than  in  any  letter  I  have 
ever  received  from  you.  Your  words  are  in  general  so 
stretched,  that  even  if  you  had  news  or  inclination  to  fill 
your  epistle,  no  common  sheet  of  paper  would  contain  your 
thoughts. 

"  I  see  by  the  paper  my  Uncle  Colborne  is  dead,  the  last 
of  the  family  that  was  good  for  anything  (present  company 
excepted). 

"  As  for  Mrs.  G. — ,  I  will  never  call  on  her  if  I  should  be 
in  London  for  a  year.  I  recollect  that  woman  opened  a 
letter  of  yours  about  six  years  ago.  It  has  made  an  im- 
pression on  my  mind.  She  must  be  an  old  sinner,  for  a 
woman  or  a  man  that  would  commit  the  above-mentioned 
action  would  not  scruple  at  any  mischief.  Am  sorry  you 
called  on  her. — Yours  affectionately, 

"J.  COLBORNE." 

The  following  reminiscences  relate  to  this  time. 
"  When  I  was  in  Sicily,  on  my  return  from  Cala- 
bria, an  officer  at  Malta  in  order  to  escape  marrying 


38  IN  MALTA.  [Cn.  III. 

a  lady  or  being  assassinated  by  her  brother,  set  off 
in  a  tremendous  storm  in  a  little  shironata,  and  sailed 
to  Syracuse.  It  was  a  great  wonder  that  he  was 
not  swamped.  We  were  all  watching  her  in.  After 
he  had  arrived  and  told  his  story,  an  American  sea 
captain  who  was  present  said  to  him,  '  Sir,  I  would 
rather  have  married  the  vilest  woman  on  earth 
than  have  set  out  in  such  a  storm  as  this ! J 

'  This  American  captain  was  a  very  ugly  fellow — 
the  ugliest  man  I  ever  saw.  At  Gibraltar  there  was 
an  officer — I  forget  his  name — but  he  was  always 
called  '  Ugly  Jack/  One  day,  when  this  American 
captain  was  on  the  parade  ground,  he  went  up  to 
this  officer,  and  pulling  out  a  snuff-box,  said,  '  There, 
Sir,  that's  yours.1  '  How  mine  ?  What  do  you 
mean  ? '  *  Why,  that  snuff-box  was  given  me  to  give 
to  any  man  that  I  found  uglier  than  myself,  and  I 
think  I've  found  him ! ' 

'  The  same  man  once  said  to  me,  '  The  President 
asked  me  what  I  thought  of  having  chaplains  on 
board  every  ship,  and  I  said,  "  I  don't  like  it  at  all, 
I  have  sailed  in  six  or  seven  British  ships  and  only 
met  one  respectable  chaplain." 

"  He  said  at  another  time,  '  Your  navy  will  be 
much  better  than  ours ;  there  are  very  few  of  us  old 
fellows  left  in  our  navy,  and  when  we  are  gone  it 
will  be  worth  nothing ! ' 

"  He  once  gave  a  ball  at  Naples,  and  borrowed 
a  beautiful  band,  and  after  the  ball  was  over  he  sailed 
away  and  took  the  band  off  to  America,  as  a  present 
to  the  President.  For  this  he  was  dismissed  the 


service." 


During  the  2Oth's  long  stay  in  Malta,  from  1802 


I802-S-]  STUDIOUS  HABITS.  39 

to  1805,  it  was  quartered  first  at  Vittoriosa,  later, 
from  May,  1803,  at  Valetta.*  Colborne  remained 
still  zealous  for  self-improvement.  "  At  Malta,"  he 
once  said,  "  I  was  learning  several  things,  and 
wanted  all  the  time  I  could  get,  so  I  had  a  bell 
fixed  to  my  bed  and  gave  a  man  a  dollar  or  so  a 
month  to  ring  it  at  four  every  morning  when  he 
went  to  ring  the  bell  of  the  neighbouring  church; 
and  I  used  to  get  up  immediately.  I  found,  after 
the  first  two  or  three  mornings,  that  I  awoke  before 
the  bell  rang.  Among  other  things,  as  it  was  the 
time  that  the  French  gave  up  the  Ionian  Islands, 
and  there  was  some  chance  of  our  going  there,  I 
got  a  Greek  master  and  set  to  work  to  learn  Greek, 
and  soon  knew  a  good  deal  of  it."  Late  in  life  it 
was  Colborne's  lot,  as  Lord  Seaton,  to  govern  the 
Ionian  Islands,  but  he  had  then  forgotten  his  early 
attainments  in  Modern  Greek. 

Colborne  was  not,  however,  merely  a  student 
himself ;  he  encouraged  his  subalterns  to  study  also. 
In  a  memoir  of  Colonel  T.  F.  Wade,  C.B.,t  we  are 
told :  "  On  joining  the  regiment  [at  Malta,  2ist  July, 
1805],  Ensign  Wade  had  the  good  fortune  to  be 
posted  to  the  company  of  Captain  John  Colborne ; 
and  by  this  great  soldier  he  was  instructed,  not  only 
in  his  duties  as  a  subaltern,  but  in  much  beside, 
especially  in  foreign  languages." 

But  the  time  at  Malta  was  one  of  play  as  well  as 
work.  On  one  occasion  Colborne  formed  one  of  a 

*  From  April,  1804,  to  September,  1805,  Colborne's  schoolfellow, 
S.  T.  Coleridge,  was  living  in  Malta  as  secretary  to  the  Governor. 
Did  Colborne  meet  him,  one  wonders. 

f  Lancashire  Fusiliers'  Annual  for  1893,  p.  71. 


40  IN  MALTA.  [Cn.  III. 

party  who,  at  a  masquerade  at  the  palace,  were  to 
represent  Silenus  and  his  crew.*  "We  took  the 
colonel's  donkey,  and  after  we  had  stolen  him,  the 
difficulty  was  to  get  him  upstairs.  However,  we 
carried  him  up.  On  entering  the  room  the  first 
person  we  saw  was  the  colonel  himself.  He  came 
up,  looking  very  hard  at  the  donkey,  and  said, '  Why, 
I  do  believe  that  is  my  donkey ! '  I  was  dressed  as 
a  Bacchanal  attending  Silenus.  An  intimate  friend 
of  mine  was  dressed  as  a  town  crier,  and  had  papers, 
'  Lost  such  and  such  a  thing/  which  he  read  out, 
and  when  he  saw  someone  laughing  at  the  allusion 
to  some  one  else,  he  pulled  out  another  paper  which 
reflected  on  him.  He  offended  nearly  every  one  in 
the  room,  and  no  one  could  find  out  who  he  was. 

"  On  another  occasion,  when  some  private 
theatricals  were  being  arranged,  two  friends  of 
mine,  to  play  a  joke,  sent  another  person  to  request 
me  to  be  manager.  It  was  just  at  a  time  when  I 
was  working  hard  and  occupied  all  day.  So,  when 
this  person  was  shown  in  to  me,  and  made  his 
request,  I  was  as  angry  as  possible,  received  him  in 
the  most  formal  manner,  and  said,  '  Certainly  not/ 
He  went  out  quite  confused,  and  I  heard  afterwards 
that  he  said  he  would  never  have  been  induced  to 
go  if  he  had  known  what  sort  of  a  person  I  was. 

"  The  rain  at  Malta  in  the  winter  is  very  violent 
indeed.  I  remember  once  when  we  were  there, 
after  a  few  days'  rain,  such  a  torrent  came  down  a 
street  against  the  gate  of  a  guard-room  that  it  was 
broken  open,  and  a  sergeant  and  two  soldiers  of  the 

*  Cp.  C.  Steevens,  Reminiscences,  p.  41. 


I802-5-]  THE  DUKE  OF  KENT.  41 

guard  were  washed  away.  It  was  near  the  sea,  and 
the  sergeant  was  washed  into  it  and  drowned,  but 
the  two  men  saved  themselves." 

During  part  of  the  time  of  Colborne's  stay  in 
Malta,  H.R.H.  the  Duke  of  Kent  was  Governor  of 
Gibraltar.  Colborne  used  to  tell  stories  of  the 
Duke's  extraordinary  attention  to  small  points  of 
dress.  "  When  the  Duke  of  Kent  was  at  Gibraltar, 
as  soon  as  a  ship  arrived,  he  used  to  send  on  board 
a  tailor  and  a  hairdresser  to  measure  the  men's  cuffs 
and  collars  and  hair,  lest  they  should  not  be  accord- 
ing to  regulation.  He  was  so  particular,  that  I 
remember  when  we  were  at  Malta,  if  an  officer 
arrived  from  Gibraltar,  the  whole  garrison  used  to 
turn  out  to  see  the  Gibraltar  dress.  The  Duke  was 
once  cleverly  out-manoeuvred.  As  he  was  riding 
out  with  his  staff  he  saw  a  man  in  a  fatigue  dress 
and  immediately  gave  him  chase,  but  the  man  disap- 
peared, and  they  could  not  find  him.  However,  the 
Duke  had  a  capital  eye,  and  next  morning  at  parade 
he  recognized  the  man.  So  he  called  him  out  and 
said,  '  Now,  I'll  forgive  you  if  you'll  tell  me  how  you 
escaped? '  *  Why,  Sir/  was  the  reply, '  I  saw  a  fatigue 
party  coming  along,  and  I  took  up  step  and  joined 
them,  and  you  passed  me/  So  the  Duke  had  been 
beaten  through  the  man's  presence  of  mind !  Once, 
at  a  review  of  Russian  troops,  after  getting  Prince 

W to   bring   out   his   best   regiment   and   go 

through  some  manoeuvres,  he  said,  *  Well,  that  was 
well  done,  and  I  ought  to  be  a  judge,  for  for  twelve 
years  (or  whatever  the  number  was)  I  have  never 
one  single  day  missed  a  parade ! '  " 


42  IN  MALTA.  [Cn.  III. 

The  following  letters  of  Colborne's  date  from 
these  years  in  Malta: — 

"  Malta, 

"  1 3th  October,  1802. 

"  Dear  Sir, — As  there  are  no  tidings  of  the  Grand 
Master,  I  shall  recommence  a  correspondence  which  has 
been  interrupted  for  several  months  by  the  appearance  of 
a  speedy  evacuation  of  Malta.  It  is  generally  believed 
that  the  English  garrison  will  remain  here  till  the  summer. 
Two  thousand  Neapolitan  soldiers  have  been  sent  to  us, 
rather  prematurely.  The  French  envoy  is  arrived,  a 
major-general,  possessing,  to  a  great  degree,  all  the  im- 
pudence peculiar  to  his  nation.  His  aide-de-camp  has 
already  caused  some  disturbance  at  the  theatre.  Thinking 
it  beneath  the  duty  of  a  Republican  to  conform  to  English 
customs,  he  refused  to  stand  up  while  '  God  save  the  King ' 
was  played ;  in  consequence  of  which  he  was  turned  out, 
not  in  the  politest  manner,  apparently  by  the  universal 
consent  of  the  audience.  Alexandria  is  still  in  our  pos- 
session, and  there  are  no  preparations  for  the  departure 
of  our  troops.  A  French  frigate  has  been  dispatched  there 
to  ascertain  the  cause  of  the  delay  in  conforming  to  the 
definite  treaty.  The  Mamelukes  are  killing  the  Turks 
without  mercy ;  the  former  are  victorious  in  every  action. 
The  2Oth  Regiment  will  probably  revisit  Egypt  before 
England. 

"  We  have  had  '  dira  febris '  among  us,  which  has  been 
more  destructive  than  battles  or  sieges ;  but  the  climate 
is  now  become  mild  and  agreeable,  and,  of  course,  more 
healthy.  The  heat  for  three  months  was  intolerable.  Our 
two  battalions  are  consolidated — Yours  affectionately, 

"J.   COLBORNE." 


"  Malta, 

"gth  December,  1802. 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  am  sure  it  will  give  you  great  pleasure 
to  hear  of  my  appointment  to  a  company.     My  commission 


I802-5-]  POLITICAL  SITUATION.  43 

is  dated  2Oth  May.*  I  esteem  myself  most  fortunate,  as 
there  is  not  another  instance  of  promotion  going  in  a  regi- 
ment where  the  vacancy  has  been  caused  by  duelling. 
Had  it  not  been  for  this  step  I  might  probably  have 
remained  many  years  in  my  former  situation,  as  the  vacan- 
cies now  are  generally  filled  up  by  the  half-pay. — Yours 
affectionately,  "  J.  CoLBORNE." 

Writing  to  Mr.  Bargus,  in  July,  1804,  Colborne 
says  he  has  sent  a  bracelet  for  his  sister  and  slippers 
for  Mr.  Bargus.  He  comments  on  the  engagement 
of  his  sister,  Miss  Colborne,  to  the  Rev.  Duke 
Yonge,  and  continues : 

"  The  French  are  in  full  march  to  Naples,  a  Neapolitan 
frigate  has  been  dispatched  to  Lord  Nelson  for  assist- 
ance. I  hope  it  may  be  productive  of  some  active  service. 
Ten  thousand  men  might  be  employed  advantageously  in 
Sicily,  and  would  save  many  a  broken  head.  The  French 
will  be  there  before  us  ;  to  drive  them  out  when  they  have 
possession  of  Syracuse  and  Messina  will  be  very  difficult 

"  We  are  all  delighted  that  the  reign  of  the  Addingtons 
is  ended.  Their  abilities  seem  to  have  [been]  useful  to  a 
few  bishops  and  the  Addington  family  ;  the  loss  of  them  to 
the  country  will  not  be  very  great  We  have  an  imperfect 
account  of  another  monstrous  coalition,  Pitt  and  Fox,  etc. 
The  dread  of  an  invasion  will  never  cease.  You  are  as 
safe  in  England  as  we  are  in  this  impregnable  Malta. 
The  new  Emperor  will  not  land  a  man  in  England,  neither 
will  he  attempt  it  Let  him  have  a  million  gunboats,  still 
he  will  never  use  them.  Ireland  is  certainly  the  vulnerable 
heel,  but  to  wound  it  he  must  hazard  much.  Politicians 
think  he  has  a  deeper  scheme.  There  has  been  an  in- 
surrection at  Tripoli  incited  by  la  republique  imperiale.  It 
is  reported  the  Emperor  means  to  occupy  the  whole  of  the 
African  coast  in  the  Mediterranean. — Yours  affectionately, 

"  J.  COLBORNE." 

*  Colborne  had  been  a  Brevet-Captain  since  I2th  January,  1800. 


44  W  MALTA.  [CH.  III. 

Writing  from  Malta  on  i5th  September,  1804,  to 
his  half-sister,  Miss  Alethea  Bargus,  he  acknow- 
ledges the  gift  of  a  pin  containing  her  hair,  and 
continues :  -  - 

"  As  your  hair  becomes  darker,  so  mine  on  the  contrary 
takes  a  lighter  shade,  and  I  fear  before  we  meet  it  will  be 
a  beautiful  grey. 

"  Do  not  forget  to  collect  all  the  laughable  family  anec- 
dotes, as  I  am  become  very  grave  and  my  mouth  now 
resembles  that  of  the  parish  clerk  of  Barkway.  I  am 
quite  tired  of  Malta,  and  half  roasted  by  the  heat  of  last 
summer.  I  will  not  invite  you  to  pay  me  a  visit  here,  but 
I  shall  be  happy  to  see  you  when  we  are  at  Naples. — Your 
affectionate  brother, 

"J.   COLBORNE." 


To  Mr.  Bargus. 

"  Malta, 

"  1 8th  October,  1804. 

"  Dear  Sir, — Thank  God  the  hot  weather  is  passed  and 
we  are  again  in  our  own  climate.  We  have  lost  too  many 
of  our  men  in  the  hot  months,  owing  to  their  sacrificing  so 
frequently  to  Bacchus.  We  are  now  about  800  bayonets, 
and  in  the  highest  order.  I  really  think  there  is  no  regi- 
ment in  the  service  that  has  so  much  esprit  de  corps  as 
the  20th. 

"  Transports  are  ordered  to  be  ready  to  receive  4,500 
men,  but  for  whom  we  are  ignorant.  The  order  has  caused 
a  variety  of  speculations — some  say  they  are  for  the  Rus- 
sians, who  have  already  12,000  men  assembled  at  Corfu, 
others  say  the  garrison  is  going  on  an  expedition.  I  am  of 
opinion  we  shall  not  be  idle  in  the  spring. 

"  They  have  not  yet  given  us  a  2nd  battalion.  His 
Royal  Highness  the  Duke  ought  to  consider  that  our  two 
battalions  last  war  were  Egyptian  volunteers,  the  only 


I804-5-]    PREPARATIONS  FOR  DEPARTURE.       45 

regiment  of  that  description  in  Egypt  I  speak  feelingly, 
for  a  2nd  battalion  would  probably  make  me  2nd  captain. 
Colonel  Oliphant  is  about  to  sell  out;  the  step  will  pass 
over  me  as  the  four  senior  captains  are  too  poor  to  pur- 
chase. It  is  a  hard  case  to  see  a  junior  captain,  almost 
blind  and  quite  unfit  for  a  field  officer,  leap  over  all  our 
heads.  I  have  no  reason  to  complain,  for  I  believe  there  is 
not  a  more  fortunate  man  than  myself. 

"  I  should  like  to  see  your  improvements  at  Barkway, 
and  hope  to  pay  you  a  visit  when  we  have  Peace,  provided 
the  French  do  not  plunder  the  "parsonage. — Yours 
affectionately,  "  J.  COLBORNE." 


[Malta], 

"  loth  February,   1805. 

"  Dear  Sir, — Lord  Nelson  was  off  Messina  on  the  3Oth 
January.  The  French  left  Toulon  on  i8th  January. 
They  have  passed  the  island  for  Egypt — a  second  expedi- 
tion must  be  the  consequence. — Yours  affectionately, 

"J.  C" 


CHAPTER    IV. 

EXPEDITIONS  TO  NAPLES  AND  CALABRIA,  1805-6. 
BATTLE  OF  MAIDA. 

DURING  the  campaign,  which  ended  on  2nd  Decem- 
ber with  the  battle  of  Austerlitz,  Russia  and  England 
agreed  each  to  send  a  force  into  the  kingdom  of 
Naples,  although  the  King  of  Naples  committed  a 
breach  of  faith  by  countenancing  the  project,  as  he 
had  bound  himself  not  to  admit  into  his  ports  or 
territories  the  fleets  or  armies  of  any  power  at  war 
with  France.  As  the  2Oth  Regiment  formed  part 
of  the  British  force  under  Lieutenant-General  Sir 
James  Craig,  it  at  last  "  escaped  from  Malta,"  as  the 
following  letters  of  Colborne  show.  The  first  letter, 
it  may  be  noted,  was  written  eleven  days  after 
Trafalgar,  but  the  great  victory  remained  unknown 
to  the  force  till  after  its  arrival  at  Naples.  It  would 
seem  that  even  then  only  the  bare  news  of  the  victory 
arrived  at  first,  as  Colborne  used  to  relate  that  the 
Queen  of  Naples  said  she  was  sure  Nelson  must 
have  been  killed  or  he  would  have  written  to  her. 

To  Mr.  Bargus. 

"  Malta, 
"  1st  November,   1805. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — We  embarked  yesterday  and  sail  to- 


1805.]  SAILING  FOR  NAPLES.  47 

morrow  for  Syracuse  to  unite  with  the  Russians — thence 
we  proceed  to  Italy. — Yours  affectionately, 

"J.   COLBORNE." 


"  1 4th  November  [1805].     At  sea, 

"  My  dear  Sir, — I  was  very  fortunate  in  receiving  your 
letter  of  the  nth  August  the  day  we  sailed  from  Malta, 
whence  we  escaped  3rd  November.  Harassed  by  per- 
petual contrary  winds,  we  beat  about  Cape  Passaro  till  the 
loth,  and  were  unable  to  join  the  Russians  before  that  day. 
We  are  now  standing  towards  Maretimo  on  our  passage 
to  Naples.  The  expedition  should  have  arrived  there  early 
in  the  present  month,  but  these  democratic  winds  have  so 
long  delayed  us  that  a  salute  from  the  French  on  our  land- 
ing will  probably  be  the  consequence.  Commodore  Gregg* 
commands  the  Russian  squadron,  consisting  of  four  sail 
of  the  line,  two  frigates,  and  troopships  carrying  14,000 
hardy  barbarians.  The  whole  combined  army  is  com- 
manded by  Field-Marshal  Lacy,  about  22,000.  The 
French  force  at  Terracina,  about  three  days'  march  from 
Naples,  amounts  to  23,000,  commanded  by  St.  Cyr. 
Nature  has  not  been  lavish  in  her  gifts  to  the  English 
generals  on  the  expedition,  they  are  men  of  very  limited 
capacities  and  no  experience,  but  I  trust  this  defect  in 
our  army  will  be  remedied  by  the  conduct  of  the  excellent 
regiments  that  compose  it.  The  service  for  which  we  are 
destined  will  more  tencl  to  form  good  soldiers,  and  improve 
us  in  the  knowledge  of  our  profession,  than  any  that 
British  troops  have  lately  been  employed  on.  I  have 
already  planned  the  campaign.  The  Austrians  that  occupy 
the  position  [on]  the  Adige  between  Verona  and  Legnago 
are  to  attack  that  of  the  French  extending  from  Peschiera 
to  Mantua.  Another  Austrian  army  will  then  cross  the 
Po  and  advance  towards  Genoa,  which  motion  will  render 
the  situation  of  the  army  which  we  mean  to  beat  very 

*  Called  by  Bunbury,  p.  202,  Greig. 


48  EXPEDITION  TO  NAPLES.  [Cn.  IV. 

dangerous,  and  should  they  not  make  a  rapid  retreat,  will 
probably  be  cut  off. 

"  Provided  your  humble  servant  is  not  a  head  minus,  you 
shall  have  a  correct  account  of  our  operations,  and  am, — 
Your  truly  affectionate,  "  J.  C." 

Alas,  the  star  of  Austerlitz  was  in  the  ascendant, 
and  the  hopes  of  the  young  British  strategist  were 
quickly  belied ! 

"Baola  (?), 

"  1 3th  January,  1806. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — Nothing  of  importance  having  occurred, 
I  have  not  written  to  you  since  our  disembarking  at  Castel 
a  Mare ;  but  little  did  I  think  that  my  next  letter  would 
inform  you  of  a  retrogade  movement  without  firing  a  shot. 
The  combined  army  was  cantoned  in  the  vicinity  of  Naples 
till  the  1 1  th  of  December,  when  it  moved  forward,  passed 
the  Volturno  at  Capua,  and  providentially  arrived  in  good 
order  as  far  as  the  Massic  Mountains,  an  extraordinary 
circumstance  considering  the  talents  of  our  generals.  The 
headquarters  of  the  Russians  were  fixed  at  Teano,  those 
of  the  English  at  Sessa.  In  these  cantonments  we 
remained  till  the  loth  of  January,  anxiously  expecting  to 
cross  the  Garigliano.  But  how  great  was  our  surprise  at 
the  British  troops  being  ordered  to  recross  the  Volturno! 
It  was  intended  that  we  should  have  occupied  the  pass  at 
Fondi,  the  Russians  that  of  Ponte  Corvo,  and  30,000 
Neapolitans  were  to  have  defended  our  right  near  Sul- 
mona,  extending  our  line  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the 
Pescara,  but  the  defection  of  the  Russians  has  been  the 
cause  of  Sir  James  Craig  making  a  most  inglorious,  ridicu- 
lous retreat,  and  so  dangerous  was  our  situation  thought 
that  he  ordered  the  regiment  which  had  advanced  as  far  as 
Itri  to  retire  36  miles  in  one  day  and  burn  the  bridge  over 
the  Garigliano  in  its  retreat.  Possibly  these  precautions 
were  necessary,  yet  the  enemy  was  not  within  forty  leagues 
of  us,  and  might  have  penetrated  the  Neapolitan  dominions 


x8o6.]  SIX  J.   CRAIG'S  RETREAT.  49 

by  Ponte  Corvo  had  he  been  inclined  to  interrupt  us  in  our 
retreat.  This  disgraceful  haste,  added  to  the  slovenly, 
confused  manner  of  our  march,  increased  the  alarm  of  the 
peasantry  who  thought  themselves  abandoned,  and  the 
cause  desperate.  Admitting  that  our  force  scarcely 
deserved  the  name  of  army,  and  was  incapable  of  resist- 
ing any  considerable  number  of  the  enemy,  and  that  ulti- 
mately we  must  have  evacuated  the  country,  yet  our 
remaining  in  it  to  the  last  moment  would  have  checked 
that  democratic  spirit  so  prevalent  here.  Gaeta,  a  strong 
fortress,  was  open  to  us,  and  we  might  have  retired  there 
or  into  Calabria,  had  we  been  hard  pressed.  The  Cala- 
brians,  who  are  well  affected,  might  have  been  raised  en 
masse.  We  are  now  in  full  march  to  Castel  a  Mare  to  re- 
embark.  Our  precipitate  retreat  has  given  the  Neapolitans 
a  very  unfavourable  impression  of  the  spirit  of  English 
soldiers.  You  may  easily  conceive  with  what  regret  I  shall 
leave  the  canipania  felice,  and  how  vexed  and  disappointed 
I  am  at  the  conclusion  of  this  expedition,  after  speculating 
so  much  on  the  success  of  the  campaign.  Acting  with 
large  armies  is  the  only  method  of  obtaining  a  knowledge 
of  our  profession,  and  even  this  short  affair  has  pointed  out 
many  defects  among  us,  which  will  exist  as  long  as  inactive 
old  men  are  selected  to  command.  The  Commander-in- 
Chief  is  at  present  afflicted  with  the  dropsy,  or  some  other 
disease  that  renders  him  unfit  for  active  service.  There 
are  five  generals  with  us,  one  of  them  alone  can  speak  the 
language  of  the  country  to  which  they  were  sent. 

"  The  sudden  transition  from  a  sterile,  parched-up  rock 
to  a  fertile,  picturesque  country,  from  a  sickly  hot  climate 
to  one  cold  and  bracing,  might  be  compared  to  a  passage 
from  the  dismal  regions  to  Elysium.  Remaining  so  long 
at  Malta,  one's  ideas  became  as  contracted  as  the  island 
Thus  the  delightful  scenery  of  the  Bay  of  Naples,  the 
immense  hills  covered  with  oaks,  olives  and  vineyards  and 
the  many  grand  objects  that  were  presented  to  our  view 
on  entering  it,  formed  a  most  striking  contrast  to  the 
country  we  had  lately  left,  and  had  a  double  effect  on  us 


50  IN  SICILY.  [Cn.  IV. 

Maltese.  While  I  was  at  Nocera  I  had  an  opportunity  of 
revisiting  the  ruins  of  Herculaneum,  Pompeii  and  Pestura 
"  The  farther  we  advanced  the  more  beautiful  was  the 
appearance  of  the  country,  but  the  misery  of  the  inhabi- 
tants and  infamy  of  the  government  are  but  too  conspicu- 
ous.— Your  affectionate." 

The  retreat,  which  caused  Colborne  so  much 
disappointment,  requires  a  few  words  of  explanation. 

The  triumphant  Emperor  of  the  French,  on  the 
morning  after  the  signing  of  the  Treaty  of  Press- 
burg,  issued  a  proclamation  that  as  a  punishment  for 
its  perfidy,  "  the  Neapolitan  dynasty  had  ceased  to 
reign,"  and  soon  afterwards  despatched  an  army  of 
50,000  men,  under  Massena  and  his  brother  Joseph, 
to  take  possession  of  Naples.  Such  an  army  could 
not  be  withstood  by  the  Russian  and  English  forces 
now  in  the  Peninsula.  On  the  7th  January  the 
Russians  received  orders  to  retire,  and  the  British, 
being  freed  from  any  further  obligation,  re-embarked 
at  Castellamare — with  the  intention,  however,  not  of 
returning  to  Malta,  but  of  holding  Sicily  for  King 
Ferdinand.  The  king,  however,  who  had  himself 
fled  to  Palermo,  was  so  much  irritated  by  the  British 
desertion  of  the  mainland  that  though  the  force 
arrived  in  the  harbour  of  Messina  on  22nd  January, 
for  four  weeks  he  would  not  allow  it  to  be  landed. 
Eventually,  on  i7th  February,  it  was  permitted  to 
land  and  occupy  Messina.  On  i5th  February 
Joseph  Bonaparte  had  entered  Naples  amid  popular 
rejoicings,  and  two  months  later,  by  his  brother's 
decree,  he  was  created  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies. 

Meanwhile  the  Prince  of  Hesse  Philippsthal  still 
held  the  citadel  of  Gaeta  against  the  French,  and 


i8o6.]  EXPEDITION   TO   CALABRIA.  5! 

Major-General  Stuart,  who  had  succeeded  Sir  J. 
Craig  in  the  command  of  the  British  forces,  thought 
a  fresh  venture  might  be  tried,  and  a  French  design 
of  invading  Sicily  anticipated.  Accordingly  a  force 
was  collected  and  landed  in  the  Bay  of  St.  Eufemia 
on  ist  July.  One  company  of  the  2Oth,  under 
Captain  McLean,  was  included  in  the  Light  Infantry 
Brigade  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Kempt,  another 
company  of  the  2Oth  was  included  in  the  Grenadier 
Battalion,  which  with  the  27th  Regiment  formed 
Cole's  Brigade.  The  battalion  companies  of  the  2Oth 
Regiment,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Ross,  were 
not  despatched  with  the  main  force,  but  were  ordered, 
before  landing,  to  make  a  diversion  on  different 
points  of  the  coast.  Accordingly  they  landed  only 
on  4th  July,  when  Colonel  Ross,  hearing  that  the 
main  army  was  about  to  be  engageH  with  the  French, 
hurried  his  regiment  forward — partly  at  a  running 
pace,  and  succeeded  in  arriving  on  the  plain  of 
Maida  just  at  the  moment  to  decide  the  issue  of  the 
day. 

Colborne's  account  of  the  battle,  given  in  the 
following  letter,  is  another  instance  of  his  singular 
modesty,  as  he  says  nothing  whatever  about  himself, 
and  we  are  left  uncertain  whether  he  came  on  the 
field  with  Ross  or  had  been  present  from  the 
beginning  of  the  action.  If  the  latter,  as  his  account 
seems  to  imply,  he  had  probably  commanded  the 
grenadier  company  of  the  2Oth. 

To  Mr.  Bargus. 

"  Camp  near  Monteleone, 

"  nth  July,  1806. 
"  My  dear  Sir, — This  sheet  of  paper  you  will  perceive 


52  EXPEDITION  TO   CALABRIA.  [Cn.  IV. 

bears  strong  marks  of  active  service,  and  as  all  my  baggage 
is  contained  in  my  pocket  it  has,  of  course,  been  consider- 
ably damaged.  I  have  not  time  to  give  you  a  detailed 
account  of  one  of  the  most  glorious  battles  that  an  English 
army  has  ever  fought. 

"  The  expedition  sailed  from  Messina,  and  arrived  in 
the  Bay  of  St.  Euphemia  on  the  ist  of  July.  On  the  4th 
Sir  John  Stuart  moved  on  to  attack  the  French  army 
under  the  command  of  Regnier,  who  occupied  an  excellent 
position  in  a  wood  above  the  plain  of  Maida,  but  confident 
in  his  own  genius,  the  superiority  in  numbers  both 
cavalry  and  infantry,  and  despising  us  too  much,  he  ad- 
vanced to  the  plain  to  meet  us.  The  right  was  first  en- 
gaged, and  some  of  the  best  regiments  of  the  enemy 
charged  us  with  the  greatest  intrepidity,  nor  were  our  men) 
less  forward  to  meet  them.  Reserving  our  fire  till  we  came 
within  a  short  distance,  the  astonished  invincibles  were 
mowed  down  by  a  well-directed  fire,  and  the  right  of  our 
line  passed  through  their  left.  Few  of  them  escaped. 
Their  dead  and  wounded  marked  the  original  line.  In 
this  affair  our  light  infantry  distinguished  themselves. 

"  All  the  force  of  the  enemy  was  now  directed  to  the 
left,  endeavouring  frequently  to  turn  it,  but  owing  to  the 
cool  and  gallant  conduct  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Smith  and 
the  27th  Regiment  under  his  command,  who  penetrated  the 
design  of  General  Regnier,  this  attack  succeeded  as  the 
one  on  the  right.  The  2Oth,  coming  up  at  this  critical 
moment  in  echelon,  and  forming  on  the  left  of  the  2/th, 
the  enemy  retired  in  the  greatest  confusion,  and  had  we 
had  cavalry,  every  man  of  them  would  have  been  a  prisoner. 
The  loss  in  our  regiment  has  been  chiefly  confined  to  the 
flank  companies,  above  five  and  thirty  privates  and  one 
captain  [McLean],  a  particular  and  intimate  friend  of  mine 
and  the  only  officer  killed  in  the  field.  He  was  shot 
through  the  heart  at  the  commencement  of  the  action. 
The  field  of  battle  after  the  action  was  a  horrid  sight. 
The  loss  of  the  French  in  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners 
is  almost  incredible,  nearly  2,000.  Our  army  entered  the 


//ivt^^S  °  H  •\\""\v'y»v7  -T: — 


i8o6.]  BATTLE  OF  MAI  DA.  53 

field  with  4,600,  the  enemy  had  7,200  bayonets  and  300 
cavalry.  Fortunate  it  is  for  us  that  the  spectators  were 
numerous.  I  now  begin  to  think,  as  our  ancestors  did, 
that  one  Englishman  is  equal  to  two  Frenchmen. — Yours 
affectionately,  "  J.  C." 

The  action  is  excellently  described  by  Sir  H.  E. 
Bunbury.^  He  tells  us  that  after  McLean's  death 
Colborne  succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  light 
company  of  the  regiment.  He  was  possibly  selected 
for  the  duty  on  account  of  his  knowledge  of  Italian. 

Colborne  related  afterwards  that  at  Maida  two  Swiss 
regiments,  but  for  an  accident,  would  have  been 
actually  opposed  to  one  another.  "  Colonel  Claval, 
one  of  the  Swiss  with  the  French,  was  wounded 
and  taken  prisoner.  I  went  to  see  him  with  a  Swiss 
officer  from  a  regiment  which  had  always  been  in 
our  service.  After  we  left,  the  Swiss  with  me  said, 
*  I  know  that  man  perfectly  well,  we  are  from  the 
same  canton,  but  he  did  not  recognize  me.' } 

On  the  day  after  the  battle,  as  Bunbury  tells  us, 
the  army  marched  to  the  little  town  of  Maida,  where 
Sir  John  Stuart  devoted  the  day  to  writing  his  des- 
patch. "  In  the  meantime,  Colonel  Kempt  had 
advanced  some  distance  along  the  hills  and  detached 
the  light  company  of  the  2Oth  (under  Captain  Col- 
borne) to  follow  the  track  of  the  enemy  and  gather 
information.  It  pressed  forward,  expecting  that  our 
army  was  advancing  in  the  same  direction,  and  it 
overtook  the  rear  of  the  French  column,  which  was 
marching  in  great  confusion ;  but  discovering  to  his 
mortification,  at  the  end  of  the  second  day,  that  he 

*  Pp.  244,  245. 


54  EXPEDITION  TO  CALABRIA.  [Cn.  IV. 

was    entirely    without    support,    Captain    Colborne 
found  it  necessary  to  fall  back  on  his  battalion." 

The  following  represents  Colborne's  account  of 
this  business  as  he  gave  it  in  conversation  towards 
the  end  of  his  life :  -*• 

"  It  was  after  the  battle  of  Maida,  and  we  were 
going  on  towards  a  town  called  Borgia,  and  were  not 
at  all  certain  where  the  French  were.  I  commanded 
the  advanced  guard — about  87  soldiers  and  two  dra- 
goons (these  were  my  cavalry).  I  had  only  one 
other  officer  with  me.  The  column  was  some  way 
behind  us,  and  my  guide  was  getting  frightened, 
so  I  said,  '  Well,  I  can't  help  it ;  if  you  don't  show 
us  the  way,  or  get  another  guide,  you  must  be 
hanged/  So  he  went  with  two  or  three  soldiers 
and  tried  to  knock  up  somebody  in  a  cottage.  At 
last  a  man  was  found  who  said  he  would  lead  us  if 
we  would  let  him  go  when  we  were  within  a  hundred 
yards  of  the  town.  When  we  were  within  sight  of 
the  town  he  took  care  to  put  us  in  mind  of  our 
engagement,  and  we  let  him  go.  Then  I  had  not 
the  least  idea  whether  the  French  were  there  or  not. 
Just  at  the  entrance  to  the  town  I  saw  a  man,  so  I 
said,  '  There,  catch  him !  make  haste ! '  We  ran 
after  him  and  tried  to  catch  him,  but  he  ran  into  his 
cottage,  and  the  same  thing  happened  with  two  or 
three  others,  until  we  actually  found  ourselves  half- 
way up  the  town.  At  last  we  got  a  man  who  hap- 
pened to  be  the  '  Capo  Genti,'  the  head  of  the  town ; 
so  I  said, '  Dove  sono  i  Francesl  ?  '  *  Oh,  they  passed 
through  five  or  six  hours  ago,  and  are  encamped  a 
few  miles  further  on.'  Then  all  the  people,  when 
they  found  we  were  English,  came  flocking  round 


i8o5.]  COLBORNffS  ADVANCED  COLUMN.  55 

us,  and  I  had  begun  to  take  lodgings  for  us  all,  when 
a  message  came  from  our  column  that  it  had 
retreated.  Hearing  rockets  and  fireworks  they 
thought  it  must  be  the  enemy,  when  really  it  was 
the  people  in  the  town  firing  for  joy  of  our  arrival. 
This  retreat  of  our  column  was  a  great  pity.  The 
French  retired  still  further  the  next  day,  and  the 
people  of  the  town  were  very  angry  with  us,  because, 
in  my  expectation  of  the  column,  I  had  ordered  4,000 
rations.  They  all  turned  out  and  reproached  us, 
and  I  was  anxious  as  to  wrhat  would  happen.  I 
said,  '  It  is  not  my  fault.  I  am  very  sorry  indeed  to 
go  back/  But  they  were  very  angry  all  the  same. 

"  So  after  marching  all  day  and  all  night,  at  four 
o'clock  we  had  to  march  back  again.  I  had  a  bad 
fever  afterwards,  but  I  do  not  know  if  that  was  the 
reason.  Great  numbers  had  fever  owing  to  the 
carelessness  of  the  Quartermaster-General's  depart- 
ment, who  took  up  our  quarters  close  to  a  marsh; 
although  you  are  sure  to  get  malaria  if  you  sleep 
anywhere  where  there  is  stagnant  water  and  the  ther- 
mometer between  80  and  90.  About  sixteen  in  a 
company  died  of  it,  and  the  doctors  did  not  know 
how  to  treat  it,  and  bled  for  it,  so  it  was  nearly  a  year 
before  the  army  was  free  of  it.  I  was  bled  for  it, 
and  had  all  my  hair  shaved  and  went  over  to 
Messina." 

Of  the  moral  effect  produced  on  Englishmen  by 
the  battle  of  Maida,  Alison  speaks  in  terms  which 
recall  the  last  sentence  of  Colborne's  letter.  "  It  was 
a  duel  between  France  and  England,  and  France 
had  fallen  in  the  conflict  .  .  .  people  no  longer 
hesitated  to  speak  of  Cressy  and  Azincour."  Even 


56  RETURN  TO  SICILY.  [Cn.  IV. 

the  local  results  were  for  the  moment  considerable. 
The  French  forces  hastily  retreated,  leaving  artillery, 
stores,  ammunition,  and  every  town  or  fort  in  Cala- 
bria to  the  victors.  But  on  the  i8th  July  Massena 
took  Gaeta,  and  his  army  of  18,000  men  was  free  to 
assist  Reynier.  Sir  John  Stuart  had  no  course 
before  him  buf  to  re-embark  his  forces  for  Palermo, 
though  by  doing  so  he  was  forced  to  incur  the 
reproach  of  abandoning  the  peasantry  whom  he  had 
stirred  up  to  war. 


(     57     ) 


CHAPTER    V. 

SICILY  AND  GIBRALTAR  AND  RETURN  TO  ENGLAND, 
1806-1807. 

To  Colborne  himself  the  Calabrian  expedition 
resulted  in  good;  in  fact,  it  laid  the  foundations  of 
his  future  fortunes.  General  Fox,  brother  of  the 
Minister,  having  been  sent  to  Sicily  to  supersede 
Sir  John  Stuart  in  the  command  of  the  British  forces 
in  the  Mediterranean,  Colborne  became  his  military 
secretary,1*  and  was  thus  brought  into  close  contact 
with  Sir  John  Moore,  who,  nominally  Fox's  second 
in  command,  was  practically,  as  a  more  vigorous  and 
experienced  soldier,  his  adviser  and  equal.  When 
Fox  was  recalled,  and  Moore  succeeded  to  his  com- 
mand, Colborne  still  remained  military  secretary, 
and  acquired  a  devotion  to  his  master  which  lasted 
beyond  the  dark  hour  at  Corunna  and  became  the 
inspiration  of  his  life. 

But  if  Moore's  friendship  and  protection  were 
valuable  to  Colborne,  we  do  not  doubt  that  they 
were  well  earned  by  Colborne's  own  qualities. 
Even  in  the  criticisms  which  he  passes  on  others  in 
the  following  letters  we  see  the  fruits  of  native 

*  It  is  said  that  in  making  the  appointment  General  Fox  wrote : 
"  You  owe  your  appointment  to  the  reputation  and  name  you  have 
acquired  in  the  Army." 


58  IN  SICILY.  [Cn.  V. 

military  genius  improved  by  years  of  serious  study 
and  dauntless  adventure. 

To  Mr.  Bargus. 

"  Messina, 

"3 ist  August  [1806]. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — I  have  had  a  very  narrow  escape,  and 
have  been  very  ill  with  a  violent  fever  contracted  in  Cala- 
bria, but,  however,  it  has  been  a  fortunate  expedition  to 
me,  and  by  a  lucky  accident  [I]  have  acquired  some  good 
friends.  General  Fox  has  appointed  me  his  military  secre- 
tary, a  confidential  post,  and  thirty  shillings  per  diem  in 
addition  to  my  pay  as  captain — but  it  is  no  sinecure.  I 
have  not  had  a  single  moment  to  myself,  but  General  Fox 
goes  to  Palermo  to-night  and  I  shall  have  time  to  write 

to  you Yours  affectionately, 

"J.   COLBORNE." 


"  Messina, 

"  23rd  June,  1807. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — The  few  letters  you  have  lately  received 
from  me,  I  am  afraid,  will  make  me  appear  to  you  a  most 
ungrateful  fellow.  The  fact  is,  I  have  nothing  to  say  in 
my  defence,  except  that  procrastination  has  generally  been 
the  cause  of  my  not  writing.  ...  I  do  not  mean  to 
offer  this  as  a  tolerable  excuse,  as  one  can  always  find  time 
to  write,  if  determined. 

"  I  received  your  letter  of  the  1st  of  November,  and  am 
much  obliged  to  you  for  it  The  Fox's  have  always  been 
very  attentive  and  civil  to  me. 

"  I  work  excessively  hard,  and  in  truth  it  is  a  most 
laborious  office ;  the  confinement  does  not  agree  with  me, 
activity  in  the  open  air  being  more  congenial  with  my  dis- 
position. 

"  I  have  acquired  some  very  good  friends  since  the  Cala- 
brian  expedition.  General  Sir  J.  Moore  has  behaved  to 


i8o6-;.]  MILITARY  SECRETARY.  59 

me  in  a  most  friendly  manner,  and  I  am  under  great  obliga- 
tion to  him.  Being  now  the  senior  captain  in  my  regiment, 
I  have  some  chance  of  getting  a  majority ;  at  least,  I  shall 
be  much  disappointed  if  I  do  not  succeed.  The  senior 
major  has  memorialed  to  succeed  to  a  lieutenant-colonelcy 
now  vacant.  If  this  promotion  does  take  place  I  have 
every  reason  to  expect  the  majority  from  a  letter  Sir  J. 
Moore  has  been  good  enough  to  write  home  about  me. 
General  Fox  did  not  know  I  was  the  senior  captain,  and 
I  thought  it  would  be  impudent  to  remind  him. 

"  You  will  have  heard  of  our  disasters  in  Egypt.  A  more 
foolish  expedition  never  was  planned,  and  I  am  sorry  to 
say  the  misfortunes  that  have  happened  to  our  force  there 
since  its  arrival  can  only  be  attributed  to  the  incapacity  of 
the  chiefs ;  1,400  men  have  been  lost  to  the  service  in  a 
most  provoking  manner.  The  British  troops  are  now  at 
Alexandria,  and  in  perfect  security.  If  3,000  men  had 
been  sent  with  Admiral  Duckworth  to  the  Dardanelles,  it 
would  have  given  quite  a  different  turn  to  affairs  in  that 
quarter. 

"  England  and  Russia  are  now  very  anxious  for  peace 
with  the  Porte ;  this  war  Has  been  the  cause  of  Austria 
hanging  back.  Our  army  here  has  been  mutilated  by  the 
different  detachments  sent  from  it  to  Egypt  and  Malta; 
without  reinforcements  we  can  do  nothing. 

"  The  Prince  of  Hesse  has  had  the  folly  to  undertake  an 
expedition  in  Calabria,  and  mistaking  the  falling  back  of 
the  French  outposts  for  the  retreat  of  their  army,  he  ad- 
vanced to  Mileto,  near  Monteleone,  where  he  was  culbute 
in  a  most  complete  manner,  and  his  army,  upon  the  first 
discharge,  ran  25  miles  without  looking  behind  them.  We 
remain  silent  and  inactive  spectators,  and,  /  think,  make 
a  most  ridiculous  figure.  I  should  not  be  surprised  were 
General  Fox  to  be  recalled,  he  is  too  honest  to  be  em- 
ployed in  such  a  corrupt  country  as  this,  and  by  a 
corrupt 

"  You  have  no  idea  of  the  imbecility  of  your  Ministry,  I 
mean,  both  parties,  for,  believe  me,  there  is  very  little 


60  IN  SICILY.  [Cn.  V. 

difference  in  their  conduct.  The  bad  information  they 
have  of  all  this  part  of  the  world  is  incredible.  The  people 
they  employ  on  what  they  call  secret  missions  or  em- 
bassies are  quite  children,  all  theory,  waiting  for  orders, 
and  take  up  half  their  lives  in  communicating  with 
England. 

"  This  army  has  dwindled  into  nothing  by  the  neglect 
of  the  late  Ministers ;  no  orders,  no  instructions  for  those 
in  command  how  to  act  have  been  received  from  them. 
We  are  looked  upon  here  as  the  supporters  of  an  oppres- 
sive government,  and  I  can  venture  to  say,  a  more  infamous 
one  never  existed.  We  have  lost  our  popularity  here 
altogether,  for  the  Sicilians  expect  nothing  from  us.  This 
army,  had  it  been  kept  afloat  (leaving  garrisons  in  the  forti- 
fied towns  of  this  island),  ready  to  act  in  the  north  of  Italy, 
or  Dalmatia,  might  have  annoyed  the  enemy  greatly,  and 
assisted  our  allies.  We  might  have  destroyed  every 
Frenchman  in  Italy,  and  prevented  them  reinforcing  their 
Armies  from  that  part.  .  .  .  Your  most  obliged  and 
faithful, 

"J.   COLBORNE." 


"  Messina, 

"2nd  August,  1807. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — In  my  last  letter  I  mentioned  to  you 
that  I  should  not  be  surprised  at  General  Fox  being  re- 
called ;  and  in  a  few  days  after  the  date  of  it,  a  communi- 
cation from  the  Duke  of  York  unexpectedly  arrived, 
begging  him  to  attribute  his  recal  to  the  fear  of  His 
Majesty's  Ministers  that  he  would  not  be  able  to  support 
the  fatigue  of  an  active  campaign,  from  bad  health ;  and 
expressing  a  wish  that  he  should  give  up  the  command 
of  the  army  in  the  Mediterranean  to  the  person  to  whom 
the  executive  part  must  ultimately  fall,  General  Sir  John 
Moore. 

"  Now,  as  General  Fox  has  not  enjoyed  better  health 


1807.]  Sf£  JOHN  MOORE.  6 1 

for  many  years,  and  had  received  directions  from  Ministers 
relative  to  active  operations  a  few  days  previous  to  the 
receipt  of  the  duke's  letter,  he  is  (not  without  reason)  much 
mortified  at  leaving  this  command. 

"  Mrs.  Fox  is  good  enough  to  say  she  will  forward  this 
to  you.  They  embark  to-morrow  on  board  the  '  Intrepid.' 

"  I  might  have  easily  obtained  leave  to  go  to  England, 
and  perhaps  with  some  advantage,  but  much  as  I  wish  to 
see  you  again,  I  could  not  quit  this  part  of  the  world,  fore- 
seeing an  active  campaign,  and  not  being  a  little  flattered 
at  Sir  John  Moore's  asking  me  a  few  hours  after  he  knew 
of  General  Fox's  recal  whether  I  had  any  objection  to 
remain  with  him  in  the  same  situation. 

"  Sir  John  Moore  is  one  of  the  best  generals  we  have 
(that,  you  will  say,  is  not  much  to  his  credit),  an  active, 
acute,  intelligent  officer,  about  43  years  of  age,  and  full  of 
that  coolness  in  action  and  difficult  situations,  so  necessary 
to  those  who  command.  He  is  one  of  those  determined 
and  independent  characters  who  act  and  speak  what  they 
think  just  and  proper,  without  paying  the  least  regard  to 
the  opinion  of  persons  of  interest  or  in  power.  If  he  have 
a  fair  opportunity,  I  conceive  he  will  prove  a  most  excellent 
general. 

"  Considering  my  unntness  for  an  office  of  the  kind 
which  I  occupy,  both  from  disposition  and  habit,  I  have 
got  through  the  business  of  it  tolerably  well,  but  not 
without  infinite  labour,  and  have  been  harassed  almost 
every  hour  for  these  last  twelve  months.  The  particular 
situation  of  General  Fox's  command  in  Sicily  has  involved 
him  in  a  most  extensive  and  important  correspondence;* 
this,  added  to  the  detail  and  routine  of  the  army  here,  has 
allowed  me  but  few  leisure  moments. 

"  You  may  easily  conceive  that  I  shall  part  with  Genera! 
Fox  with  the  greatest  regret.  He  is  an  honest,  good- 
hearted  man.  Having  been  now  acquainted  with  his 
family  so  long,  I  feel  quite  hurt  at  the  thoughts  of 

*  General  Fox  was  not  only  in  military  command,  but  British 
Minister  to  the  Neapolitan  court. 


62  IN  SICILY.  [Cn.  V. 

separating  from  them.  Mrs.  Fox  is  an  amiable  woman, 
and  one  of  the  best  and  [most]  ladylike  characters  I  have 
ever  met  with. 

"  Yesterday  we  were  alarmed  with  the  report  of  a  peace 
with  [between  ?]  Russia  and  France.  I  believe  it ;  and 
am  afraid  the  Battle  of  Friedland  has  been  but  too  deci- 
sive. Things  cannot  be  worse  with  us.  We  shall  have 
soon  enough  to  do  in  this  part  of  the  world.  .  .  . 
Yours  truly  and  affectionately, 

"J.   COLBORNE. 

"  P.S. — I  have  sent  by  Mrs.  Fox  a  few  silks  for  gowns 
or  anything  else  for  Mrs.  R,  Delia,  Alethea,  Fanny  and 
Maria.*  They  tell  me  they  are  at  present  fashionable." 

In  Sicily  Colborne  was  still  training  himself  for 
war. 

"  I  remember  at  that  time  I  thought  it  was  the 
best  way  to  prepare  for  active  service  by  sleeping 
and  eating  as  you  would  in  the  field ;  a  bad  plan  in 
some  respects,  for  I  found  afterwards  that  the  more 
you  saved  yourself  the  more  you  could  bear  after, 
but  not  altogether.  It  is  very  bad  to  sleep  on  a 
feather  bed,  for  example — a  good  hard  mattrass  is 
the  thing.  Now,  I  had  a  very  thin  one,  scarcely 
enough  to  save  my  bones  from  the  boards;  a  sort 
of  truss!  I  do  not  suppose  there  was  one  officer  in 
a  hundred  did  as  I  did,  and  it  occasioned  a  good  deal 
cf  joking  among  them.  At  Palermo,  being  military 
secretary,  I  had  a  very  fine  house,  and  I  remember 
some  officers  passing  through  my  room  being  struck 
with  my  luxury,  and  the  contrast  between  my  bed 
and  the  magnificence  of  the  house.  However,  it  was 
:i  very  good  thing,  all  that.  I  kept  myself  in  good 

*  Maria  Kingsman,  a  niece  of  Mrs.  Bargus. 


i8o6-7.]  WORK  AND  PLAY.  63 

health  and  good  habit  of  body,  without  which  I 
should  never  have  got  over  my  wound  afterwards.  I 
mean  I  was  quite  strong,  but  not  fat  or  soft.  After 
Sicily,  when  I  went  into  active  service  I  had  very 
little  baggage,  all  in  a  very  small  compass,  and  I 
tried  placing  my  mattrass  on  boards,  but  I  found  I 
was  too  near  the  ground.  If  I  had  slept  on  the 
ground  in  a  tent  I  should  have  got  ill,  you  know. 
Then  I  got  a  very  nice  little  iron  bed  which  answered 
exactly;  it  folded  up  and  took  up  very  little  room, 
and  scarcely  weighed  six  pounds." 

He  tells  the  story  of  a  practical  joke  played  at 
this  time  in  Sicily.  "  The  2Oth  invited  the  52nd  to 
dinner.  I  was  away  at  the  time  with  General  Fox. 
Poor  Diggle  of  the  52nd  was  seated  between  two 
funny  young  officers  of  the  2Oth,  who  persuaded  him, 
when  they  got  to  the  toasts,  that  it  was  the  custom 
of  the  regiment  always  to  propose  a  toast '  Confusion 
to  all  General  Officers.'  So  up  he  got,  and  with 
Colonel  Ross  seated  at  the  head  of  the  table,  said, 
'  President,  I  have  a  toast  to  propose,  "  D — n  all 
General  Officers!"  The  officers  of  the  52nd  at 
that  time  were  a  most  proper  set,  all  very  anxious 
to  please  Sir  John  Moore,  and  the  Colonel  was  so 
scandalized  at  this  behaviour  that  at  a  meeting  of  the 
officers  they  almost  agreed  to  turn  Diggle  out  of 
the  regiment.  One  of  the  officers  wrote  to  me  to 
tell  me  so.  However,  Colonel  Ross  understood  how 
the  whole  thing  had  happened,  and  begged  the 
colonel  of  the  52nd  not  to  take  any  notice  of  it,  as 
it  was  all  a  joke.  Their  great  alarm  was  that  it 
should  come  to  Sir  John  Moore's  ears,  but  I  don't 
think  he  ever  heard  of  it." 


64  IN  SICILY.  [CH.  V. 

He  tells  the  following  stones  of  Sir  John  Moore 
and  of  General  Fox:  - 

"  Sir  John  Moore  once,  in  1 806,  in  the  presence 
of  Mr.  Drummond,  our  Minister  Plenipotentiary, 
and  General  Fox,  said  jokingly,  with  reference  to 
the  Queen  of  Naples,  '  Oh,  we  can  easily  ship  her 
off  to  Trieste.'  This,  Mr.  Drummond  most  mis- 
chievously and  unwarrantably  repeated  to  an  associ- 
ate of  Her  Majesty.  Sir  John  Moore  was  told  that 
he  had  done  so,  and  from  that  time  conceived  a  bad 
opinion  of  Mr.  Drummond,  so  much  so,  that  when 
the  queen  came  to  Sicily,  he  held  an  interview  with 
her  without  first  asking  Mr.  Drummond  to  present 
him.  The  queen  said  to  him,  *  Well,  Sir  John,  so  I 
find  you  are  a  Jacobin.'  *  Not  more  than  Lord 
Nelson,5  he  replied.  When  Mr.  Drummond  remon- 
strated with  him  on  what  he  called  his  '  very  irregu- 
lar proceeding/  Sir  John  replied,  c  I  am  well  aware, 
Mr.  Drummond,  of  your  irregular  proceeding — that 
you  have  repeated  a  private  conversation/  Mr. 
Drummond  had  the  effrontery  to  deny  that  he  had 
done  so,  though  the  fact  is  undoubted.  However, 
Sir  John,  owing  to  this,  did  not  get  on  well  with 
the  queen.  The  British  Government  expected  that 
she  would  entrust  her  forces  to  the  British  general. 

"  General  Charles  O'Hara,  who  was  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  Gibraltar  in  1792-3,*  when  Sir  John 
Moore  was  serving  there  with  the  5ist  Regiment, 
was  very  anxious  that  Moore  should  disguise  him- 
self as  a  sailor  with  a  red  cap,  and  make  some  obser- 
vations on  the  French  at  Ceuta,  but  Sir  John  said, 

*  He  was  full  Governor  from  1795  to  1802. 


1806-7.]  MOORE  AND   O'HARA.  65 

'  No,  thank  you,  general.  I  have  no  objection  to 
go  in  my  uniform,  but  I  have  no  wish  to  be  taken 
and  hung  as  a  spy.'  It  is,  of  course,  allowable  to 
hang  anyone  as  a  spy  who  goes  in  disguise,  but  an 
officer  taken  in  uniform  would  not  be  hung,  although 
he  were  engaged  in  the  same  occupation. 

"  O'Hara  was  a  very  agreeable  man,  very  talented 
and  witty — in  fact,  a  specimen  of  a  well-bred  Irish 
gentleman.  He  was  very  angry  when  the  army  and 
navy  had  to  cut  their  tails  off.  Gibraltar  was  a 
great  place  for  soldiering  in  those  days.  Four  or 
five  hundred  men  mounted  guard  every  day,  and  all 
the  officers  on  guard  used  to  stand  behind  the 
general  on  the  parade  ground.  O'Hara  was  in  a 
great  rage  one  day  when  Moore  appeared  on  parade 
without  his  tail.  He  said,  '  I  should  not  have  been 
surprised  if  it  had  been  one  of  the  other  officers,  but 
Moore,  who  has  been  brought  up  under  my  own  eye, 
I  never  expected  him  to  do  such  a  ridiculous  thing ! ' 
They  used  to  tell  a  story  that  when  he  was  introduced 
to  Colonel  England,  who  was  a  man  of  very  large 
proportions,  he  said  aside  to  the  officer  who  intro- 
duced him,  '  England,  indeed !  Great  Britain,  Ire- 
land and  France ! '  He  was  a  very  good  officer,  and 
had  seen  a  great  deal  of  service. 

"  At  the  time  I  was  military  secretary  to  General 
Fox  he  was  thought  an  old  officer;  he  was  about 
fifty.  He  had  a  great  objection  to  anything  in  the 
shape  of  display,  and  I  recollect  once,  in  making  the 
tour  of  Sicily,  he  desired  that  no  salutes  should  be 
fired  for  him.  When,  however,  we  came  by  Fort 
Auguste,  they  began  to  roar  out  a  tremendous  salute. 
So  old  Fox  turned  round  very  angrily  and  said, 

D 


66  IN  SICILY.  [Cn.  V. 

'  Really,  this  is  treating  me  very  badly/  and  sent  off 
his  aides-de-camp  scampering  right  and  left  to  stop 
the  salute. 

"  In  Sicily  they  always  have  a  quantity  of  bells 
hung  round  their  mules'  necks,  and  they  can  tell  by 
the  sound  if  the  mule  is  lazy  or  going  well. 
General  Fox,  being  tired  and  unwell,  was  once 
ending  a  day's  journey  in  a  sort  of  covered  sedan 
chair  drawn  by  mules,  and  he  told  his  aide-de-camp 
to  desire  the  man  to  take  the  bells  off  the  mules 
because  the  noise  disturbed  him.  The  man  made 
great  objections  and  said,  '  Why,  they  would  think  I 
was  carrying  a  dead  person!  '  So  the  aide-de-camp 
said,  *  Why,  if  he  were  dead,  then  you  might  have 
the  bells,  because  he  would  not  mind/  which  tickled 
the  fancy  of  the  bystanders,  and  they  laughed  so 
much  that  the  man  was  obliged  to  take  off  the  bells. 

"A  merchant  named  Warrington,  who  lived  at 
Naples,  told  me  that  at  the  time  when  everybody 
was  expecting  that  the  king  and  queen  were  going 
to  leave  [December,  1798],  he  thought  the  best  way 
was  to  go  and  watch  the  palace  himself.  So  he  went, 
and  actually  met  the  king  and  queen  and  Lord 
Nelson  and  Lady  Hamilton  coming  downstairs,  and 
he  overheard  Lady  Hamilton  say  to  Lord  Nelson, 
'  You  did  not  forget  the  watch,  did  you  ? '  He  con- 
cluded directly  from  that  that  it  was  a  regular  flight, 
and  hastened  home  as  hard  as  he  could  and  told  his 
wife  to  pack  up  for  Sicily.  He  proved  to  be  right. 
The  king  and  queen  went  on  board  the  fleet  that 
day." 

Colborne  used  to  tell  another  story  in  connexion 
with  Lord  Nelson.  Once  at  a  ball  at  Sir 


1807.]  NELSON.  67 

.William  Hamilton's,  Josiah  Nisbet,  Nelson's  step- 
son, after  drinking  too  much  wine,  pointed  at  Lady 
Hamilton  and  Nelson,  and  said,  "  That  woman  is 
ruining  that  man."  Lady  Hamilton  went  into  hys- 
terics, and  Nisbet,  as  he  was  being  dragged  away, 
shouted,  "  Clap  a  swrab  to  her  neck ;  that  will  bring 
her  to !  " 

In  the  autumn  of  1807,  Napoleon  having  sent  a 
large  army  under  Junot  to  take  possession  of  Lisbon, 
Sir  John  Moore  received  orders  to  sail  from  Sicily 
with  the  2Oth  and  other  regiments  to  support  the 
Portuguese  government.  "  We  received  the  order 
to  embark,"  said  Colborne  in  1847,  "without  being 
told  where  we  were  going.  I  was  military  secretary 
to  Sir  John  Moore  at  the  time,  and  Colonel  Ross,  a 
very  great  friend  of  mine,  came  to  me  and  said,  '  Can 
you  tell  me  where  we  are  going,  or  give  me  the  least 
hint,  whether  east  or  west?  It  is  of  the  greatest 
consequence  to  me,  for  if  we  go  east,  I  shall  leave 
Mrs.  Ross  here,  but  if  west,  we  may  be  off  anywhere, 
and  in  that  case  I  should  see  her  off  for  England 
directly.'  I  said,  *  Of  course,  I  know  where  we  are 
going,  but  I  cannot  give  you  the  least  hint;  how- 
ever, I  will  go  and  ask  Sir  John  Moore  if  I  may  tell 
you.'  So  I  asked  Sir  John  Moore,  and  he  said, 
'  Well,  Ross  is  an  honourable  man,  you  may  tell 
him/  We  were  going  to  Portugal." 

The  next  letters  were  written  on  the  voyage  to 
Gibraltar. 

To  Miss  Bargus. 

" '  Queen,'  off  Sardinia, 

"  7th  November,  1807. 

"  My  dearest  Alethea, — We  are  now  fighting  with  an  ill- 

D  2 


68  IN  SICILY.  [Cn.  V. 

tempered  westerly  wind,  which  will  not  permit  us  to 
weather  Sardinia — seven  days  blowing  from  the  same 
quarter — it  really  is  enough  to  irritate  even  a  greater 
philosopher  than  myself. 

"  On  the  24th  of  October  we  embarked  on  board  the 
'  Chiffone '  frigate  at  Messina,  and  proceeded  to  Syracuse, 
where  we  changed  to  the  '  Queen/  a  three-decker,  and, 
the  convoy  being  collected,  set  sail  to  the  southward  and 
passed  Sicily  with  a  fair  wind  after  being  driven  con- 
siderably to  the  eastward  by  a  contrary  gale. 

"  If  you  chance  to  have  a  quarter  of  an  hour  to  yourself, 
collect  the  news  quickly,  and  let  me  hear  from  you  during 
the  time  I  remain  at  Gibraltar.  You  must  be  quick,  or 
possibly  I  may  be  a  thousand  miles  further. 

"Your  last  letter  is  dated  on  the  i8th  of  June,  in  which 
you  tell  me  you  expect  a  copy  of  a  poem  from  me.  Now, 
although  they  say  I  am  extremely  flighty,  yet  1  have  a 
most  unpostical  head,  but,  be  assured,  had  I  been  inspired, 
the  muse  would  have  sent  forth  at  least  a  sonnet  by  every 
packet  to  you  and  Fanny.  Instead  of  subscribing  to  my 
poem,  I  must  insist  on  your  taking  two  copies  of  a  print 
designed  by  a  particular  friend  of  mine,  Captain  Pierre- 
pont,  of  the  2Oth  Regiment  I  have  not  seen  it  in  its 
finished  stats,  but  I  believe  Loutherbourg  has  improved  it 
and  made  it  a  very  good  picture.  The  subject,  the  battle 
of  Maida. 

"  I  hope  Richard  Bargus  has  escaped  the  danger  which 
seemed  to  threaten  him.  I  am  always  sorry  to  hear  of  a 
military  man  being  so  foolish  as  to  marry. 

"  The  conclusion  of  your  last  letter  amused  me  very 
much.  '  Your  dutiful  and  loving  sister,  Rebecca  Bargus.' 
How  infinitely  better  Rebecca  sounds  at  the  end  of  the 
sentence  than  Alethea.  Deborah  or  Tabitha  might  have 
been  still  more  respectable. 

"  Believe  me,  your  most  affectionate,  but  unwillingly  I  am 
obliged  to  add,  your  most  undutiful  brother, 

"  J.   COLBORNE." 


i8o;.]  SAILING  FOR   GIBRALTAR.  69 

To  Mr.  Bargus. 

"  '  H.M.S.  Queen,'  off  Sardinia, 

"8th  November,  1807. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — Thus  far  we  are,  on  our  passage  to 
Gibraltar,  with  about  7,000  men,  which  it  is  supposed  will 
be  considerably  increased  on  our  arrival  there.  Our  final 
destination  is  as  yet  a  secret  We  have  been  so  long  with 
an  unfavourable  wind,  I  fear  the  object  of  the  expedition 
will  be  known  before  our  force  is  concentrated. 

"  The  Twentieth  Regiment  is  in  the  fleet.  I  am  in  the 
same  ship  with  Sir  J.  Moore — and  almost  too  comfortable. 
You  may  conceive  that  changing  from  a  small  transport 
to  a  three-decker  is  not  much  against  my  inclination. 

"  The  troops,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  are  not  abundantly  sup- 
plied with  provisions. 

"  The  more  I  see  of  the  general,  the  better  I  like  him ; 
and  most  sincerely  hope  he  will  be  successful  in  the  ser- 
vice for  which  he  is  intended. 

"  Enclosed  is  a  bill  of  exchange  for  £"247  los.  on  the 
Lords  of  the  Treasury,  which  sum,  on  settling  my  accounts 
at  Messina,  I  found  due  to  me.  I  ought  to  have  saved 
more,  but  horses  and  other  unavoidable  expenses,  and 
having  no  time  to  attend  to  my  own  affairs,  prevented  me 
from  being  very  economical. 

"  You  must  allow  that  the  Ministry  are  endeavouring  to 
be  active,  and  indeed  had  not  some  unlocked  for  circum- 
stance occurred  which  prevented  the  evacuation  of  Egypt 
from  taking  place  sooner,  a  respectable  force  would  have 
been  collected  in  Sicily  four  months  ago.  The  great  dis- 
advantage in  not  being  able  to  circulate  orders  quick  is 
the  cause  of  many  difficulties. 

"  The  details  of  the  affair  at  Buenos  Ayres,  as  we  hear  it 
through  the  French  papers,  are  most  disgraceful,  and  from 
the  notorious  bad  character  of  Whitelock  we  are  inclined 
to  believe  the  whole  of  them. — Most  sincerely  yours, 

"J.   COLBORNE." 


70  GIBRALTAR.  [Cn.  V. 

Things  having  advanced  so  far  in  Portugal  that 
nothing  could  be  done  there — Lisbon  having  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  the  French,  and  the  royal  family 
having  fled  to  the  Brazils — Sir  John  Moore  was 
obliged  to  bring  his  force  home  to  England. 
Accordingly,  Colborne  saw  his  native  shores  for  the 
first  time  since  June,  1800. 

To  Mr.  Bargus. 

"  Gibraltar, 

"  4th  December,  1 807. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — We  arrived  here  on  the  1st  inst,  after 
a  most  tedious  passage.  I  am  now  only  waiting  for  a  fair 
wind  to  take  a  cruise  in  the  '  Chiflone '  with  Sir  John 
Moore  ;  and  it  will  soon  be  decided  in  what  manner  we  are 
to  be  disposed  of.  If  no  military  operation  takes  place 
(which  is  very  probable),  I  shall  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
you  in  a  few  weeks — or  months. — Most  affectionately 
yours, 

"J.  COLBORNE." 

"  Gibraltar, 

"  1 2th  December,  1807. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — We  returned  this  morning  from  off  the 
Tagus,  and  having  found  that  the  Prince  of  Brazils,  the 
Court,  and  the  nobility  came  out  to  Sir  Sidney  Smith  about 
ten  days  ago,  with  nine  sail  of  the  line,  intending  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  Brazils,  we  are  preparing  to  sail  for  England 
with  the  greater  part  of  the  force  under  Sir  J.  Moore's 
command ;  the  service  for  which  we  were  intended  is  now 
at  an  end. 

"  I  am  very  much  pleased  that  the  2Oth  return  to  Eng- 
land, as  I  believe  I  shall  not  join  again  as  captain. 

"  It  is  very  probable  we  may  arrive  by  the  latter  end  of 
January. 

"  The  French  marched  into  Lisbon,  the  4th,  14,000  men. 
— Yours  most  affectionately, 

"J.  COLBORNE." 


!8o7.]  RETURN   TO  ENGLAND.  Ji 

"  St.  Helen's  [Isle  of  Wight], 
" '  Euryalus,' 

"2Qth  December,  1807. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — After  a  passage  of  only  thirteen  days  the 
whole  of  the  convoy,  consisting  of  forty  sail  of  transports, 
came  to  an  anchor  yesterday  evening.  We  have  not  yet 
had  any  communication  with  the  shore,  but  suppose  we 
must  remain  in  quarantine  two  or  three  days. 

"  It  is  Sir  J.  Moore's  intention  to  remain  here  until  he 
receives  orders  from  London.  I  hope  to  have  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  you  at  Barkway  in  eight  or  nine  days. — Yours 
most  affectionately, 

"J.  COLBORNE." 

Enclosure,  addressed  "  Miss  Alethea  Bargus" 

"  St.  Helen's, 

" '  Euryalus,' 

"  29th  December,  1807. 

"  I  beg  leave  to  announce  to  you  the  following  important 
intelligence:  'Yesterday,  arrived  at  St.  Helen's,  thirteen 
days  from  Gibraltar,  Captain  Colborne,  2Oth  Regiment. 
The  captain  is  very  fat  and  having  slept  during  the  great- 
est part  of  the  passage  most  profoundly,  is  supposed  to 
have  thriven  exceedingly  on  board.  Upon  the  whole,  con- 
sidering an  absence  of  nearly  eight  years  from  his  native 
land,  he  looks  tolerably  well.'  " 


CHAPTER    VI. 

SWEDEN,  1808. 

COLBORNE  announced  his  arrival  in  London  in  the 
following  note  to  his  stepfather : 

"  Ibbotson's  Hotel, 
"  Vere-street, 

"  5th  January,  1808. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — I  arrived  here  last  night,  but  am  afraid 
it  will  not  be  in  my  power  to  see  you  before  Friday.  I 
have  seen  Sir  John  Moore  this  morning,  but  cannot  yet 
tell  what  is  to  become  of  us.  I  rather  think  we  shall  soon 
be  afloat  again.  I  shall  be  very  happy  to  accompany 
General  Moore,  whatever  part  of  the  world  may  be  his 
destination. — Yours  most  affectionately, 

"J.  COLBORNE." 

On  2ist  January,  1808,  Colborne  gained  the  rank 
of  major  in  the  army.  He  was  now  nearly  30. 

The  following  letter  shows  that  he  was  anxious  to 
obtain  also  a  regimental  majority.  Colborne  had 
no  doubt  already  visited  his  stepfather  and  family  at 
Barkway,  and  the  strengthening  of  old  ties  of  affec- 
tion is  marked  by  the  fact  that  his  letters  henceforth 
are  no  longer  addressed  "  My  dear  Sir,"  but  "  My 
dear  Mr.  Bargus."  Preparations  for  a  new  expedi- 
tion were — as  will  be  seen — already  being  made. 


i8o8.]  WHITELOCKE'S  TRIAL.  73 

"  Ibbotson's  Hotel, 
"  i yth  March. 

0  My  dear  Mr.  Bargus, — On  my  arrival  here  I  found  that 
Colonel  Clephane  had  nearly  concluded  a  bargain  with 
a  Major  Campbell,  of  the  4ist  Regiment,  relative  to  the 
disposal  of  his  commission,  the  final  arrangement  was  to 
take  place  on  Thursday.  I  immediately,  therefore,  set  off 
to  General  Moore  and  mentioned  the  state  of  the  case. 
He  received  me  very  kindly,  and  assured  me  that  should 
Wallace  decline  in  my  favour,  he  would  do  everything  in 
his  power  to  assist  me.  I  went  down  to  Brabourne  Lees 
and  explained  the  nature  of  my  visit  to  Major  Wallace.  I 
was  not  long  in  ascertaining  his  determination,  for  after  a 
short  conversation  he  fairly  told  me  he  would  much  rather 
see  a  stranger  come  into  the  regiment  than  allow  a  junior 
officer  to  pass  over  his  head.  So  thus  ends  the  affair,  and 
perhaps  it  may  yet  turn  out  better  for  me,  should  we  be 
employed  in  the  spring. 

"  I  found  it  necessary  to  return  to  London  ;  my  old 
friends  at  Brabourne  seemed  all  very  happy  to  see  me,  and 
had  I  not  lately  been  at  Barkway,  I  could  have  fancied  my 
regiment  another  home. 

"  Will  you  have  the  goodness  to  despatch  Kingsley  with 
my  horse  to  London,  so  that  he  may  arrive  at  the  Found- 
ling Hospital  by  six  o'clock  to-morrow  evening  ?  I  merely 
mention  that  place  because  it  is  probable  he  may  know  it 
I  will  meet  him  there.  It  is  my  intention  to  ride  to  Bra- 
bourne,  and  I  shall  leave  town  on  Saturday  morning.  The 
horse  I  have  at  the  regiment  is  so  hot  and  unsteady  that 
it  will  be  some  time  before  I  shall  be  able  to  mount  him 
at  a  parade. 

"  Notwithstanding  all  you  see  in  the  newspaper,  I  have 
reason  to  think  that  no  commander  is  yet  fixed  on  for  the 
expedition,  nor  any  regiment  appointed,  but  believe  that 
most  of  the  regular  regiments  will  be  employed  in  two 
months. 

"  General   Whitelock's   trial*   is   finished       The   paper 

*  For  misconduct  at  Buenos  Ay  res. 


74  BRABOURNE  LEES.  [Cn.  VI. 

gives  a  very  imperfect  account  of  it  He  read  part  of  his 
defence  on  Monday,  beginning  with  an  ill-judged  attack 
on  the  Judge-Advocate,  Mr.  Ryder,  accusing  him  with 
tampering  with  his  aides-de-camp.  He  endeavoured  to 
prove  that  General  Gore*  caused  the  failure  of  the  expedi- 
tion, and  said  that  General  Craufurd  did  not  execute  his 
orders.  General  Craufurd  was  present  and  Colonel  Birch 
opposite  to  him,  enjoying  the  charge  against  him.  White- 
lock  looked  angrily  and  in  a  very  significant  manner  at 
General  Moore,  whenever  he  thought  he  had  answered 
any  of  his  questions.  He  called  on  General  White  for  a 
character,  the  very  person  who  must  have  been  acquainted 
with  his  conduct  at  St.  Domingo,  t  He  wept  exceedingly, 
but  the  tears  appeared  to  proceed  from  passion,  and  being 
exhausted  he  was  obliged  to  sit  down.  Lewis,  his  brother- 
in-law,  and  General  Maude  read  the  rest  of  his  defence. 
People  think  he  has  not  refuted  a  single  charge.  The 
judge-advocate's  observations  when  the  defence  was 
finished  were  excellent,  and  must  have  been  very  cutting 
to  General  Whitelock.  He  stated  that  if  ever  there  was  a 
time  that  called  for  the  Commander-in-Chief  exposing  his 
own  person,  it  was  during  that  attack,  but  that  he,  instead 
of  using  any  exertion,  remained  in  a  situation  where  the 
tops  of  the  nearest  houses  could  scarcely  be  seen,  and 
slunk  back  half  a  mile  to  the  rear  in  the  evening.  If  I  can 
procure  a  pamphlet  of  the  trial  I  will  send  it  you. — Believe 
me,  most  affectionately  yours, 

"J.  COLBORNE." 


"  Brabourne  Lees, 

"28th  March,  1808. 

"  My  dear  Mr.  Bargus, — I  like  this  quarter  very  much, 
but  am  singular  in  my  opinion.  We  are  completely 

*  Leweson-Gower. 

f  In  San  Domingo  in  1794  Whitelocke  tried  to  gain  Port  de  la  Paix 
by  bribing  its  commander,  who  indignantly  challenged  him  to  single 
combat.  See  Annual  Register,  1794,  pp.  174,  175.  Shortly  after- 
wards Whitelocke  was  superseded  by  Brigadier-General  Whyte. 


i8o8.]  EXPEDITION  TO  SWEDEN.  75 

separated  from  the  non-combatants — the  nearest  town  is 
Ashford,  five  miles  from  us ;  Hythe  is  seven.  They 
could  not  have  chosen  a  more  proper  situation  to  inure 
troops  to  the  more  northern  climate  of  Sweden,  should  we 
be  intended  for  that  service.  It  is  extremely  cold,  but  the 
old  bones  of  our  men  seem  to  bear  the  change  well ;  I 
have  not  seen  them  look  better  for  many  years.  We  have 
been  obliged  to  discharge  fifty,  totally  unfit  for  service. 

"  Yesterday  I  had  a  letter  from  Sir  John  Moore.  No 
news.  The  Sicilian  mail  has  arrived  and  has  brought  me 
some  letters ;  our  popularity  in  Sicily  becomes  less  and 
less  daily.  The  few  friends  we  had  have  deserted  us  since 
the  Russian  war.  Scylla,  I  am  afraid,  is  taken. — Yours 
most  affectionately, 

"J.   COLBORNE." 

From  Brabourne  Lees  Miss  Alethea  Bargus 
received  an  Italian  letter  from  her  half-brother, 
dated  "28  di  Marzo"  and  signed  "  Vostro  fratello 
affettuosissimo. — J.  COLBORNE." 

In  his  letter  to  Mr.  Bargus  of  28th  March,  Col- 
borne  had  mentioned  Sweden  as  the  destination  of 
the  new  expedition.  The  British  Government,  with 
the  intention  of  assisting  the  King  of  Sweden  against 
a  Russian  invasion,  collected  some  10,000  troops, 
which  sailed  from  Yarmouth  Roads  on  roth  May, 
under  Sir  John  Moore's  command.  Colborne  was 
again  military  secretary  to  the  general,  who  had  as  an 
aide-de-camp  Colonel  Graham,  afterwards  Lord 
Lynedoch.  The  fleet  reached  Gottenburgh  between 
the  1 7th  and  2Oth  May.  General  Moore  and  most 
of  his  staff  resided  on  shore,  but  the  King  of  Sweden 
refused  to  allow  the  troops  to  land,  and  claimed  that 
they  should  be  at  his  own  disposal.  After  communi- 
cating with  England,  Sir  John  Moore  started  for 


76  IN  SWEDEN.  [Cn.  VI. 

Stockholm  on  the  I2th  June.  Colborne,  who 
accompanied  him,  wrote  the  following  letter  soon 
after  his  arrival  in  the  capital: 

"  Stockholm, 

"  i  gth  June. 

"  My  dear  Alethea, — I  have  but  a  few  minutes  to  write 
to  you,  but  as  a  messenger  is  about  to  be  despatched  direct 
to  England,  I  will  just  say  that  I  have  not  suffered  much 
from  our  arduous  campaign. 

"  What  a  pleasant  way  of  travelling !  without  trouble 
or  expense.  General  Moore  is  at  present  residing  in  this 
capital,  where  he  was  obliged  to  come  on  business.  The 
army  is  still  at  Gottenburgh. 

"  I  am  much  pleased  with  every  part  of  Sweden  I  have 
seen.  We  travelled  in  an  open  chaise  from  Gottenburgh 
to  Stockholm  in  fifty-nine  hours.  The  roads  are  excellent, 
the  country  covered  with  beautiful  woods. 

"We  passed  several  large  lakes,  the  Winer  and  Malar, 
&c.  The  peasants  are  the  best  people  I  have  seen  in  any 
country;  strictly  honest  and  very  civil.  They  are  all 
dressed  in  the  old  costume  such  as  might  have  been  worn 
in  England  about  two  centuries  ago. 

"  At  Gottenburgh  I  was  acquainted  with  a  very  pleasant 
family.  The  ladies  in  it  were  so  beautiful  that  I  really 
believe  I  am  smitten,  so  instead  of  returning  covered  with 
wounds  from  a  hard  campaign,  should  you  not  be  surprised 
to  see  me  groaning  with  une  Suedoise,  and  hobbling  from 
the  load  of  a  wife  instead  of  the  spoils  taken  from  the 
enemy  ? 

"  Stockholm  is  the  most  quiet  metropolis  in  the  world 
— you  would  conceive  yourself  in  a  village  on  entering  it, 
but  its  situation  is  different  from  any  other  town  I  have 
seen.  The  Old  Town  is  on  an  island  and  the  suburb  is 
the  most  fashionable  quarter  to  reside  in.  It  is  a  most 
delightful  scene  all  around  us — I  have  not  time  to  describe 
its  beauties — but  what  has  above  all  repaid  me  for  my 
journey  is  that  I  have  grasped  the  swords  of  Gustavus 


i8o3.]  AN  IMPRACTICAL  KING.  77 

Vasa  and  Gustavus  Adolphus,  and  worn  the  hat  of  Charles 
the  1 2th.  This  is  an  honour  which  I  never  expected  to 
have  had.  It  is  light  enough  to  read  the  whole  of  the 
night.  I  am  now  very  anxious  to  get  as  far  as  Tornea, 
where  the  sun  is  seen  nearly  the  whole  24  hours.  I  wish 
much  to  be  frozen  up  here  the  winter,  but  am  afraid  it 
will  not  be  the  case. — Most  affectionately  yours." 

Colborne  apparently  did  not  succeed  in  making 
the  journey  to  Tornea.  In  later  years  he  gave  the 
following  particulars  of  his  time  in  Stockholm,  which 
show  that  his  zeal  for  improving  every  occasion  had 
not  abated :  "  As  we  thought  we  should  stay  in 
Sweden  for  some  time  I  worked  hard  at  Swedish.  I 
used  to  get  up  at  four  o'clock  to  study  it.  My 
teacher  was  a  young  man  named  Anderson,  who 
was  living  in  the  same  house.  I  did  not  find  it  very 
difficult.  I  liked  Stockholm  very  much.  It  was  a 
very  gay  capital." 

The  whole  business,  however,  degenerated  into 
farce.  The  King  of  Sweden,  who  was  all  but  a 
madman,  wished  to  employ  Moore  on  wild  schemes 
of  his  own,  and  when  Moore  declared  that  he  was 
compelled  by  his  instructions  to  return  to  England, 
the  king  practically  put  him  under  arrest.  Sir  John, 
leaving  Colborne  behind  him,  then  escaped  incog- 
nito to  his  fleet,  which  he  reached  on  29th  June. 
Colonel  Murray  left  Stockholm  later,  on  the  27th. 
The  fleet  sailed  from  Gottenburgh  on  3rd  July. 
Colborne  had  succeeded  in  joining  it  the  day  before,* 
having  left  Stockholm  on  the  29th.  They  anchored 
in  the  Downs  on  the  i5th,  and  next  morning  were 

*  Colborne's  diary  shows  that  Sir  G.  Napier  is  wrong  in  saying 
that  Colborne  overtook  the  fleet  at  sea.  Early  Military  Life  of  Sir 
G.  N.,  p.  42. 


78  IN  SWEDEN.  [Cn.  VI. 

ordered    to    proceed    to    Portsmouth    on    another 
service. 

Colborne  told  this  story  in  later  years:  "When 
we  were  in  Sweden,  the  king  sent  an  invitation  to 
Sir  G.  Murray  to  dinner.  As  the  king  had  insulted 
Sir  John  Moore  he  was  going  to  decline,  but  the 
aide-de-camp  said,  '  The  king  said  if  Colonel 
Murray  did  not  come  he  would  send  a  file  of  soldiers 
to  make  him ;  and  you  may  be  sure  he  will  do  it!  '  "* 

To  Mr.  Bargus. 

"  H.M.S.  '  Audacious/ 

"  i6tK  July. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — Once  more  we  are  in  a  British  port. 
General  Moore  is  going  this  moment  to  town.  We  all  go 
round  to  Portsmouth,  and  are  now  getting  under  weigh. 
We  expect  to  be  in  Spain  in  a  few  weeks.  I  have  a  long 
story  to  tell  you  about  Sweden.  We  were  very  near  being 
detained  prisoners  at  Stockholm. — Most  affectionately 
yours, 

"J.  COLBORNE." 


"H.M.S.  'Audacious/  Dover  Roads, 

"  i;th  July. 

"  My  dear  Alethea, — We  arrived  in  the  Downs  from 
Gottenburgh  on  the  I5th.  We  found  orders  for  us  to  go 
to  Portsmouth,  from  whence  we  shall  sail,  I  believe,  as 
soon  as  the  transports  can  be  victualled.  General  Moore 
is  gone  to  town,  but  I  expect  to  find  him  at  Portsmouth  by 
the  time  the  fleet  reaches  that  place. 

"  I  hope  you  received  my  short  letter  from  Stockholm. 

*  Colonel  Murray  (afterwards  Sir  George  Murray)  was  invited  by 
the  king  on  the  26th  June.  The  invitation  was  declined,  but  Colonel 
Murray  did  see  the  king  the  same  day.  See  An  Historical  Sketch  of 
the  Last  Years  of  Gustavus  IV.,  Adolphus,  London,  1812,  which  con- 
tains the  correspondence  and  accounts  of  the  interviews  between  Moore 
and  the  king. 


i8o8.]  RETURN  TO  ENGLAND.  79 

My  adventures  in  that  part  of  the  world,  after  I  had  written 
to  you,  were  numerous  and  extraordinary,  and  I  look  on 
myself  as  very  fortunate  in  getting  away.  You  will  have 
seen  by  the  paper  some  account  of  Sir  John  Moore's 
leaving  Stockholm;  part  of  it  is  true,  and  as  I  remained 
a  few  days  after  him  at  Stockholm,  it  was  thought  probable 
that  the  foolish  King  of  Sweden  would  have  been  ridiculous 
enough  to  have  stopped  the  suite  of  the  general,  but  we 
managed  to  get  away  without  being  discovered. 

"  I  am  afraid  we  shall  not  meet  before  I  leave  England. 
This  first  expedition  has  finished  but  badly ;  indeed,  there 
was  nothing  to  be  done  in  the  Baltic,  so  perhaps  it  is 
better  that  this  force  still  remains  entire. — Yours 
affectionately, 

"J.   COLBORNE." 


CHAPTER    VII. 

PORTUGAL.     VIMIERO  AND  THE  CONVENTION  OF 
CINTRA,  1808. 

ON  his  return  from  Sweden  Sir  John  Moore  learnt 
that  he  was  to  carry  his  troops  at  once  to  Portugal, 
the  British  Government  having  determined  to  assist 
the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese  to  throw  off  the  yoke 
of  Napoleon.  But  in  this  expedition  Moore  wras  not 
to  be  in  supreme  command,  but  to  serve  under  Sir 
Hew  Dalrymple  and  Sir  Harry  Burrard.  Moore 
protested  against  this  "  unworthy  treatment,"  but 
submitted  to  it  like  a  soldier. 

What  Colborne  thought  of  it  we  see  in  the 
following  letter,  undated,  but  evidently  written  from 
Spithead  between  25th  July,  when  General  Burrard 
arrived,  and  3ist  July,  when  the  fleet  sailed  from 
St.  Helen's: 

"  My  dear  Mr.  Bargus, — I  must  write  to  you  before  I 
leave  England  to  inform  you  of  the  changes  that  have 
ta,ken  place.  Sir  John  Moore,  from  the  intrigues  and  dirty 
cabals  of  Ministers,  is  not  thought  worthy  to  be  entrusted 
with  the  chief  command,  nor  even  to  be  second  in  com- 
mand. Sir  Hew  Dalrymple  is  to  command  the  army  when 
united,  Sir  H.  Burrard  is  second  in  command.  The 
Ministry  have  treated  Sir  John  in  an  infamous  manner, 


i8o8.]  SIR  JOHN  MOORE  SUPERSEDED.  8 1 

and  have  tried  to  vex  him  in  order  that  he  may  not  go  out 
with  us,  but  he  has  conducted  himself  in  a  temperate  and 
dignified  manner,  telling  them  that  he  thought  his  former 
services  entitled  him  to  some  respect,  that  he  had  raised 
himself  by  his  own  exertions  to  the  rank  he  held  without 
mixing  in  any  party  or  intrigues,  that  he  would  go  cheer- 
fully on  the  service  he  was  ordered,  and  would  exert  him- 
self with  the  same  zeal  and  activity  in  the  service  of  his 
country  and  King  as  he  had  always  done  when  employed. 
The  Cabinet  sent  him  a  menace  that  '  had  not  the  military 
arrangements  been  so  far  advanced  that  they  could  not 
change  them  without  detriment  to  the  service,  they  would 
relieve  him  from  the  unpleasant  situation  in  which  he  must 
be  placed  at  present,  and  that  the  Cabinet  would  take  the 
first  opportunity  of  relating  to  His  Majesty  the  conversation 
which  took  place  between  Sir  John  Moore  and  Lord 
Castlereagh  in  London  '  (for  he  had  told  him  his  sentiments 
and  what  he  felt).  Sir  John  answered  that  he  had  already 
fully  expressed  his  sentiments  to  Lord  Castlereagh,  that 
a  repetition  would  be  needless,  that  he  should  proceed  on 
the  service  he  was  ordered  without  the  least  objection,  but 
that  it  gave  him  great  pleasure  that  it  was  the  intention 
of  the  Ministry  to  lay  the  whole  before  His  Majesty,  as  he 
should  be  in  most  perfect  security  in  the  justice  of  the 
King,  and  had  the  firmest  reliance  in  trusting  his  honour, 
conduct,  and  reputation  in  His  Majesty's  hands.  This 
cuts  short  the  correspondence ;  they  are  afraid  to  recall 
him,  for  he  had  documents  that  would  make  them  tremble, 
were  he  to  produce  them.  The  fact  is,  no  man  has  more 
merit  and  none  more  enemies,  even  among  the  generals 
of  high  rank.  They  have  not  the  sense  to  hold  their 
tongues,  but  you  may  be  assured  Sir  John  Moore  is  the 
only  soldier  good  for  anything  amongst  the  whole  set, 
with  very  few  exceptions.  Sir  John,  immediately  he  knew 
his  situation,  offered  to  get  me  in  the  Quartermaster- 
General's  department  or  the  Adjutant-General's,  but  I 
thought  it  best  to  refuse  both  and  join  my  regiment,  which 
is  on  the  passage  to  Portugal  or  Spain.  The  former  would 


82  PENINSULAR   WAR.  [Cn.  VII. 

have  been  a  more  comfortable  and  easy  situation,  and  a 
much  more  profitable  one  as  to  pay — but  the  latter  more 
honourable,  I  think,  particularly  as  I  belong  to  such  a 
regiment  as  the  Twentieth.  Sir  John  was  pleased  with  my 
choice,  and  hoped  I  should  be  a  lieutenant-colonel  the 
sooner  for  it  I  certainly  shall  learn  more  as  a  major,  and 
have  no  doubt  but  that  I  shall  do  very  well.  We  meet 
with  fewer  competitors  in  the  field  than  in  the  office,  and 
I  have  never  found  many  candidates  offer  when  any  real 
service  is  going  on.  I  am  convinced  Sir  J.  Moore  will  be 
my  friend  as  long  as  he  lives,  and  I  do  not  wish  a  better, 
for  he  must  rise  again  in  spite  of  their  cabals.  I  go  with 
him  on  board  the  '  Audacious/  and  shall  join  the  regiment 
where  I  find  it.  Sir  Harry  Burrard  sent  for  me  to-day 
and  begged  I  would  carry  on  the  business  until  Sir  H. 
Dalrymple  took  the  command.  I  told  him  that  my  object 
was  to  join  my  regiment,  and  thera  could  not  be  much 
business  until  we  arrived,  but  if  it  would  facilitate  business 
or  be  any  convenience  to  him,  I  shoujd  be  happy  to  remain 
in  the  situation  until  I  fell  in  with  the  regiment.  I  was 
anxious  to  explain  to  him  that  it  was  doing  me  no  sort  of 
favour,  but  merely  for  his  convenience.  Indeed,  if  it  had 
not  been  so,  I  do  not  suppose  that  it  would  have  been 
offered  to  me.  But,  however,  it  is  settled  that  I  embark 
with  him  and  Sir  J.  Moore,  and  for  the  present  I  remain. 

"  We  go  to  Portugal  to  attack  Junot  first.  If  the  busi- 
ness has  been  executed  by  Sir  A.  Wellesley  previous  to  our 
arrival,  we  proceed  to  Spain  and  act  according  to  circum- 
stances. The  Spaniards,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  have  been 
beaten  with  the  loss  of  thirteen  pieces  of  cannon — near 
Benevente. 

"  We  are  to  sail  to-morrow,  they  say.  I  do  not  think  we 
shall.  You  may  venture  to  write  to  me  the  same  direc- 
tions as  usual,  '  Mil.  Sec.  to  Sir  John  Moore,  H.M.S. 
"  Audacious."  '  I  took  a  walk  the  other  night  after  dinner 
to  Fareham  and  called  on  Dr.  Bogue.  Miss  Bargus  made 
her  appearance  ;  she  said  I  was  very  much  like  Delia.  As 
it  was  quite  dark  (about  half-past  nine  o'clock)  she  might 


i8o8.]  BATTLE  OF   VIMIERO.  83 

have  imagined  it,  so  I  agreed  with  her  that  everyone  thought 
so.  They  were  all  very  civil  and  attentive,  John  Bogue 
as  erect  as  a  bed-post,  but  full  of  fine  speeches  and  com- 
pliments.— Yours  most  affectionately, 

"J.   COLBORNE." 

The  fleet  sailed  from  St.  Helen's  on  3ist  July. 
On  1 6th  August  Sir  Harry  Burrard  went  on,  ordering 
Moore  to  lay  to  till  he  received  further  orders. 
Meanwhile,  another  portion  of  the  expedition,  under 
Sir  Arthur  Wellesley,  having  left  Cork  on  i2th 
July,  had  already  landed  (6th  August)  in  Mondego 
Bay.  This  force  fought  the  battle  of  Roliga  on  I7th 
August  and  that  of  Vimiero  on  the  2ist.  Sir  Harry 
Burrard  arrived  at  Vimiero  in  time  to  witness  Welles- 
ley's  defeat  of  Junot,  though  his  first  act  of  inter- 
position was  to  forbid  any  pursuit.  Next  day  he 
was  himself  superseded  by  the  arrival  of  Sir  Hew 
Dalrymple.  Sir  Hew,  with  the  concurrence  of 
Burrard  and  Wellesley,  now  concluded  with  Junot 
the  Convention  of  Cintra,  by  which  the  French  were 
embarked  with  their  arms  and  baggage  and  sent 
home,  and  Portugal  was  restored  to  independence. 
The  Convention  excited  a  storm  of  indignation  in 
England  and  in  Portugal.  Sir  Hew,  Sir  Harry  and 
Sir  Arthur  all  went  home  in  consequence,  and  Moore 
received  a  despatch,  dated  25th  September,  by  which 
he  was  put  in  chief  command  of  the  army  to  be  em- 
ployed in  Spain. 

Colborne's  next  letter  gives  his  impressions  of  the 
battle  of  Vimiero  and  of  the  Convention  that 
followed  it.  His  regiment,  the  2Oth,  had  arrived  in 
Mondego  Bay  on  igth  August,  too  late  for  the 
combat  of  Roliga,  but  in  time  to  play  its  part  at 


84  PENINSULAR   WAR.  [Cn.  VII. 

Vimiero  on  the  2ist,  where  it  attacked  the  enemy's 
flank  with  great  gallantry.  Colborne,  who  had  sailed 
with  Sir  Harry  Burrard  and  Sir  John  Moore,  had 
unfortunately  not  been  able  to  join  it  before  the 
battle.  Whether  he  arrived  on  the  field  with  Sir 
Harry  Burrard  in  the  course  of  the  action,  or  had 
been  left  in  the  fleet  with  Sir  John  Moore,  is  not 
clear. 

"  Camp  near  Veimira, 
"3rd  September,  1808. 

"  My  dear  Mr.  Bargus, — We  are  now  on  the  march 
towards  Lisbon,  where  it  is  said  the  army  will  remain 
until  the  whole  of  the  French  are  embarked.  It  seems  to 
be  the  general  opinion  that  they  have  let  them  off  too 
easily.  Sir  A.  Wellesley  advanced  as  far  as  Leiyra  without 
opposition.  On  the  i/th  ult.  his  march  was  opposed  by 
4,000  men  posted  at  a  strong  pass  [Rolic^a],  many  officers 
think  that  our  army  might  have  forced  it  with  less  loss. 
The  bull  was  taken  by  the  horns,  and  more  bravery  than 
generalship  was  shown.  However,  the  French  lost  near 
1,500  men.  Sir  Arthur  halted  at  Veimira.  His  army  was 
posted  on  some  rugged  hills  forming  nearly  a  half  circle, 
the  centre  considerably  advanced,  and  his  two  flanks 
inclining  towards  the  sea.  It  was  the  intention  of 
Sir  A.  to  have  advanced  himself  this  [that  ?]  morning 
and  attacked  the  enemy  at  Torres  Vedras,  but 
the  arrival  of  Sir  H.  Burrard  in  the  bay  prevented 
him.  Junot  having  left  his  position  in  the  night,  arrived 
in  the  woods  about  Veimira  early  in  the  morning. 
His  army  having  halted  to  breakfast,  he  commenced  a 
furious  attack  on  the  centre  and  left  about  9  a.m.,  but  the 
conduct  of  our  men  was  so  steady  and  spirited  that  neither 
of  the  columns  of  the  enemy  gained  an  inch  at  any  part  of 
the  action.  He  was  repulsed  with  great  loss,  some  say 
4,000,  leaving  1 6  or  17  pieces  of  cannon  on  the  field.  This 
was  the  time  to  have  destroyed  his  whole  army,  our  right 


i8o8.]  BATTLE  OF  VIMIERO.  85 

had  not  fired  a  shot ;  indeed  there  were  7,000  men  not 
engaged.  Sir  Arthur,  seeing  the  enemy  retiring  in  con- 
fusion, wished  to  have  advanced  his  right,  intending  to  cut 
off  their  retreat  (this  is  what  people  say  and  I  believe  it, 
for  almost  any  general  would  have  done  so),  but  tile  evil 
genius  of  the  army  sent  Sir  H.  B.  on  the  field  during  the 
action,  and  although  he  did  not  interfere  while  the  battle 
was  going  on,  yet  he  would  not  agree  to  any  pursuit  The 
next  day  the  enemy  requested  a  suspension  of  hostilities. 
We  are  ignorant  of  the  terms  of  the  capitulation,  but  the 
French  are  allowed  to  return  to  France  ;  they  should  have 
all  been  sent  to  England.  The  Russians,  of  course, 
become  prisoners,  with  seven  sail  of  the  line  and  four  or  five 
frigates.  I  presume  the  lenity  of  our  general  will  be  as- 
cribed to  his  wish  to  employ  this  army  immediately  in 
another  quarter.  I  hope  there  will  be  no  delay. 

"  The  weather  has  been  unfavourable,  very  hot  during 
the  day  and  heavy  rain  at  night.  We  have  no  camp 
equipage,  but  the  country  being  woody,  we  erect  huts, 
which  answer  very  well  when  it  does  not  rain. 

"I  will  write  to  you  from  Lisbon. — Most  affectionately 
yours, 

"J.  C." 

Colborne  had  a  story  in  later  years  in  regard  to  the 
Convention  of  Cintra.  Before  it  was  signed,  Sir 
Hew  Dalrymple  was  discussing  its  terms  with 
General  Kellermann,  at  Coimbra,  and,  to  obtain  better 
terms,  was  insisting  that  the  fleet  containing  Sir 
Harry  Burrard's  army  was  already  in  sight  off  Oporto. 
At  this  moment  Sir  James  Douglas  rushed  into  the 
Toom,  and  to  Sir  Hew's  infinite  annoyance,  ex- 
claimed, very  mat  a  propos,  "  I  have  been  looking 
out  for  the  last  two  hours  and  the  fleet  is  nowhere  in 
sight."  General  Kellermann  related  this  story  on  the 
ship  on  which  he  was  afterwards  conveyed  to  France, 
and  said  that  Sir  James  Douglas's  speech  had 


86  PENINSULAR   WAR.  [Cn.  VII. 

enabled  him  to  rise  considerably  in  his  demands. 
General  Kellermann  suffered  dreadfully  from  sea 
sickness  on  that  voyage,  and  one  of  the  navy  officers 
used  to  say  to  him  in  the  midst  of  his  paroxysms, 
"  Ah,  General,  if  I  only  had  you  now  at  Coimbra,  I 
should  get  better  terms  from  you." 

The  following  stories  relate  to  the  same  time : 

"  General  Hervey,  at  Lisbon,  asked  Junot  if  the 
famous  anecdote  was  true,  that  when  he  was  acting 
as  secretary  to  Napoleon,  and  a  shell  burst  near  him, 
he  quietly  remarked,  *  Voila  de  la  poudre '  [i.e., 
'  There's  powder  for  blotting  the  ink.'].  Junot 
replied,  '  The  emperor  wanted  to  write  an  order,  and 
called  out,  "  What,  is  there  no  one  here  who  can 
write  ?  "  I  came  forward,  and  it  is  true  that  as  I  was 
writing  a  shell  burst  very  near  us,  and  I  may  have 
said,  "  Voila  de  la  poudre!' 

:<  When  Lord  Paget  was  presented  to  Junot  he 
was  in  a  general  officer's  uniform,  at  that  time  a  very 
unbecoming  dress,  and  Junot,  going  up  to  Graham, 
said,  '  fat  toujours  suppose  que  Lord  Paget  etait 
le  plus  beau  garcon  d'Angleterre,  mais  je  ne  le  crois 
pas  du  tout!  However,  when  next  day  he  came  to 
dine  in  his  splendid  Hussar  uniform,  Junot  changed 
his  mind.  '  Ah,  il  faut  avouer  a  present  quil  est 
ires -beau! 

"  After  the  conclusion  of  the  Convention  I  was 
selected  to  carry  to  Elvas  General  Kellermann's 
order  for  the  surrender  of  that  important  fortress.  I 
rode  with  it  night  and  day,  Elvas  being  130  miles 
from  Lisbon.  At  Estremoz,  about  30  miles  from 
Elvas,  I  was  surprised,  at  a  turn  of  the  road,  to  see 
a  number  of  armed  men  just  before  me,  my  orderly 


i8o8.]  COLBORNE'S  MISSION  TO  ELVAS.  87 

riding  up  at  the  same  time  and  saying,  '  I  don't  like 
the  looks  of  these  men,  Sir.'  The  people  had  mis- 
taken me  for  a  Frenchman  as  they  saw  me  approach- 
ing, and  had  ridden  out  to  capture  me.  Resistance 
was  useless,  and  I  was  led  in  triumph  into  the  town, 
hooted  and  pelted  at,  and  only  thankful  to  escape 
without  a  pistol  ball  through  my  head.  The  mere 
loss  of  time  was  most  provoking.  Fortunately  there 
was  a  French  emigre  officer  in  the  town,  attached  to 
the  Spanish  army.  He  immediately  saw  the  mis- 
take, and  called  out  from  a  balcony,  '  This  is  not  a 
Frenchman,  my  friends ;  this  is  an  English  officer/ 
I  informed  this  friend-in-need  of  the  object  of  my 
mission ;  and  the  anger  of  the  Spaniards  was  con- 
verted into  friendship.  I  was  taken  up  into  the 
Governor's  house  and  regaled  with  coffee  and  cake, 
and  a  body  of  Spaniards  escorted  me  to  Elvas. 

"The  Spanish  army  was  lying  encamped  round 
Elvas.  When  I  requested  an  escort  the  Spanish 
general  was  delighted  to  grant  it,  assuring  me  that 
it  was  *  con  mucho  gusto  '  that  he  heard  that  Elvas 
was  to  be  given  up.  The  fort  of  Elvas  was  situ- 
ated on  a  hill,  very  much  like  Fort  Abraham,  a 
glacis  sloping  away  regularly  and  fortified  at  the 
corners.  It  was  the  most  beautiful  work  in  Europe.* 
As  I  advanced  with  my  flag  of  truce  I  was  seen  from 
the  fortress,  but  as  a  matter  of  form  a  party  was  sent 

*  Sir  W.  Gomm  wrote  Aug.  4th,  1810  :  "  The  fortification  of  Elvas 
is  the  most  interesting  thing  I  have  ever  seen.  There  are  three  hills  ; 
upon  the  centre  one  stands  Elvas  and  its  castle  ;  on  the  right,  looking 
towards  Badajos,  stands  a  fort  which  commands  great  part  of  the  works 
of  Elvas  ;  and  on  the  other  side,  upon  much  higher  ground  and  com- 
manding everything,  stands  the  impregnable  Fort  La  Lippe.  Nothing 
but  starvation  ought  to  dispossess  a  garrison  of  Elvas."  Carr-Gomm's 
Letters,  &c.t  of  Sir  W.  Gomm,  1881,  p.  178. 


88  PENINSULAR   WAR.  [Cn.  VII. 

lo  meet  me  with  pointed  muskets,  and  I  was  marched 
blindfold  up  a  steep  hill  into  the  presence  of  the 
governor,  or  commandant,  an  engineer  officer  named 
Girod.  A  Swiss  officer,  who  was  second  in  com- 
mand, was  sitting  in  the  same  room.  This  Swiss 
said  to  me,  *  Directly  I  saw  you  I  was  sure  the 
French  had  had  the  worst  of  it.  However,  whatever 
misfortunes  occur,  I  shall  remain  faithful  to  the  em- 
peror, though  not  obliged  to  be  so.'  On  which 
Girod  remarked  to  me  in  an  '  aside/  '  Quelle  bete!'1 
"When  I  showed  General  Girod  the  paper  in 
General  Kellermann's  hand  ordering  him  to  give  up 
the.  town,  he  looked  at  it  and  said,  '  //  faut  penser 
deux  fois  before  giving  up  a  fortress  of  this  import- 
ance.' So  I  was  in  a  great  rage,  and  said,  '  Why, 
look  there,  don't  you  see  General  Kellermann's  hand 
and  seal  ? '  '  Oh,  yes,  I  see  that,  but  these  things 
are  sometimes  forged.'  So  at  last  I  said,  '  Well,  will 
you  let  me  go  into  the  town  of  Elvas,  and  get  post- 
horses,  and  I  will  take  any  officer  you  like  down  to 
Lisbon  to  judge  for  you?'  He  said  he  would  let 
me  do  that,  and  accordingly  the  gates  were  opened 
and  I  went  in,  and  was  kissed  and  embraced  by 
every  lady  (and  gentleman  too)  whom  I  met.  They 
were  delighted  to  see  an  Englishman ;  it  was  a  sign 
to  them  that  their  troubles  were  over.  So  I  had  a 
very  good  breakfast,  and  then,  in  two  hours'  time, 
set  off  again  to  ride  back  to  Lisbon  to  obtain  con- 
firmation of  Kellermann's  order.  It  is  astonishing 
how  one  gets  used  to  riding  all  day ;  one  feels  as  if 
one  would  never  wish  to  sleep.  Though  I  had 
already  ridden  a  great  distance,  now,  in  going  back, 
I  was  keeping  up  the  same  pace. 


i8o8.]  COLBORN&S  MISSION  TO  ELY  AS.  89 

'  The  poor  French  officer,  after  being  so  long  shut 
up  in  a  besieged  town,  was  soon  knocked  up,  and 
did  not  at  all  approve  of  the  rapid  rate  at  which  I 
travelled.  He  was  constantly  wanting  to  stop  for 
rest  and  refreshments,  but  I  was  determined  he 
should  not;  I  was  determined  to  work  him.  I 
myself,  as  was  usual  with  me  on  such  journeys,  par- 
took of  nothing  but  tea,  which  I  carried  in  my 
pocket,  and  bread  which  I  obtained  in  the  villages. 
The  French  officer  said,  '  You  do  not  exemplify  the 
proverb,  "  Boire  comme  un  anglais!  "  '  I  always 
thought  the  proverb  was  "  Boire  comme  un  alle- 
mand!  "  5  I  replied. 

"  How  well  I  remember  the  scene  at  Kellermann's 
when  we  reached  Lisbon!  He  was  in  such  a  rage 
at  the  scrupulousness  of  M.  Girod.  '  What,  did  he 
not  see  my  handwriting?  I'll  have  none  of  his 
tricks.  His  folly  will  detain  us  here  five  or  six  days 
longer  than  necessary.  Go  back,  sir,  directly  with 
this  officer,  and  ask  him  to  give  up  the  town 
immediately.'  I  made  no  hesitation  about  return- 
ing, but  the  French  officer,  on  being  ordered  to 
accompany  me,  begged  to  be  excused.  '  Monsieur, 
jc  suis  si  fatigue'  '  How  is  it  this  English  officer 
can  ride  double  the  distance  without  being  tired  ? ' 
exclaimed  Kellermann,  in  anger.  '  Oh,  il  est 
anglais?  '  Go,  then,  and  desire  a  cavalry  officer 
to  get  ready  to  go/  I  had  again  only  two  hours'  rest. 

"  When  I  reached  Elvas  a  new  difficulty  had 
arisen.  The  Spaniards  claimed  that  the  fortress 
should  be  surrendered  to  them,  and  not  to  us,  and 
they  were  now  blockading  it.  Before,  the  French 
would  not  come  out ;  now,  the  Spaniards  would  not 


90  PENINSULAR   WAR.  [Cn.  VII. 

let  them.  (The  Portuguese  said  afterwards  that  the 
Spaniards  did  it  in  order  that  they  might  destroy  the 
works.)  I  had  to  ride  back  to  Lisbon  for  fresh  orders. 
At  Lisbon  I  was  instructed  to  ride  to  Badajos,  to 
obtain  from  Galluzzo,  the  Spanish  general  there,  the 
order  that  Elvas  was  to  surrender  to  the  British. 
This  time  I  had  the  company  of  Colonel  Thomas 
Graham  (afterwards  Lord  Lynedoch).  It  was  the 
first  time  I  ever  saw  Badajos." 

Lynedoch's  diary  supplies  some  additional 
details.*  They  started  on  24th  September, 
travelled  all  night,  but  met  with  delays  at  every 
post.  For  one  stage  they  were  so  badly  mounted 
that  they  had  eleven  falls  between  them,  which 
created  great  merriment.  On  the  25th,  for  want 
of  horses,  they  had  to  make  a  stop  at  Estremoz  till 
4  a.m.  on  the  26th.  They  breakfasted  at  Elvas,  and 
were  supplied  by  the  postmaster  with  fine  horses, 
which  they  found  afterwards  belonged  to  French 
officers.  They  arrived  at  Badajos  very  wet  at 
2  p.m.  They  saw  General  Galluzzo  twice,  and  after 
hearing  from  him  "  the  most  absurd  language  on  the 
subject  of  his  pretensions  as  a  besieger,"  obtained 
the  order  and  took  it  next  day  to  Elvas,  where  they 
obtained  the  surrender  of  Fort  La  Lippe.  The 
town  itself  had  been  previously  surrendered  to  the 
Spaniards. 

From  Elvas  Colonel  Graham  went  on  to  Madrid, 
while  Colborne  obtained  leave  of  absence  from  his 
regiment,  now  at  Elvas,  and  started  alone  on  a 
romantic  ride  towards  Calahorra,  the  headquarters 
of  the  Spanish  army  of  General  Castanos.  From 

*  Life  by  Delayoye,  p.  268. 


i8o8.]  MOORE  PUT  IN  COMMAND.  91 

this  characteristic  adventure  he  was  recalled  by  Sir 
John  Moore  when  the  latter  succeeded  to  the 
supreme  command. 

On  his  return  he  wrote  the  letter  which  follows :  — 

"  Lisbon, 

"  i  ;th  October,  1808, 

"  My  dear  Mr.  Bargus, — I  am  as  usual  in  a  violent  hurry. 
We  are  to  commence  our  march  towards  Spain  in  two 
days.  Behold  me  once  more  a  knignt  of  the  quill.  Sir 
John  Moore,  you  will  have  heard,  is  appointed  to  com- 
mand 40,000  men  in  Spain.  This  appointment  has  given 
great  satisfaction  to  the  army,  and  it  certainly  must  be 
highly  flattering  to  himself,  for  you  must  well  know  that 

M [Ministers]  have  been  certainly  driven  to  it ;  and 

why?  Because  they  could  find  no  one  else  fit  for  the 
situation.  We  have  a  long  march  before  us  to  Burgos 
and  Vittoria. 

"  I  had  proceeded  as  far  as  Canaveral  on  my  way  to 
Salamanca,  and  in  consequence  of  having  had  several 
very  narrow  escapes  and  many  adventures  (for  I 
was  pursued  through  every  village  and  constantly  taken 
for  a  Frenchman — whether  there  was  anything  in  my 
appearance  against  me,  or  that  the  ugly  face  of  my  ser- 
vant did  not  please  the  peasants,  I  know  not,  but  I  con- 
ceived it  must  be  the  latter),  I  determined  to  return  to  the 
frontiers  of  Portugal,  to  leave  him  at  Elvas,  and  take  a 
Spanish  peasant  acquainted  with  the  roads  as  my  squire. 
On  my  going  through  a  town  called  Albuquerque  I  met 
an  officer  who  brought  me  Sir  John  Moore's  letter  relating 
to  the  extraordinary  change  that  has  taken  place.  I 
managed  to  arrive  at  Lisbon  forty-eight  hours  afterwards. 
You  may  now  direct  to  me  '  Military  Secretary,  &c.' 

"  The  enthusiasm  prevalent  in  Spain  is  beyond  what  I 
expected.  I  really  do  not  think  a  Frenchman  will  be  able 
to  pass  through  that  country  for  many  years,  either  in  peace 
or  war. — Most  affectionately  yours, 

-j.  c- 


92  COLBORNE'S  JOURNEY  OF  ADVENTURE.  [Cn.  VIL 

Some  further  details  of  Colborne's  ride  in  quest 
of  Castanos  are  given  in  the  following  extract  from 
a  letter  (to  Miss  Townsend)  of  the  9th  March, 
1809:  * 

"  Immediately  after  the  Convention  I  obtained  leave  of 
absence,  and  putting  on  the  Helmet  of  Mambrino,  entered 
Spain  unshackled,  for  the  first  time  completely  inde- 
pendent, chief  in  command;  in  fact,  my  own  master.  I 
was  resolved  not  to  be  traced,  and  pushed  straight  across 
the  country  for  Calhorra,  the  headquarters  of  Castanos.  I 
proceeded  about  50  leagues,  but  met  with  so  many  inter- 
ruptions from  the  ignorant  and  inquisitive  peasantry,  and 
either  my  own  physiognomy  or  that  of  my  servant  was  so 
much  against  us,  that  we  scarce  passed  through  a  village 
unmolested,  and  were  daily  examined  by  the  cure  of  the 
parish,  or  corregidor,  amidst  a  barbarous  mob.  This  was 
intolerable,  and  I  returned  to  Elvas,  determined  to  leave 
my  servant  and  take  a  Spaniard  as  compagnon  de  voyage. 
It  was  there  I  received  a  note  from  my  unfortunate  friend 
that  he  was  appointed  to  the  command,  and  wishing  me  to 
join  him  at  Lisbon.  Although  at  the  time  he  received 
the  appointment  nothing  was  prepared,  yet  the  different 
columns  were  in  motion  in  seven  days." 

Colborne  seems  to  have  resumed  his  duties  as 
military  secretary  to  Sir  John  on  the  I7th  October. 


(     93     ) 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

THE  PENINSULA.     SIR  JOHN  MOORE'S  ADVANCE 

AND  HIS  RETREAT  TO  CORUNNA,  1808-1809. 

His  DEATH. 

MOORE  waited  at  Lisbon  till  the  27th  October,  when 
the  several  divisions  of  his  army  had  moved  off. 
On  the  8th  November  he  was  at  Almeida,  on  the 
nth  at  Ciudad  Rodrigo,  on  the  I3th  at  Salamanca, 
where  he  halted,  intending  that  place  to  be  the 
rendezvous  of  all  his  forces.  Even  now  he  wrote, 
"  The  moment  is  a  critical  one :  my  own  situation 
is  particularly  so :  I  have  never  seen  it  otherwise ; 
but  I  have  pushed  into  Spain  at  all  hazards :  this 
was  the  order  of  my  Government,  and  it  was  the  will 
of  the  people  of  England."*  He  had  then  only  three 
brigades  of  infantry  with  him;  the  rest  would  take 
ten  days  to  assemble,  and  Burgos  and  Valladolid,  at 
three  days'  march  distance,  were  occupied  or 
menaced  by  the  French  army.  He  at  once  sent 
orders  to  Baird  and  Hope  to  march  with  all  speed 
to  Salamanca,  the  former  from  Corunna,  the  latter 
from  Madrid. 

*  Moore 's  Campaign,  p.  25. 


94  MOORE'S  CAMPAIGN.  [Cn.  VIII. 

Colborne  used  to  contrast  Moore's  behaviour 
during  his  stay  at  Salamanca  with  that  of  Keller- 
mann  when  he  was  staying  at  Lisbon.  "  At  Sala- 
manca, Moore  was  in  the  house  of  a  very  rich 
man,  but  he  desired  his  own  major  domo  to  provide 
everything  he  required.  When  the  gentleman  heard 
this  he  said  he  would  not  allow  it ;  if  they  stayed  in 
his  house  he  would  provide  everything.  Sir  John 
Moore  said,  '  Impossible !  I  am  going  to  have 
people  with  me  every  day.  I  cannot  think  of  putting 
you  to  so  much  expense.'  '  Well,  if  you  will  not  let 
me  give  you  everything,'  he  replied,  '  you  shall  not 
stay  in  my  house,'  and  Sir  John  Moore  was  forced 
to  submit.  It  was  the  custom  of  the  French 
generals,  when  they  were  in  a  town,  to  quarter  them- 
selves on  someone,  and  make  him  supply  everything, 
even  wine.  At  the  time  of  the  Convention  of  Cintra, 
Kellermann  was  living  in  Lisbon  in  a  man's  house, 
and  the  man,  hearing  of  the  Convention,  had  locked 
up  his  cellar  and  gone  out.  Kellermann  had  asked 
Paget  and  myself  to  dine,  and  after  dinner  no  wine 
was  forthcoming,  and  Kellermann  was  told  the 
reason — the  master  of  the  house  had  locked  up  the 
cellar.  '  Quon  force  la  porte?  he  said.  Perhaps 
the  servants  then  found  the  key.  At  any  rate,  we 
had  plenty  of  good  wine." 

To  return  to  the  story.  Moore,  as  has  been  said, 
had  ordered  Baird  and  Hope  to  join  him  with  all 
speed  at  Salamanca.  But  as  one  Spanish  army  after 
another  was  defeated,  and  it  was  plainly  hopeless  for 
the  British  army  alone,  even  if  united,  to  withstand 
the  vastly  greater  forces  of  Napoleon,  Moore  and  his 
staff  came  to  see  no  way  before  them  but  retreat. 


i8o8.]  GATHERING   GLOOM.  95 

In  this  gloomy  situation  Colborne  wrote  the  following 

letters : 

"  Salamanca, 

"26th  November,  1808. 

"  My  dear  Mr.  Bargus, — We  have  been  here  about  a 
week,  collecting  our  force.  Owing  to  the  badness  of  the 
roads,  the  cavalry  and  artillery  were  obliged  to  march  by 
a  different  route,*  and  we  are  very  much  separated. 

"  Take  your  map.  We  have  14,000  men  at  Salamanca, 
4,000  at  Escorial,  and  Sir  David  Baird  at  Astorga.  The 
French  are  at  Valladolid,  and  they  have  beat  General 
Blake,  dispersed  his  army,  and  have  defeated  the  Estre- 
madura  army.  I  am  afraid  they  will  attack  us  before  we 
are  united.  They  have  about  80,000  men  in  Spain,  or 
more. 

"  Remember  me  to  Mrs.  B.,  Alethea,  Fanny  and  Maria, 
and  believe  me,  my  dear  Mr.  Bargus,  yours  affectionately, 

"J.  COLBORNE." 


"  Salamanca, 

"2;th  November,  1808. 

"My  dear  Mr.  Bargus,— Since  my  last  letter  a  third 
army  has  been  defeated,  the  Aragoneese.f  I  fear  we  shall 
not  be  able  to  unite.  The  Spaniards  are  a  fine  people, 
but  have  fallen  into  bad  hands,  not  a  person  fit  to  direct 
them.  I  rather  think  we  must  retire  on  Portugal.  We 
expect  to  be  attacked  in  our  turn.  Nothing  can  be  more 
unfortunate. 

"  Remember  me  to  Mrs.  Bargus,  and  Fanny  and  Maria. 
— I  remain,  most  affectionately  yours, 

"J.  C. 

"  Dear  Alethea, — I  am  quite  ashamed  I  have  not  written 
to  you,  but  in  better  times  you  shall  hear  from  me. — Yours 
most  affectionately." 

*  i.e.,  Hope's  force,  which  marched  by  Madrid, 
f  Palafox's. 


96  MOORE'S  RETREAT.  [Cn.  VIII. 

Next  day  arrived  the  news  of  the  defeat  of 
Castafios'  army.  This  made  Moore's  course  plain 
to  him.  He  wrote  on  the  28th  to  Baird  that  he  had 
determined  to  retreat  upon  Portugal  with  his  own 
corps  and  with  Hope's,  if  Hope  could  join  him  by 
forced  marches,  and  he  directed  Baird  to  fall  back 
on  Corunna  and  thence  to  sail  to  the  Tagus.  But, 
deceived  by  information  of  growing  enthusiasm  in 
Madrid,  on  6th  December  (when  Madrid,  though  he 
knew  it  not,  had  already  fallen)  he  countermanded 
his  former  order,*  and  bade  Baird  return  to  Astorga. 
Hope  was  now  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Salamanca, 
so*  Moore's  position  was  altogether  more  secure.  On 
7th  December  Moore  was  joined  by  Hope's  divi- 
sion ;  on  the  2Oth,  having  advanced  to  Mayorga,  he 
effected  a  junction  with  Baird's.  He  had  now 
24,000  men,  and  moved  against  Soult  with  the  in- 
tention of  drawing  Napoleon  after  him.  His  plan 
succeeded.  Napoleon,  who  had  taken  Madrid  on 
4th  December,  on  hearing  of  Moore's  advance,  made 
against  him  with  1 80,000  men.  Having  gained  his 
point,  Moore  commenced  his  famous  retreat,  wnicn 
ended,  after  innumerable  hardships,  with  the  suc- 
cessful stand  against  Soult  at  Corunna  on  i6th 
January,  and  Sir  John  Moore's  own  death. 


*  This  change  of  plans  was  due  in  part  to  finding  that  the  French 
had  not  already  taken  Valladolid,  as  he  had  been  informed.  Gomm, 
who  was  sent  there  to  find  out  the  truth,  brought  back  this  com- 
paratively cheering  news.  "  By  evening  I  was  entering  Sir  John 
Moore's  quarters  with  the  report.  Colonel  Colborne,  then  military 
secretary,  looking  half  incredulous  and  something  more  at  first  of  the 
fact  of  Valladolid  having  been  really  reached  [by  me],  but  hastening 
with  the  letter  to  his  anxious  chief,  secured  him  a  balmier  rest  through 
its  contents  than  he  had  for  many  a  night  enjoyed."  Carr  Gomm's 
Letters,  &c.,  of  Sir  W.  Gomm  (1881),  p.  114. 


x8o8.1  BENAVENTE.  97 

Colborne  told  the  following  stories  of  the 
retreat : 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  cavalry  affair  at  Bena- 
vente  (291)1  December)  I  happened  to  be  detained 
behind  the  staff.  My  horse  was  already  at  the  tent- 
door,  and  my  servant  packing,  when  a  dragoon  came 
galloping  by  with  his  sword  drawn.  My  servant 
went  out  to  inquire  the  reason,  and  returned  saying, 
'  The  French  are  crossing  the  ford,  Sir ! '  So, 
instead  of  following  the  staff,  I  immediately  galloped 
to  the  scene  of  action. 

"  It  was  an  immense  plain.  The  French  were 
crossing  the  river  and  our  cavalry  waiting  to  receive 
them.  Lord  Paget,  who  commanded,  galloped  up 
twirling  his  moustachios,  and  said,  '  You  see,  there 
are  not  many  of  them.'  I  remained  by  his  side 
during  the  action,  which  lasted  some  hours  and 
ended  in  the  repulse  of  the  French  without  much 
loss  on  our  side. 

"  After  the  action,  when  Lord  Paget  was  reporting 
the  affair  to  Sir  John  Moore,  he  suddenly  turned 
round  and  said,  *  But  there's  your  military  secretary ; 
he  was  there,  and  knows  all  about  it,'  to  Sir  John 
Moore's  astonishment,  who  had  not  the  least  idea 
of  the  manner  in  which  his  military  secretary  had 
been  employed.  Graham  said,  '  You  must  have  the 
gift  of  second  sight,  Colborne,  and  that  was  the 
reason  you  stayed  behind ;  you  knew  what  was  going 
to  happen.'  I  received  a  clasp  for  the  action." 

In  this  fight  near  Benavente  the  French  general, 
Lefebvre  Desnouettes,  was  taken.  "  I  was  con- 
sulted by  Sir  John  Moore,"  said  Colborne,  "as  to 
whether  it  would  be  right  to  ask  him  for  a  written 

E 


98  MOORE'S  RETREAT.  [Cn.  VIII. 

promise  not  to  escape.  I  advised  not,  as  I  remem- 
bered a  French  officer  in  Sicily  being  much  affronted 
at  such  a  request.  Sir  John  Moore  said,  '  I  am  glad 
you  told  me  this.  Of  course,  I  will  not  ask/  and  as 
Lefebvre  had  surrendered  his  sword  Sir  John  cour- 
teously presented  him  with  his  own.  However, 
after  Moore's  death,  Lefebvre  broke  his  parole  by 
escaping  from  England. 

"  Once,  during  a  halt  on  the  retreat,  Sir  John 
Moore  had  no  book,  and  said  to  me,  '  Come,  Col- 
borne,  have  you  no  book  to  amuse  me  with?'  I 
happened  to  have  a  copy  of  Lord  Lyttelton's 
Memoirs*  with  me,  and  the  book  greatly  entertained 
him." 

On  3rd  January,  near  Villafranca,  Colonel  Graham 
(afterwards  Lord  Lynedoch)  had  an  almost  miracu- 
lous escape  from  death.  Colborne  tells  the  tale 
thus :  "  A  narrow  road  ran  through  a  ravine,  on  one 
side  of  which  was  a  precipice  with  a  river  at  the 
bottom.  There  was  scarcely  room  for  a  horse  to 
walk,  and  the  night  being  very  dark,  Graham's  horse 
stumbled  and  fell  over.  I  was  riding  behind  him, 
and  thought  he  was  gone,  but  fancied  I  heard  a  noise, 
and  told  a  sergeant  to  put  down  a  pike  and  sash,  and 
so  we  dragged  him  up,  six  or  seven  of  us.  With 
great  presence  of  mind  he  had  extricated  himself 
from  his  horse  and  supported  himself  by  some 
bushes  on  the  side  of  the  precipice.  He  said  after- 
wards he  heard  someone  say,  '  Put  down  a  pike  and 
sash  to  him.'  "t 

The  following  story  of  Colonel  Graham  probably 

*  The  Letters  of  Thomas  Lord  Lyttelton  ? 
f  Cp.  Delavoye's  Life  of  Lord  Lynedoch,  p.  294. 


i8o8-9-]  COLONEL   T.   GRAHAM.  99 

relates  to  this  retreat: — "Lord  Lynedoch,  though 
near  fifty  when  he  entered  the  army,  had  as  much 
activity  and  spirit  as  the  youngest  officer.  One  day, 
towards  evening,  after  a  very  fatiguing  march,  I  and 
one  or  two  other  staff  officers  were  bringing  up  the 
rear,  endeavouring  to  keep  the  men  together  as  we 
were  descending  a  hill.  We  knew  that  the  French 
must  be  very  close  on  our  heels,  but  men  and  horses 
were  too  much  exhausted  to  ride  back  and  ascertain 
how  close  they  were.  Presently  Lord  Lynedoch 
rode  up  to  me  and  said,  *  Now,  Colborne,  should  not 
you  like  to  ride  up  to  the  top  of  the  hill  and  see 
exactly  where  the  French  are  ? '  '  No,  thank  you/ 
said  I,  *  I  am  much  obliged  to  you,  but  even  if  I 
wished  it,  my  horse  really  could  not  do  it.'  The 
words  were  hardly  out  of  my  mouth  before  Lord 
Lynedoch  was  nearly  at  the  top  of  the  hill. 
*  What  a  regular  old  fox-hunter! }  said  Sir  H.  Clinton 
to  me." 

Colborne  told  another  story  of  Lynedoch's  energy. 
"  Lord  Lynedoch  was  a  man  who  had  a  pleasure  in 
doing  anything  for  anybody,  and  he  was  a  most 
active,  energetic  man.  Once  when  he  was  a  mem- 
ber of  Parliament,  he  was  in  Dublin  on  an  occasion 
when  it  was  of  great  consequence  to  have  every 
possible  vote,  and  they  were  saying  it  would  be  quite 
impossible  for  him  to  arrive  in  time.  So  Mr. 
Dundas,  who  was  a  great  friend  of  his,  said,  *  Tell 
him  he  can't  do  it,  and  you  will  be  sure  to  have  him 
in  time.5  They  did  so,  and  Graham  arrived  with  his 
watch  out  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour  within  the 
time ;  and  a  journey  from  Dublin  was  a  longer  affair 

then  by  a  good  deal  than  it  is  now." 

E  2 


IOO  MOORE'S  RETREAT.  [Cn.  VIII. 

On  8th  January,  at  Lugo,  the  British  army  took 
up  a  position  and  expected  a  French  attack,  which, 
however,  was  not  made.  "  Sir  John  and  his  staff 
were  sitting  together  in  their  tent,  and  Colonel 
Graham,  who  was  always  eager  for  enterprise,  said, 
"  Well,  Sir  John,  after  you  have  beaten  them  you  will 
take  us  on  in  pursuit  of  them  for  a  few  days,  won't 
you  ?  '  '  No/  said  Sir  John,  '  I  have  had  enough  of 
Galicia.'  '  Oh,  just  for  a  few  days ! ' 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  battle  of  Corunna  Sir 
John  was  not  aware  that  the  French  were  so  close, 
or  that  they  would  venture  to  attack.  He  said  to  me 
only  ten  minutes  before  the  battle,  '  Now,  if  there  is 
no  bungling,  I  hope  we  shall  get  away  in  a  few  hours.' 
A  few  minutes  after  Sir  John  Hope  came  with  the 
news  that  the  French  were  advancing  in  great  force, 
and  they  soon  opened  a  furious  cannonade  on  us 
from  the  heights." 

So  many  attacks  have  been  made  on  Moore's 
generalship,  from  1809  to  the  present  time,  that  it 
is  worth  while  to  show  that  Colborne,  no  less  than 
the  historian  Napier,  for  whose  history  of  Moore's 
campaign  Colborne  supplied  much  information,  was 
among  Moore's  most  thorough  admirers.*  In  an 
(unpublished)  review  of  Southey's  History  of  the 
Peninsular  War  he  thus  writes,  in  1827,  of  his 
revered  commander: 

"It  is  our  intention  to  demonstrate,  with  the  aid 


*  See  also  Appendix  I.  Colborne  wrote  from  Brussels,  3oth  August, 
1814,  indignantly  to  refute  a  statement  that  he  had  compared  Sir  John 
Moore  unfavourably  with  Wellington.  "  I  never  have  stated  or  thought 
that  Sir  John  Moore  was  less  decided  or  less  qualified  for  the  command 
of  a  large  army  than  Lord  Wellington."  (Cp.  p.  365.)  Yet,  as  will 
be  seen,  he  lauded  Wellington's  generalship  to  the  full. 


i8o8-9-]  COLBORNE   VINDICATES  MOORE.  IQI 

of  many  valuable  documents,  that  the  reputation  of 
Sir  John  Moore  was  basely  sacrificed  to  party  spirit, 
and  that  the  attacks  with  which  his  character  has 
been  continually  assailed,  are  as  inconsiderate  as 
they  are  unmerited.  We,  who  have  followed  him 
from  early  youth  and  cannot  forget  his  professional 
zeal  and  devotion  to  his  country,  and  the  estimation 
in  which  he  was  held  by  the  army  of  Holland  and  of 
Egypt,  may  not  enter  on  his  defence  with  the  cool- 
ness of  an  historian  who  compiles  from  gazettes  and 
periodical  publications  sent  forth  in  the  midst  of 
tumult  and  party — but  we  pledge  ourselves  for  the 
accuracy  of  the  statements  made. 

:<  This  General  appears  to  have  been  visited  with 
the  extraordinary  bad  fortune  of  being  placed  in  a 
series  of  embarrassing  situations,  so  that  he  had  no 
sooner  extricated  himself  from  one  than  he  was 
thrown  into  another.  The  first  command  that  was 
offered  to  him  would,  had  he  accepted  it,  have  given 
him  the  charge  of  that  very  absurd  operation,  the 
taking  possession  of  Alexandria  in  1808  [1807?] 
The  second  to  which  he  was  named  involved  him  in 
an  unpleasant  affair  with  the  Queen  of  Naples  and 
the  British  Minister  at  Palermo  ;  the  third  made  him 
responsible  for  the  assembling  of  a  force  dispersed 
between  Egypt,  Sicily  and  Gibraltar,  depending  for 
its  union  on  the  result  of  Russian  and  Turkish 
treaties,  but  which  had  in  view  a  service  that  ad- 
mitted of  little  delay  in  execution.  The  fourth  sent 
him  to  Sweden  with  10,000  men,  on  an  expedition 
some  degrees  less  ridiculous  than  the  Egyptian  one 
planned  by  the  Whig  administration,  and  which 
brought  him  in  collision  with  the  ex-King  of 


102  MOORE'S  RETREAT.  [Cn.  VIII. 

Sweden.  The  fifth  appears  to  have  been  hopeless 
from  the  first  moment  of  his  appointment." 

From  the  same  article  we  give  Colborne's  account 
of  the  close  of  the  campaign : 

"  When  the  army  had  passed  the  Esla,  and  the 
convoy  of  artillery  stores  which  returned  from  the 
Ford  of  St.  Juan  had  reached  Benevente,  the  con- 
tinuation of  the  retreat  could  be  no  longer  delayed. 
Two  divisions  had  marched  on  La  Baneza  and 
Astorga  on  the  26th  December.  Napoleon  was 
within  a  few  leagues  of  the  Esla  on  the  28th,  and 
Soult,  having  received  orders  to  move  to  Leon,  his 
advanced  guard  appeared  in  front  of  the  Spaniards 
at  Mansilla  on  that  day. 

"  The  inferiority  of  the  British  army,  and  its 
critical  position,  would  have  induced  Sir  John  Moore 
to  retire  sooner  on  Astorga  than  he  did,  if  the  am- 
munition and  stores  could  have  proceeded  on  the 
route  by  which  it  was  intended  they  should  be  con- 
veyed. But  the  officer  in  charge  of  the  convoy  had 
been  driven  off  from  his  first  route,  and  had,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  heavy  rains  having  rendered  the 
river  impassable,  so  increased  his  march  that  a  halt 
at  Benevente  became  necessary. 

"  Sir  David  Baird  left  Valencia  on  the  29th,  and  the 
reserve  retired  from  Benevente  the  same  day. 
Several  arches  of  the  bridge  of  Castro  de  Gonzalo 
were  blown  up,  and  the  cavalry  occupied  Benevente 
with  their  picquets  extended  along  the  right  bank  of 
the  river. 

"  A  few  days  after  Sir  John  Moore  and  the  reserve 
had  marched  from  Benevente,  General  Lefebvre 
Desnouettes,  with  the  chasseurs  of  the  Imperial 


i8o8.]  BENAVENTE.  103 

Guard,  arrived  on  the  high  ground  near  Castro  de 
Gonzalo,  and  observing  the  picquets  on  the  plain 
below  apparently  unsupported,  imagined  that  only 
a  rearguard  of  cavalry  might  be  left  in  Benevente. 
The  peasants  having  shown  him  a  ford,  he  deter- 
mined to  press  on.  He  passed  the  river  rapidly, 
formed  on  the  right  bank,  and  advanced  in  echelon 
towards  the  town. 

'  The  picquets,  which  had  assembled  on  the  first 
alarm,  opposed  his  march  by  disputing  the  ground 
with  his  leading  squadron,  and  reinforced  by  a  part 
of  the  hussars  of  the  German  Legion,  retarded  his 
progress.  Lord  Paget,  who  arrived  on  the  plain 
soon  after  the  Imperial  Guards  had  passed  the  river, 
ordered  the  picquets  to  retire  slowly  in  order  to  draw 
the  enemy  on  towards  the  town  till  the  loth  Hussars 
could  be  brought  up. 

"  Without  any  means  of  ascertaining  what  support- 
ing force  might  be  preparing  to  cross  from  the  left 
bank  of  the  Esla,  it  appeared  no  easy  matter  to 
decide  how  far  the  enemy  should  be  allowed  to 
advance.  The  loth  Hussars,  however,  were  formed 
in  line  not  100  yards  from  his  left  flank  before 
Lefebvre  discovered  his  error,  and  that  he  had  been 
drawn  on  skilfully  by  his  opponent  till  the  interval 
between  the  loth  and  the  picquets  and  the  leading 
squadron  of  the  chasseurs  was  so  much  diminished 
that  their  escape  was  scarcely  possible.  At  this 
moment  Lord  Paget  charged  with  the  whole  of  the 
loth.  Lefebvre,  perceiving  the  force  against  him, 
had  just  time  to  wheel  about  and  to  retire  at  full 
speed. 

"  The  race  was  so  equal  that  for  a  few  minutes  it 


104  MOORE'S  RETREAT.  [Cn.  VIII. 

was  doubtful  whether  the  enemy's  mass  gained  dis- 
tance or  not,  but  fortunately  for  the  chasseurs,  the 
left  of  the  pursuing  squadrons,  in  endeavouring  to 
get  on  their  flank,  passed  over  less  favourable  ground 
for  the  charge  than  that  on  which  the  former  moved. 
This  circumstance  alone  prevented  the  entire  cap- 
ture of  the  chasseurs.  All  that  were  badly  mounted, 
and  among  them  General  Lefebvre,  were  overtaken 
and  made  prisoners.  The  greater  part  forded  the 
river  in  confusion  and  made  an  effort  to  form  up  on 
the  left  bank,  but  after  a  few  rounds  from  our  horse 
artillery  they  retreated.  The  cavalry  remained  at 
Benevente  till  the  evening.  The  reserve  marched 
in  two  days  to  Astorga,  which  the  cavalry  reached  on 
the  3 1  st. 

"The  30th  the  bridge  over  the  Esla  was  made 
passable,  and  the  enemy  occupied  Benevente  in 
force.  The  corps,  under  Soult's  orders,  marched 
from  Palencia  and  Paredes  on  Mansilla  to  join  the 
troops  moving  from  the  Carrion. 

:{  The  branches  of  the  Asturian  Mountains  which 
project  to  the  southward  run  behind  Astorga,  and 
thence  form  a  chain  to  the  westward  with  the  Sierra 
Segundera  and  De  Mamed.  This  barrier  and  the 
mountains  of  Galicia  are  formidable  to  an  enemy, 
but  had  we  attempted  to  defend  the  passes  and 
Galicia  in  the  winter  by  placing  a  regular  army  in 
position — without  cover  or  supplies — in  a  country 
exhausted  by  the  continual  passage  of  troops,  it  must 
have  been  exposed  to  such  fatigue  and  privations 
as  would  have  occasioned  its  destruction. 

"  Near   Astorga   the    ground    is    not    sufficiently 
favourable  to  induce  an  inferior  army  to  wait  the 


i8o8-9-]  HIS  PLANS   VINDICATED.  105 

attack  of  an  accumulating  force  or  risk  an  action. 
At  Foncebadon,  one  of  the  points  of  defence  of  this 
mountainous  district,  an  enemy  might  be  opposed 
with  advantage ;  but  no  important  object  was  to  be 
gained  by  halting  there  and  defending  that  pass. 
The  Galicias  may  be  penetrated  by  roads  from 
Zamora,  Benevente  and  Braganza  to  Puebla  de 
Sanabria,  and  thence  by  the  Val  de  Jares  and  the 
valley  of  the  Sil  to  Lugo.  Magazines  and  cover  for 
the  troops  would  have  been  required  had  Sir  John 
Moore  halted,  and  the  enemy,  being  able  to  choose 
his  time  of  attack,  would  have  compelled  him  to 
abandon  the  mountains,  when  his  combinations  might 
have  rendered  a  retreat  impracticable. 

'  The  Marquis  de  Romana  proposed  to  defend 
Astorga.  He  was  without  provisions,  he  had  but 
5,000  men  fit  for  service,  and  no  means  of  procuring 
supplies,  and  if  he  had  remained  near  the  British 
army  would  have  proved  only  an  encumbrance. 

'  Thrown  back  on  an  accidental  line  of  operations, 
without  being  able  to  fix  precisely  his  base  and  what 
kind  of  defensive  movements  should  be  followed, 
depending  on  the  efforts  of  the  enemy  and  his 
demonstrations  of  force,  Sir  John  Moore  was  per- 
suaded that  he  could  not  maintain  himself  in  Galicia 
with  advantage  to  the  Spaniards  or  without  risking 
the  destruction  of  his  army.  To  defend  a  pass  a 
considerable  corps  must  be  posted  near  it,  prepared 
to  meet  the  mass  of  the  enemy.  Therefore  the  only 
question  to  be  considered  was  whether,  if  the  enemy 
followed  in  great  numbers,  it  would  not  be  more 
advisable  to  outmarch  him,  and  embark  the  army 
before  he  could  interrupt  that  operation,  or  whether 


106  MOORE'S  RETREAT.  [Cn.  VIII. 

a  corps  should  be  sacrificed  in  opposing  him  on  the 
march. 

"  It  was  for  the  interests  of  Spain  that  Sir  John 
Moore  should  endeavour  to  divide  and  isolate  the 
French  forces  by  drawing  them  into  the  mountains 
till  the  enemy's  line  might  become  dangerously 
extended. 

"  He  decided,  then,  to  continue  his  retreat,  and  if 
he  should  be  forced  into  Galicia,  to  embark  the 
army,  after  which  operation  it  could  te  moved  to  any 
point  where  the  Spaniards  or  Portuguese  required 
its  support. 

"  On  this  principle  his  movements  were  guided, 
and  on  it  he  continued  to  act,  regardless  of  the 
common  fame  he  might  acquire  by  fighting  a  battle 
without  an  object.  The  safety  of  his  army  and  the 
ultimate  effect  of  his  operations  alone  influenced  his 
decisions. 

"  It  is  true  that  his  army  had  been  disappointed, 
and  that  various  were  the  opinions  of  officers  of  rank 
respecting  his  movements.  But  neither  in  advance 
nor  in  retreat  did  one  single  breach  of  discipline  take 
place  in  consequence  of  these  opinions,  and  it  is 
absurd  to  suppose  that  he  paid  any  attention  to  them. 
Officers  talked  and  discussed  the  views  of  the 
general,  as  they  always  do ;  but  beyond  that,  no 
symptom  of  disapprobation  or  the  reverse  was  shown 
or  heard  of.  His  orders,  in  which  the  term  'dis- 
organization' was  used,  referred  to  the  stragglers, 
and  the  supposed  want  of  exertion  in  some  corps  in 
preventing  their  soldiers  from  halting  and  falling  out 
in  villages. 

"  Sir  John  Moore  has  been  accused  of  not  fighting 


1808-9.]  MOORE'S  GREAT  QUALITIES.  107 

in  Galicia,  but  the  principles  on  which  he  conducted 
his  retreat  and  his  character  will  show  that  it  is  not 
possible  that  he  would  be  actuated  by  the  frivolous 
motive  of  engaging  with  the  enemy  for  the  mere  pur- 
pose of  increasing  the  reputation  of  the  army  which 
had  driven  the  French  out  of  Portugal  the  year 
before. 

:<  To  suppose  otherwise  would  be  a  great  injustice 
to  his  character.  I  know  of  no  other  general  who 
was  more  qualified  to  command.  He  had  firmness, 
resolution,  activity,  courage  and  prudence,  and 
from  a  long  service  with  his  troops,  and  his  being 
the  principal  in  the  operations  of  the  landings  in 
Holland  and  Egypt,  he  was  perfectly  acquainted 
with  the  superiority  of  the  British  soldier  to  any 
other.  His  judgment  of  ground  and  the  advantages 
of  a  position  was  unrivalled. 

"  Before  we  listen  to  clamour,  the  unexpected  posi- 
tion in  which  he  was  placed  must  be  considered, 
the  unprepared  state  of  the  Portuguese,  and,  for 
instance,  the  great  diversion  he  did  effect  for  the 
recovery  of  the  cause,  and  through  his  judicious 
action  the  French  lost  by  allowing  themselves  to  be 
drawn  into  Galicia  and  by  the  separation  of  their 
corps. 

'*  The  retiring  of  Buonaparte  from  Astorga  to 
prosecute  his  Austrian  war  was  never  known  to  Sir 
John  Moore.  He  had  only  to  judge  what  was  most 
probable  to  happen,  that  the  whole  disposable  force 
would  be  brought  to  Galicia.  Having  been  driven 
into  it  by  superior  force,  the  sooner  he  could  get  out 
of  it,  the  better  for  the  Spaniards. 

"  If  the  French  had  made  the  great  attack  on 


108  MOORE'S  RETREAT.  [Cn.  VIII. 

Portugal  in  1809  with  their  whole  force,  no  general 
would  have  been  warranted  in  risking  his  army  at 
that  time  in  its  defence. 

"  His  disinterestedness,  his  great  value  in  all  the 
preceding  operations,  were  fully  known,  and  his  last 
hours  fully  corresponded  with  his  former  conduct. 
So  nothing  could  be  more  impressive  than  his  death 
— his  anxious  enquiries  as  to  the  result  of  the  battle 
— solicitude  for  his  country's  opinion  and  interest  in 
his  friends ;  and  his  exclamation,  '  You  know  I 
always  wished  to  die  thus,5  is  such  a  picture  of  the 
man's  mind,  that  there  was  not  a  man  who  witnessed 
his  death,  the  serenity  of  his  countenance  .  .  ." 

The  rest  of  the  passage  is  lost.  But  a  letter 
written  by  Colborne  to  Miss  Townsend  on  Qth 
March,  1 809,  more  than  completes  the  sentence : 

"  You  have,  of  course,  heard  various  reports  which  have 
been  spread  with  uncommon  assiduity  by  the  malicious 
and  ignorant,  to  injure  his  reputation.  His  movements 
can  be  fully  justified.  Fortune  never  smiled.  He  was 
soon  aware  of  his  situation,  but  never  discovered  the 
true  state  of  things  until  he  had  actually  entered  Spain. 
He  was  disgusted  at  the  infamous  conduct  of  the  soldiers, 
and  the  inattention  of  inexperienced  officers.  We  cannot 
endure  hardships ;  we  have  not  the  military  patience  with 
which  our  enemies  are  gifted.  We  can  stand  to  be  shot  at 
as  well,  or  better  than,  most  people,  but  this  quality, 
although  essential,  is  not  sufficient  for  a  military  nation. 
1  What  unheard-of  difficulties,  hardship  and  labours !  living 
on  turnips !  no  sleep ! '  All  this  frightens  mama,  but  do 
not  believe  the  quarter  that  you  hear.  John  Bull  is  as 
fond  of  the  marvellous  as  an  Italian  or  a  Spaniard. 

"  I  was  not  present  when  Sir  John  received  his  wound. 
About  a  quarter  of  an  hour  after  the  firing  had  commenced 
he  sent  me  with  a  message  to  General  Paget  On  my 


1809.]  DEATH  OF  MOORE.  109 

return  with  the  answer,  I  could  not  find  him,  but  heard 
he  had  lost  his  arm.  At  this  time  I  had  no  idea  the 
wound  was  mortal,  and  therefore  did  not  return  to  Corunna 
till  dark.  On  my  entering  the  room  where  he  was  you 
may  conceive  my  situation.  I  saw  that  all  was  over. 
The  surgeons  were  examining  the  mangled  wound. 
It  is  impossible  to  imagine  a  more  horrid  one ;  the 
ball  had  carried  away  his  left  breast,  broken  two 
ribs,  shattered  the  shoulder,  and  the  arm  was  scarcely 
attached  to  it — the  whole  of  his  left  side  lacerated.  One 
would  have  supposed  that  the  first  gushing  out  of 
the  blood  would  have  instantly  caused  his  death,  or  made 
him  insensible — the  most  resolute  minds  and  firmest  nerves 
when  thus  assailed  sink  under  pain,  and  Nature,  exhausted, 
yields,  but  he,  cool  and  collected,  continued  talking,  recol- 
lecting the  most  minute  and  trifling  circumstances  till  the 
last  moment.  His  lungs  were  affected,  and  his  voice  from 
this  was  rather  hoarse.  He  knew  everyone,  and  while 
conversing  was  suddenly  suffocated  by  internal  bleeding, 
and  who  would  not  have  wished  to  be  him  at  that  instant  ? 
No  distorted  countenance,  no  sign  of  anguish,  the  picture 
of  the  mind  could  be  traced  by  the  serenity  of  the  face, 
the  one  calm  and  dignified  as  the  other  was  pure  and 
heroic. 

"On  falling  from  his  horse  no  alteration  in  his  counten- 
ance took  place.  They  wished  to  take  off  his  sword,  but  he 
said  as  it  was  not  in  the  way  he  begged  it  might  remain  on. 
A  most  extraordinary  man.  The  nearer  you  saw  him,  the 
more  he  was  admired.  He  was  superior  by  many  degrees 
to  everyone  I  have  seen :  he  had  a  magnificent  mind.  A 
most  perfect  gentleman.  A  determined  enemy  to  the 
corrupt,  corruption,  and  jobs,  he  never  spared  where  he 
thought  it  his  duty  to  inflict.  A  man  of  this  cast  must 
create  a  host  of  enemies,  and  he  certainly  had  his  share 
of  them. 

"  To  pursue  melancholy  subjects.  We  never  heard  of 
the  death  of  poor  Mrs.  Fox  until  a  short  time  before  our 
arrival  at  Corunna.  He  thought  her  the  most  valuable  and 


110  MOORE'S  RETREAT.  [€H.  VIII. 

excellent  woman  with  whom  he  ever  was  acquainted.  He 
received  General  Fox's  letter  the  day  before  the  action. 
I  beg  to  be  kindly  remembered  to  the  General  and  Miss 
Fox. — Most  sincerely  yours, 

"J.   COLBORNE." 

It  is  v:orth  while  even  to  add  to  Colborne's  narra- 
tive a  fuller  account  of  Moore's  last  hours,  because 
if  Colborne's  name  had  been  remembered  in  no  other 
connexion,  this  ever-moving  story,  preserved  by  the 
pious  affection  of  Colonel  Anderson,  must  have  kept 
it  alive :-« « 

As  the  soldiers  were  carrying  the  wounded 
general  from  the  battlefield,  "  he  repeatedly  made 
them  turn  round  to  view  the  battle  and  to  listen  to 
the  firing,  the  sound  of  which  becoming  gradually 
fainter,  indicated  that  the  French  were  retreating. 
Before  he  reached  Corunna  it  was  almost  dark,  and 
Colonel  Anderson  met  him,  who,  seeing  his  general 
borne  from  the  field  of  battle  for  the  third  and  last 
time,  and  steeped  in  blood,  became  speechless  with 
anguish.  Moore  pressed  his  hand  and  said  in  a  low 
tone,  '  Anderson,  don't  leave  me.'  As  he  was  carried 
into  the  house,  his  faithful  servant  Frangois  came 
out  and  stood  aghast  with  horror ;  but  his  master,  to 
console  him,  said,  smiling,  *  My  friend,  this  is 
nothing.' 

"  He  was  then  placed  on  a  mattrass  on  the  floor 
and  supported  by  Anderson,  who  had  saved  his  life 
at  St.  Lucia;  and  some  of  the  gentlemen  of  his 
staff  came  into  the  room  by  turns.  He  asked  each 
as  they  entered  if  the  French  were  beaten,  and  was 
answered  affirmatively.  They  stood  around ;  the 
pain  of  his  wound  became  excessive,  and  deadly  pale- 


1809.]  DEATH  OF  MOORE.  1 1 1 

ness  overspread  his  fine  features.  Yet,  with  un- 
subdued fortitude,  he  said  at  intervals,  *  Anderson, 
you  know  that  I  have  always  wished  to  die  this  way. 
I  hope  the  people  of  England  will  be  satisfied.  I 
hope  my  country  will  do  me  justice ! ' 

( Anderson,  you  will  see  my  friends  as  soon  as 
you  can.  Tell  them — everything.  Say  to  my 

mother ! '  Here  his  voice  faltered,  he  became 

excessively  agitated,  and  not  being  able  to  proceed, 
changed  the  subject. 

'  Hope ! — Hope !  I  have  much  to  say  to  him — 
but  cannot  get  it  out.  Are  Colonel  Graham  and  all 
my  aides-de-camp  safe  ?  '  (At  this  question  Ander- 
son, who  knew  the  warm  regard  of  the  general 
towards  the  officers  of  his  staff,  made  a  private  sign 
not  to  mention  that  Captain  Burrard  was  mortally 
wounded.)  He  then  continued : 

c  I  have  made  my  will,  and  have  remembered  my 
servants.  Colborne  has  my  will  and  all  my  papers.1 
As  he  spoke  these  words  Major  Colborne,  his  mili- 
tary secretary,  entered  the  room.  He  addressed  him 
with  his  wonted  kindness;  then,  turning  to  Ander- 
son, said,  '  Remember  you  go  to  Willoughby 
Gordon*  and  tell  him  it  is  my  request,  and  that  I 
expect  he  will  give  a  lieutenant-colonelcy  to  Major 
Colborne ;  he  has  been  long  with  me — and  I  know 
him  to  be  most  worthy  of  it.'t 

*  Military  Secretary  to  the  Duke  of  York. 

f  It  is  very  characteristic  of  Colborne's  character  that  he  was 
reluctant  to  allow  this  testimony  to  his  merits  borne  by  his  dying 
general  to  be  published.  Captain  Graham  Moore  writes  to  him  on 
the  29th  May,  1809  :  "The  purport  of  my  letter  is  ...  chiefly  at 
this  moment  [when]  James  is  employed  in  an  attempt  to  have  justice 
done  to  our  brave  brother's  memory,  to  endeavour  to  prevail  upon 


112  AfOORE'S  RETREAT.  [Cn.  VIII. 

"  He  then  asked  the  major,  who  had  come  last 
from  the  field,  *  Have  the  French  been  beaten  ? ' 
He  assured  them  they  had,  on  every  point.  '  It's  a 
great  satisfaction/  he  said,  '  for  me  to  know  that  we 
have  beat  the  French.  Is  Paget*  in  the  room?' 
On  being  told  he  was  not,  he  resumed,  '  Remember 
me  to  him ;  he  is  a  fine  fellow.' 

;<  Though  visibly  sinking,  he  then  said,  '  I  feel 
myself  so  strong — I  fear  I  shall  be  long  dying — it's 
great  uneasiness — it's  great  pain ! 

c  Everything  Fran£ois  says  is  right.  I  have 
great  confidence  in  him ! '  He  thanked  the  surgeons 
for  their  attendance.  Then,  seeing  Captains  Percy 
and  Stanhope,  two  of  his  aides-de-camp,  enter,  he 
spoke  to  them  kindly,  and  repeated  to  them  the  ques- 
tion, *  If  all  his  aides-de-camp  were  safe  ? '  and  was 
pleased  on  being  told  they  were. 

"  After  a  pause  Stanhope  caught  his  eye,  and  he 
said  to  him,  c  Stanhope,  remember  me  to  your 
sister.'t  He  then  became  silent.  Death,  un- 
dreaded,  approached,  and  the  spirit  departed."^: 


you  to  give  up  your  objection  to  making  public  every  particular 
circumstance  in  the  last  scene  of  his  life.  ...  To  every  candid 
and  liberal  mind  it  must  appear  honourable  to  you,  as  well  as  to 
himself,  the  strong  interest  he  felt  that  you  should  have  justice  done 
you,  and  as  it  is  certainly  a  strong  characteristic  trait  of  the  General, 
I  do  hope  and  request  of  you,  in  the  name  of  my  mother  and  all  our 
family,  that  you  will  give  up  your  objection  to  the  whole  of  what  he 
said  on  that  sad  occasion  being  made  public." 

*  The  Hon.  Edward  Paget,  who  commanded  the  reserve. 

f  Lady  Hester  Stanhope,  whose  warm  attachment  to  Moore  is  well 
known.  A  seal  which  she  gave  him  was  cut  off  Moore's  fob  after 
death  by  Colborne.  He  gave  it  to  Mr.  Carrick  Moore,  who  however 
returned  it  to  Colborne,  saying,  "  You  have  the  better  right  to  it." 
It  is  now  in  the  possession  of  the  Hon.  Lady  Montgomery- Moore. 

$  Moore's  Life  of  Sir  J.  Moore,  ii.,  pp.  226—230. 


1809.]  DEATH  OF  MOORE.  113 

The  story  is  continued  by  George  Napier,  who 
had  been  Moore's  aide-de-camp  from  the  beginning 
of  the  campaign. 

"  With  a  heavy  heart  I  turned  my  sorrowful  steps 
to  the  headquarter  house.  On  entering  I  saw  no 
light;  I  heard  no  sound,  no  movement — all  was 
silent  as  the  grave.  A  cold,  dread  chill  struck  upon 
my  heart  as  I  ascended  the  gloomy  stairs  and  opened 
the  opposite  door,  from  whence  I  imagined  I  heard 
the  half-stifled  sob  of  grief.  Oh  God !  what  was  my 
horror,  my  misery,  my  agony!  Sir  John  Moore  lay 
stretched  on  a  mattrass ;  a  dreadful  wound  bared  the 
cavity  of  the  chest;  he  had  just  breathed  his  last. 
....  Never  shall  I  forget  the  scene  that  room 
displayed  on  that  fatal  night.  Colonel  Anderson,  who 
had  been  from  youth  the  tried  friend  and  companion 
of  his  general,  was  kneeling  with  his  arm  supporting 
Sir  John  Moore's  head,  with  blanched  cheeks,  half- 
parted,  colourless  lips,  and  his  eyes  intently  fixed  on 
that  face,  whose  smile  of  approbation  and  affection 
had  been  his  pride  and  his  delight  for  years ;  but 
the  look  of  keen  anguish  that  Anderson's  counten- 
ance expressed  is  far  beyond  my  powers  of  descrip- 
tion. Next  in  this  group  stood  Colborne,  whose  firm 
and  manly  countenance  was  relaxed  and  overcast 
with  thoughtful  grief,  as  though  he  pondered  more 
on  his  country's  than  on  private  sorrow,  for  he  felt 
and  deeply  mourned  the  amount  of  England's  loss. 
Then  high-spirited,  guileless  Harry  Percy,  pouring 
forth  in  convulsive  sobs  the  overflowing  of  his  warm 
and  generous  heart,  and  poor  James  Stanhope  com- 
pletely struck  down  and  overwhelmed  by  the  double 
loss  of  his  brother*  and  his  friend.  Although  last 


114  MOORE'S  RETREAT.  [Cti.  VIII. 

in  this  imperfect  sketch,  not  least  absorbed  in  the 
deep  anguish  of  despair  stood  his  faithful  and 
devoted  servant,  Francois,  bending  over  his  master's 
mangled  body,  his  hands  clasped  in  speechless 
agony,  his  face  as  pale  as  the  calm  countenance  he 
wildly  gazed  upon.  That  eye,  which  was  wont  to* 
penetrate  the  inmost  soul,  was  glazed  in  death. 
That  manly,  graceful  form,  the  admiration  of  the 
army,  lay  stretched  a  bloody  lifeless  corpse ;  the 
great  spirit  had  quitted  its  earthly  habitation ;  all 
around  was  sad  and  gloomy.  Moore  was  dead!  "t 

At  midnight  on  the  i6th  January  Sir  John  Moore's 
body  was  removed  by  torchlight  from  the  house  on 
the  quay,  where  he  had  died,  to  the  quarters  of  his 
friend  Colonel  Graham  in  the  citadel  of  Corunna. 
An  entry  in  Graham's  diary  of  I7th  January  gives 
us  the  last  scene  of  the  story. 

"A  grave  was  dugj:  in  the  centre  of  the  flat 
bastion  of  the  citadel  where  poor  Anstruther§  lay, 
and  there,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning||  the 
general's  body,  without  a  coffin,  was  interred. 
Anderson,  Colborne,  Percy  and  Stanhope  were 


*  Charles  Stanhope,  who  had  been  killed,  was  second  to  Charles 
Napier  in  command  of  the  5oth.  Charles  Napier,  who  had  been 
taken  prisoner,  was  believed  at  this  moment  by  his  brother  to  have 
been  killed  also. 

f  Early  Military  Life  of  Sir  G.  T.  Napier,  pp.  75—77. 

J  Apparently  by  the  Qth  Foot.  See  Earlier  Letters  of  Sir  W.  Gomm, 
p.  116. 

§  Brig.. General  Anstruther,  a  great  friend  of  Moore's,  had  died  on 
reaching  Corunna. 

||  Wolfe's  famous  lines  say  "  at  dead  of  night,"  and  Sir  W.  Napier 
writes  :  "  The  battle  was  scarcely  ended  "  when  Moore  was  buried. 
But  Graham's  statement  is  the  true  one. 


iScx,.]  BURIAL   OF  MOORE.  115 

present  only,*  Napier  and  I  being  joined  to  General 
Hope's  staff ;  and,  some  firing  from  the  point  having 
taken  place,  they  hurried  it  over."t 

It  was  still  early,  as  George  Napier  writes,  when 
"  Colonel  [Major]  Colborne|  and  myself  went  on 
board  the  *  Audacious/  74  gun  ship,  Captain  Gos- 
ling, having  with  much  difficulty  reached  her,  as  in 
consequence  of  the  enemy  bringing  some  guns  to 
the  heights,  which  in  fact  commanded  the  bay,  and 
opening  a  fire  on  the  transports,  they  were  cutting 
away  their  cables  and  were  in  much  confusion,  and 
it  was  a  service  of  danger  to  get  through  them."§ 

In  the  following  note  from  Falmouth  Colborne 
announces  to  his  stepfather  his  return  to  England : 

"  25th  January,  1809. 

"  My  dear  Mr.  Bargus, — I  have  only  time  to  say  that  I 
am  well.  You  will  know  the  loss  we  have  sustained.  || 
I  shall  soon  see  you. — Yours  most  affectionately, 

"J.  COLBORNE." 

*  The  service  was  read  by  the  Rev.  H.  J.  Symons.     (Notes   and 
Queries,  Ser.  I.,  Vol.  VI.,  p.  274.) 

•j-  Delavoye's  Life  of  Lord  Lynedoch,  p.  299. 

J  Should  Napier  have  written  "  Colonel  Graham  "  ? 

§  Early  Military  Life  of  Sir  G.  T.  Napier,  p.  78. 

||  Miss  Yonge  says  that  fifty  years  later  Lord  Seaton's  voice 
trembled  as  he  spoke  of  Moore.  (Miss  Coleridge's  C.  M.  Yonge,  p.  19.) 


CHAPTER  IX. 

LONDON.     RETURN  TO  THE  PENINSULA  AND  SERVICE 
WITH  THE  SPANISH  ARMY,  1809. 

THE  following  letters  show  that  Colborne,  after 
reaching  London,  had  much  work  on  hand  in 
settling  the  accounts  of  the  late  expedition  with  the 
Commissary.  He  was  in  frequent  communication 
with  Sir  John  Moore's  family,  and  warmly  interested 
in  defending  his  military  character  against  the 
attacks  which  were  made  on  it.  In  his  own  case, 
the  General's  dying  request  had  been  complied  with. 
He  was  appointed  to  a  lieutenant-colonelcy  in  the 
5th  Garrison  Battalion  on  2nd  February,  1809. 

These  garrison  battalions  were  corps  of  old 
soldiers  formed  to  remain  in  England,  but  Colborne 
obtained  permission  to  return  to  the  Peninsula. 

"  London, 

"  Ibbotson's, 
"  Vere-street, 
"  January  [25  ?],  1809. 

"  My  dear  Delia, — Knowing  that  you  would  be  uneasy, 
I  sent  you  a  short  note  immediately  after  the  action.  I 
hope  it  arrived  before  the  public  news  reached  you,  as  the 
officer  who  carried  the  dispatch  put  it  in  the  post-office 
Falmouth.  I  ought  to  have  been  sent  with  General 
Hope's  letter,  but  Sir  D.  Baird  preferred  one  of  his  own 
aides-de-camp. 


1809.]  DEATH   OF  MOORE.  117 

"  General  Hope  sent  me  to  London  as  soon  as  we  arrived 
at  [Portsmouth]  with  a  copy  of  his  dispatch,  and  I  only 
reached  this  place  a  few  hours  after  the  original* 

"  It  seems  a  dream — I  can  scarcely  believe  that  I  am  in 
England.  Indeed,  this  is  the  first  day  since  the  action 
I  have  had  time  to  reflect  and  lament  my  friend.  He  was 
a  noble  fellow — had  I  not  seen  him  die  I  should  have 
thought  it  impossible  for  the  firmest  mind  to  have  endured 
bodily  pain  with  such  indifference,  with  such  calm  serenity 
— for  although  when  in  health,  and  sound,  one  conceives  a 
possibility  of  bearing  every  ill,  yet  the  stoutest  hearts  yield 
to  nature  and  sink  under  the  pain  of  a  mutilated  body. 

"  General  Moore  was  struck  on  his  left  breast  and  shoul- 
der by  a  cannon  shot  which  [broke]  his  ribs,  his  arm, 
lacerated  his  shoulder  and  the  whole  of  his  left  side  and 
lungs.  From  the  gushing  out  of  the  blood  I  should  have 
thought  he  would  have  instantly  expired.  His  voice  was 
rather  hoarse  from  inward  bleeding.  When  knocked  off 
his  horse  he  did  not  say  anything,  nor  did  the  shot  make 
him  change  countenance.  He  was  carried  away  in  a 
blanket,  and  spoke  to  everyone  as  he  passed.  I  remained 
out  until  the  action  was  over,  and  when  dark  rode  to 
Corunna.  On  my  entering  the  room  the  General  knew  me, 
and  spoke  most  kindly  to  me  and  said,  '  Colborne,  have 
we  beaten  the  French  ? '  I  replied, '  Yes,  we  have  repulsed 
them  in  every  point*  '  Well,'  says  he,  '  that  is  a  satis- 
faction. I  hope  my  country  will  do  me  justice.'  He  then 
said  to  Colonel  Anderson,  '  Go  to  Colonel  Gordon  when 
you  arrive  in  England,  tell  him  it  is  my  wish — remember, 
I  request — that  Colborne  gets  a  lieutenant-colonelcy.'  He 
then  said,  '  Remember  me  to  General  Paget — General 
Edward  Paget — he  is  a  fine  fellow.'  He  asked  everyone 
that  came  into  the  room  about  the  enemy,  and  died  in  a 
moment  after  he  had  spoken,  without  the  least  symptom 
of  pain.  He  was  buried  by  his  own  aides-de-camp  and  my- 
self, on  a  bastion  at  Coranna. 

*  Captain  Hope,  who  brought  the  original,  arrived  in  London  late 
on  the  23rd. 


IlS  IN  LONDON.  [CH.  IX. 

"  The  Duke  of  York  received  me  with  great  kindness, 
and  was  much  affected  on  reading  General  Hope's 
dispatch. 

"  I  can  tell  you  nothing  certain  about  myself.  The 
greater  part  of  the  fleet  is  not  come  in,  but  I  have  yet 
much  business  to  finish,  if  possible.  I  need  not  assure  you 
how  happy  I  shall  be  to  pay  Duke  and  little  Delia  a  visit. 
Remember  me  to  them,  and  believe  me  most  affection- 
ately yours, 

"J.   COLBORNE. 

"  Mrs.  Duke  Yonge,  Antony, 

"  Tor  Point,  Plymouth  Dock,  Devon." 


"  London, 

"2;th  January,  1809. 

"  My  dear  Mr.  Bargus, — I  arrived  in  London  about  one. 
I  have  seen  General  Hope ;  as  yet  he  knows  nothing,  but 
appears  very  anxious  to  get  away. 

"  I  found  a  note  from  F.  Moore,*  begging  me  to  defer 
my  visit  to  Richmond  until  to-morrow.  This  I  was  not 
sorry  for,  as  I  find  that  only  7,000  men  are  arrived  at 
Portsmouth,  and  until  the  Commissary  and  Paymaster- 
General  arrive,  or  that  General  Hope  returns  to  Portsmouth, 
it  will  be  useless  my  going  there. 

"  I  cannot  tell  you  how  long  I  shall  be  obliged  to  remain 
here.  Government  find  themselves  exceedingly  encouraged 
about  this  letter.^  General  Stewart  has  blundered,  and 
said  it  was  General  Moore's  wish  to  have  it  published.  I 
can  assert  that  this  is  not  the  fact. 

"  They  talk  of  an  immense  force  being  sent  to  Spain. 


*  Francis  Moore,  who  was  in  the  War  Office,  was  a  younger  brother 
of  Sir  John  Moore.  Their  father  "  Dr.  Moore,"  had  died  at  Richmond 
in  1802. 

f  General  Moore's  letter  to  Lord  Castlereagh  of  I3th  January. 
General  Stewart  had  been  sent  to  England  with  it  before  the  battle. 
It  was  printed  by  Order  of  the  House  of  Commons,  though  Sir  J. 
Moore  says,  "  My  letter,  written  so  carelessly,  can  only  be  considered 
as  private."  See  Annual  Register,  1809,  p.  426. 


1809.]  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL.  119 

If  so,  I  can  safely  say  it  will  not  be  ready  for  six  weeks  or 
two  months. 

"  My  wish  is  to  get  the  command  of  a  regiment  on  the 
new  expedition,  but  I  fear  this  is  impossible. 

"  I  find  some  people  have  been  making  inquiries  where 
I  am  to  be  found.  I  have  reason  to  suppose  they  wish  to 
sound  me  about  General  Moore's  dispatch.  However,  they 
will  get  nothing  from  me,  to  whatever  Party  they  may 
belong. — Yours  affectionately, 

"  J.  COLBORNE." 


"  14,  Chapel-place, 

"  Vere-street, 

"  3Oth  January. 

"  My  dear  Mr.  Bargus, — I  have  just  received  your  letter. 
You  seem  to  have  formed  a  great  notion  of  my  merit.  I 
only  wish  I  deserved  half  as  much  as  you  think  or  wished. 

"  They  have  behaved  very  handsomely  in  giving  me  the 
first  vacancy,  and  you  will  be  surprised  when  I  tell  you  it 
pleases  me.  My  promotion  is  in  a  garrison  battalion. 
There  are  hundreds  who  like  to  be  idle,  and  will  exchange. 
Therefore  I  shall  have  time  to  look  about  me,  and  get  into 
a  good  regiment — perhaps  the  Twentieth,  for  it  is  in  vain 
to  look  to  command  a  regiment  immediately — most  regi- 
ments have  two  battalions  and  two  lieutenant-colonels. 

"  An  office  will  be  opened  in  London  where  all  my  busi- 
ness must  be  arranged. 

"  The  Wellesleys  will  have  the  command  of  the  new 
expedition. — Most  affectionately  yours, 

"  J.  COLBORNE." 


"8th  February,  1809, 

"  14,  Chapel-place, 

"  Vere-street. 

"  My  dear  Alethea, —    .     .     .     Friday  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  call  on  the  Duke  to  thank  him  for  my  promotion. 


120  IN  LONDON.  [Cn.  IX. 

I  was  gazetted  last  night.     You  may  now  give  me  my  rank. 
"...     I  have  called  several  times  on  Lord  Castle- 
reagh,  and  had  an  interview  this  morning. 

"  J.  COLBORNE." 

In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Bargus,  dated  "  London,  2ist 
February,  1809,"  Colborne  says  "  I  begin  my  work 
to-morrow  morning." 

"  London, 

"  ist  March,  1809. 

"  My  dear  Mr.  Bargus, — I  have  nearly  settled  all  my 
business,  but  the  Commissary  with  whom  I  must  finish  my 
account  is  not  in  town,  nor  will  be  here  until  Monday.  I 
am  determined  not  to  leave  things  half  settled,  therefore 
you  will  not  see  me  before  Wednesday. 

"  Colonel  Ross  called  on  me  yesterday,  previous  to  his 
going  down  to  the  Twentieth.  He  means  to  push  Colonel 
Campbell  for  an  immediate  answer.*  Should  it  not  be 
favourable,  I  have  my  application  ready  for  Colonel 
Gordon,  which  I  am  convinced  will  not  be  refused.  I  saw 
the  Duke  the  day  before  yesterday.  I  was  resolved  not 
to  -forsake  him  while  under  a  cloud.t  The  parading  at  the 
levee  of  the  King  is  by  no  means  necessary,  the  only  ad- 
vantage to  be  reaped  from  such  a  ceremony  consists  in 
reading  one's  own  name  in  the  newspaper  the  next  morn- 
ing. I  must  defer  taking  Lady  Selsey'st  advice  till  I 
return  from  Spain,  or  till  I  have  achieved  some  grand 
exploit. 

"  I  went  to  the  House  on  Friday,  and  remained  till  five 

*  Colborne  desired  to  exchange  back  into  his  old  regiment. 

f  The  conduct  of  the  Duke  of  York  had  been  impugned  in  the 
House  of  Commons  on  2;th  January.  He  resigned  the  office  of  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  on  iSth  March. 

J  Hester  Elizabeth  [Jennings],  in  her  own  right,  Lady  of  the  Manor 
of  Barkway,  wife  of  Hon.  John  Peachey,  who  became  second  Baron 
Selsey  in  1808.  She  and  her  husband  had  presented  Mr.  Bargus  to 
the  vicarage  of  Barkway  on  a8th  November,  1798. 


1809.]  DEBATE  ON  MOORE'S  CAMPAIGN.  121 

in  the  morning.  I  was  disgusted  with  the  impudent  false- 
hoods on  the  part  of  Canning.* 

"  The  Ministers  had  the  advantage,  for  the  opposition 
attacked  in  the  dark.  Had  I  been  in  the  front  row,  I 
really  believe  the  spirit  would  have  moved  me  to  have 
given  the  Ministers  the  lie  direct. 

"  They  all  speak  very  bad ;  Windham's  is  the  most 
disagreeable  voice  I  ever  heard ;  Canning  affected  to  put 
himself  in  a  passion,  but  made  no  impression  on  the 
House,  at  least,  if  I  can  judge  by  my  own  feelings.  Tier- 
ney  speaks  like  a  country  gentleman,  blunt,  and  sometimes 
even  eloquent ;  Perceval  both  speaks  and  looks  like  an 
apothecary.  The  minor  orators,  if  they  can  be  called 
orators,  are  worse  than  could  be  found  in  the  meanest 
spouting  club  of  a  country  school :  the  few  words  they 
uttered  were  sputtered  out  with  '  I  wish,  sir/  '  I  con- 
ceive, sir,'  '  I  hope,  sir/  '  my  right  honourable  friend/ 
'  the  gallant  general/  and  '  the  right  honourable 
lord '  squeezed  in,  almost  in  every  sentence,  so  as 
to  make  them  unintelligible  to  us  that  are  not  in 
the  habit  of  attending  the  House.  Of  this  class 
were  Brigadier-General  Stewart,  Lord  Milton,  a  Major 
Allen,  and  many  others.  I  forgot  Lord  H.  Petty.  He 
speaks  very  clear  and  distinct,  but  there  is  a  monotony  in 
his  harangues  which  offends  my  ear  exceedingly.  I  sat 
in  the  midst  of  newspaper  reporters,  who  frequently  put 
down  (when  they  cannot  hear)  anything  to  make  up  a 


*  "  Lord  Castlereagh  and  Lord  Liverpool  paid  an  honorable  tribute 
to  the  merits  of  the  commander ;  but  Mr.  Canning,  unscrupulously 
resolute  to  screen  Mr.  Frere,  assented  to  all  the  erroneous  statements 
of  the  opposition,  and  endeavoured  with  malignant  dexterity  ;to 
convert  them  into  charges  against  the  fallen  general.  Sir  John  Moore 
was,  he  said,  answerable  for  the  events  of  the  campaign  ...  for  he 
had  kept  the  Ministers  ignorant  of  his  proceedings.  .  .  .  Not  long 
afterwards  Sir  John  Moore's  letters,  written  almost  daily  and  fur- 
nishing exact  and  copious  information  of  all  that  was  passing  in  the 
Peninsula,  were  laid  before  the  House."  (Napier,  Bk.  V.,  chap,  i.) 
The  debate  Colborne  attended  was  that  held  on  24th  February,  when 
Mr.  Ponsonby  moved  for  an  inquiry  into  the  circumstances  of  the  late 
campaign,  and  was  defeated  by  220  to  127. 


122  IN  LONDON.  [Cn.  IX. 

sentence.     Not  one  of  the  speeches  appeared  in  the  papers 
correct,  or  even  like  the  originals. 

"Yesterday  I  walked  to  Richmond  and  dined  with  F. 
Moore,  and  returned  in  the  evening.  I  was  not  more  than 
an  hour  and  a  [half]  going  and  about  an  hour  and  three 
quarters  on  my  return.  I  spoke  to  him  seriously  about 
publishing  certain  letters. 

"  It  is  reported  that  the  Brest  fleet  are  now  in  Rochefort 
— Most  affectionately  yours, 

"J.  COLBORNE. 

"  I  am  much  obliged  to  Mrs.  B.  for  Miss  Law's  letter.  I 
mean  to  write  to  General  Fox  or  some  part  of  his  family." 


"  London, 

";th  March,  1809. 

"  My  dear  Alethea, — Most  heartily  tired  I  am  of  accounts 
and  claims.  By  way  of  exercise  after  the  fatigues  of  the 
morning  I  have  frequently  walked  to  Richmond  and  back 
the  same  night.  Sunday  I  slept  there,  and  returned  early 
on  Monday  morning. 

"  Antonio,*  I  am  afraid,  is  very  troublesome.  Let  him 
be  made  useful,  if  possible ;  he  is  very  idle.  Is  there  any- 
thing that  you  or  Maria  wish  from  this  gay  city?  Was  it 
'  Mordaunt '  or  '  Edward  '*  that  Maria  wished  to  have  ? 

"  The  party  to  Mr.  M 's  is  inevitable  is  it  not  ?     Were 

I  to  live  with  you  two  months  I  certainly  should  be  thought 
the  greatest  brute  in  the  county  of  Herts.  Instance  the 
first  Here  is  a  man,  hospitable  to  a  degree  unknown 
amongst  the  good  people  of  England  in  general :  rides 
through  snow,  over  hedge  and  ditch,  to  see  me,  and  yet  I 
am  such  an  ungrateful,  unsociable  and  extraordinary 
animal  that  I  do  not  feel  the  least  inclination  to  partake 
of  his  good -cheer.  More  silly  than  mad,  you  will  say,  but 
such  is  the  nature  of  the  beast — la  societa  non  mi  piaca 
a-ffatto. 

*  A  Calabrian  servant  whom  Colborne  had  left  at  Barkway. 
f  Both  novels  written  by  Dr.  Moore,  Sir  John  Moore's  father. 


1809.]  SETTLING  ACCOUNTS. 


123 


"Adieu,  my  sweet  old  maid,  and  believe  me,  with  kind 
remembrance  to  all  the  family,  your  very  humble  servant 
and  brother  to  command,  «  j  COLBORNE  " 

Miss  Townsend,  to  whom  the  following  letter  is 
addressed,  was  apparently  a  member  of  General 
Fox's  family  who  had  lived  in  his  house  in  Sicily. 
Colonel  Bunbury  had  married  the  eldest  Miss  Fox. 

"  14,  Chapel-place, 

"  Vere-street, 

"9th  March,  1809. 

"  My  dear  Miss  Townsend, — If  I  had  been  cudgelled  for 
a  month,  there  is  not  one  hour  out  of  the  many  days  since 
I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  that  I  could  have  sat 
down  deliberately  with  the  intention  of  writing  to  any  of 
my  own  correspondents.  I  have  heard  of  people  com- 
posing elegant  stanzas  and  writing  very  pretty  letters 
during  the  deepest  distress,  but  I  confess,  when  I  am 
disappointed,  vexed  or  afflicted,  I  am  one  of  those  who 
can  neither  write  nor  read.  I  resign  the  appellation  with 
which  you  or  Colonel  Bunbury*  honoured  me,  '  the  Philo- 
sopher/ 

"  I  promised  to  write  to  you  from  Sweden,  and  much 
there  was  in  that  country  to  describe,  for  a  most  delightful 
one  it  is,  but  the  foolish  errand  on  which  we  were  sent  put 
me  out  of  humour  not  a  little. 

"  Away  we  go  to  Portugal,  where  I  once  more  joined  my 
old  regiment"! 

"  London, 

"gth  March,  1809, 

"  14,  Chapel-place. 

"My  dear  Alethea,— I  shall  ruin  you  in  postage.  It 
will  be  impossible  to  close  my  business  before  Saturday; 

*  Colonel  H.  E.  Bunbury,  the  author  of  Narrative  of  some  Passages 
i-,i  the  Great  War,  was  Quartermaster- General  to  the  British  forces  in 
the  Mediterranean. 

f  The  rest  of  this  interesting  letter  has  been  given  already,  pp.  92,  108. 


124  IN  LONDON.  [Cn.  IX, 

therefore  I  cannot  be  with  you  till  Sunday  or  Monday. 
Nothing  shall  prevent  me  from  leaving  town  on  Monday, 
I  may  probably  get  away  before. 

"  Whether  the  climate,  the  wind  or  the  smoke  of  London 
affects  the  nerves  of  your  melancholy  brother,  I  cannot 
say ;  but  most  certain  it  is  that  I  never  felt  so  strong  an 
inclination  to  hang  myself — at  times.  This  is  only  fa$on 
de  parler,  for  I  should  think  twice  and  look  at  my  garters 
a  long  time  before  I  exalted  myself.  But  I  am  really 
miserable  and  what  is  more  extraordinary,  I  cannot  find 
out  the  cause ;  this  is  very  provoking.  Pouring  out  the 
tea  with  one  hand  and  my  letter  in  the  other,  I  think  T  see 
you  much  inclined  to  read  this  letter  to  the  public.  If  I 
find  you  proclaiming  my  secrets,  I  shall  not  write  to  you. 

"  The  Duke  of  York  will,  I  think,  keep  his  place ;  the 
Ministry  support  him.  Last  night  the  debate  was  ad- 
journed.— Most  affectionately  yours, 

"J.  COLBORNE. 

"  I  have  just  heard  but  I  cannot  vouch  for  its  authenticity, 
that  Lord  Paget  went  off  a  few  days  ago  with  Mr.  Henry 
Wellesley's  wife,  sister  of  Lord  Cadogan,  and  that  Sir 
Arthur  Wellesley  called  out  Lord  Paget  and  killed  him  in 
the  first  fire.  The  first  part  of  the  story  is  certainly  true." 

Circumstances  prevented  Colborne  from  leaving 
England  as  soon  as  he  intended.  On  the  2;th 
March  his  stepfather,  Mr.  Bargus,  was  seized  with 
convulsive  spasms  while  officiating  as  Justice  of  the 
Peace  for  Herts,  and  died  in  a  few  hours,  and  Col- 
borne  was  called  upon  to  give  his  filial  assistance  to 
the  widow  of  his  stepfather.  He  had,  at  the  same 
time,  the  pleasure  of  hearing  from  Mr.  Bargus'  old 
friend,  Dr.  Goddard  of  Winchester,  the  esteem 
which  Mr.  Bargus  entertained  for  him.  Dr.  God- 
dard wrote  on  the  2nd  April : 

"  I  feel  true  satisfaction  in  assuring  you  that  he  has 


1809.]  A  FIRST  MEETING.  125 

often  expressed  himself  to  me  as  amply  repayed  for  the 
care  and  anxiety  he  had  experienced  on  your  account  by 
your  exemplary  conduct,  and  the  estimation  in  which  you 
were  held  by  those  who  were  most  intimately  acquainted 
with  your  character." 

On  the  following  day  Sir  George  Murray  wrote 
to  say  that  he  had  mentioned  Colborne  to  Sir  Arthur 
Wellesley  for  the  post  of  military  secretary.  This 
post  he  declined — at  the  price,  it  is  said,  of  some 
displeasure  on  the  part  of  Sir  Arthur — and  being 
greatly  occupied  with  his  private  affairs  and  those  of 
Sir  John  Moore,  he  found  himself  unable  to  join 
the  army  till  three  months  after  Sir  Arthur's  landing 
at  Oporto  (22nd  April). 

It  was  in  this  interval  that  Colborne  first  met  the  fair 
lady  who  was  destined  to  be  his  wife,  Miss  Elizabeth 
tYonge,  called  "the  beauty  of  Devonshire."  She 
was  the  eldest  daughter  of  the  Rev.  James  Yonge, 
squire  of  Puslinch,  Devon,  and  rector  of  Newton 
Ferrers.  Her  cousin,  the  Rev.  Duke  Yonge,  of 
Antony,  near  Plymouth,  had  married  Miss  Cordelia 
Colborne  on  the  I4th  May,  1806.  Miss  Yonge 
writes  in  her  diary  under  the  date  "  2ist  June,  1809  "  : 
"  Duke  Yonge  and  Colonel  Colborne  called  at 
Puslinch,"  to  which  she  added,  some  time  later, 
"  The  first  time  we  ever  met,  and  this  day  four  years 
we  were  married ;  not  aware,  for  some  time,  of  its 
being  the  same  month  and  day."  Colonel  Colborne 
called  at  Puslinch  again  with  his  brother-in-law  on 
the  2  Qth,  but  a  few  days  later,  when  his  business 
was  done,  he  took  his  passage  to  the  Peninsula  to 
•see  further  service.  The  following  letter  testifies 
to  his  warm  affection  for  his  half-sister,  Miss  Alethea 


126  PENINSULAR    WAR.  [Cn.  IX. 

Bargus,  and  to  his  desire  as  far  as  possible  to  take 
the  place  of  the  father  she  had  lost. 

"  Falmouth, 

"  2  ist  July,  1809. 

"  My  dear  Alethea, — I  arrived  here  yesterday.  I  intend 
to  proceed  to  Cadiz  in  the  packet,  but  we  are  detained  by 
the  embargo.  I  remained  one  night  with  Delia.  I  expect 
you  will  be  a  first-rate  performer  when  I  return.  Two 
hours  at  drawing,  two  at  music  and  three  at  history — 
savcte  qualche  cosa — then,  provided  you  will  rise  at  7  you 
will  have  three  hours  for  other  employments.  Read  by 
yourself  every  day,  and  recollect  what  you  have  read  at 
the  end  of  the  week;  that  is,  make  an  abridgment. 
Always  continue  your  chain  of  reading,  even  if  it  is  but 
half  an  hour  each  day. 

"  I  must  beg  of  you  to  buy  another  of  Moore's  books 
and  send  it  to  Mr.  Sisson,  with  my  compliments.*  Never 
were  there  materials  so  mangled  [as]  by  that  stupid  doctor, 
and  the  publication  is  full  of  errors.  However,  the  letters 
are  well  selected,  and  certainly  do  honour  to  Sir  John 
Moore. 

"  Have  you  determined  on  a  house  ? — Most  affectionately 
yours, 

"  J.  COLBORNE." 

Colborne  reached  the  Peninsula  too  late  to  take 
part  in  the  passage  of  the  Douro  (i2th  May)  and  the 
battle  of  Talavera  (28th  July),  but  in  his  con- 
versations in  later  years  he  told  some  stories  of 
these  feats  of  arms : 

"  The  Duke  was  occasionally  not  above  writing  in 
his  despatches  to  please  the  aristocracy.  At  the 
passage  of  the  Douro,  Hervey  made  a  very  brilliant 
charge  with  his  regiment,  something  like  the  Bala- 

*  A  Narrative  of  the  Campaign  of  the  British  Army  in  Spain 
commanded  by  .  .  .  Sir  John  Moore.  By  James  Moore,  Esq.,  1809. 


I8D9-]  PASSAGE  OF  THE  DOURO.  127 

clava  charge,  right  through  the  French,  and  Sir 
Charles  Stewart  (afterwards  Lord  Londonderry), 
who  was  riding  with  him,  waved  his  hat,  but  had 
nothing  whatever  to  do  with  it.  Hervey  was 
obliged  to  retire  again  across  the  river,  and  when 
among  the  infantry  had  his  arm  shot  off.  In  the 
despatch  all  the  credit  was  given  by  the  Duke  to 
Stewart.* 

"  Poor  Hervey  said  to  me  when  he  was  wounded, 
'  Now,  did  you  ever  see  anything  like  that?  I 
wanted  some  little  puff  of  that  kind,  and  Stewart 
could  get  on  without  it;  besides,  it  was  my  affair.' 

"  I  don't  mean  to  say  this  was  peculiar  to  the 
Duke ;  it  used  to  be  a  common  thing  with  general 
officers.  Old  Admiral  Duckworth,  after  the  passage 
of  the  Dardanelles,  during  which  Lord  Burghersh 
was  present  on  the  deck  of  his  ship,  wrote  home  in 
his  despatch,  *  and  among  the  most  animated  on  the 
deck  was  Lord  Burghersh.'  The  different  captains 
who  had  carried  their  ships  through  it  all  were  very 
indignant,  and  said, '  What  a  shame  of  the  old  fellow 
diverting  the  attention  of  the  public  to  a  man  who 
had  nothing  to  do  with  it ! ' 

"  After  Hervey  had  lost  his  arm  he  was  attacked 
by  a  Frenchman,  sword  in  hand,  but  directly  the 
Frenchman  saw  that  Hervey  had  but  one  arm,  he 
put  up  his  sword,  made  him  a  courteous  bow,  and 
left  him ! 

'  The  Duke  made  a  great  mistake  in  fighting  the 
battle  of  Talavera.  Owing  to  false  information,  he 

*  "  Brig.-General  the  Hon.  C.  Stewart  then  directed  a  charge  by  a 
squadron  of  the  I4th  Dragoons,  under  the  command  of  Major  Hervey, 
who  made  a  successful  attack  on  the  enemy's  rear-guard."  Despatch 
of  1 2th  May,  1809,  Oporto. 


128  PENINSULAR    WAR.  [Cn.  IX. 

was  not  aware  of  the  overwhelming  force  against 
him,  and  he  did  not  know  that  besides  the  army  in 
the  field  there  were  three  immense  corps  (Tarmee 
behind.  It  was  entirely  owing  to  disunion  and 
jealousy  between  Victor  and  the  other  French- 
generals  that  we  were  not  completely  annihilated. 
As  it  was,  we  lost  one-third  of  our  army,  and  though 
we  remained  master  of  the  field,  we  were  obliged  to 
retire  into  Portugal.  The  Duke  as  much  as  owned 
his  error  to  me  in  discussing  the  affair  afterwards. 
He  said,  *  The  fact  is,  they  had  too  many  men  for 


us.' 


Colborne,  after  landing  at  Cadiz,  seems  to  have 
arrived  at  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley's  headquarters  at 
Jaraicejo  about  nth  August,  and  to  have  been  at 
once  despatched  to  the  Spanish  army  commanded 
by  Cuesta,  with  instructions  to  follow  its  movements 
and  report  on  them.  On  his  arrival,  he  found  that 
Cuesta*  had  just  been  superseded  by  General  Eguia 
(i2th  August).  The  latter  took  great  umbrage 
that  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley's  letter  had  been  ad- 
dressed to  Cuesta  and  not  to  himself,  and  professed 
to  see  in  this  a  personal  insult. 

As  Colborne  related  in  after  years :  "  On  reach- 
ing the  Spanish  headquarters  I  was  shown  into  a 
room  completely  filled  with  despatches  intercepted 
from  the  French  army.  The  Spaniards,  with  char- 
acteristic negligence,  left  them  lying  about  for  any- 
one to  do  as  he  liked  with  them,  but  made  no  real 
use  of  them.  Lord  Wellington  frequently  com- 


*  Colborne  is  made  to  say  that  he  arrived  at  the  moment  when 
Venegas  was  superseded  by  Eguia.  But  I  think  for  "  Venegas  "  we 
should  read  «  Cuesta."  See  Napier,  Bk.  VIII.,  ch.  III. 


1809.]  WITH  A   SPANISH  ARMY.  129 

plained,  even  after  this,  that  he  was  never  sent  im- 
portant information,  even  if  the  Spaniards  had 
intercepted  any.  I  made  use  of  my  time  to  select 
the  cream  of  the  correspondence  and  send  it  to  Sir 
George  Murray.  One  of  the  despatches  which  I 
sent  to  headquarters  was  one  from  Soult,  regretting 
that  he  had  not  besieged  Ciudad  Rodrigo  according 
to  his  first  intention.  This  first  informed  Sir  Arthur 
Wellesley  that  such  had  been  Souk's  intention,  and 
caused  him  to  march  north  instead  of  south.  Sir 
George  Murray  accordingly  wrote  back  to  me  that 
Sir  Arthur  was  much  pleased,  and  wished  much 
that  I  wTould  (  send  more  of  such  despatches,'  and 
for  that  purpose  would  attach  myself  to  the  staff  of 
the  Spanish  army.  I  was  unwilling  to  do  this,  as 
it  would  interfere  with  my  prospects  in  the  British 
army,  but  as  long  as  I  remained  in  La  Mancha  I  said 
I  was  willing  to  make  myself  useful." 

Soon  after  joining  the  Spaniards  Colborne  wrote 
the  following  letter  to  the  widow  of  his  stepfather : 

"  Merida, 

"  ist  September,  1809. 

"  My  dear  Mrs.  Bargus, — I  arrived  at  Cadiz  the  beginning 
of  last  month,  and  proceeded  by  way  of  Seville  to  the 
army  in  Estremadura.  The  battle  of  Talavera  and  the 
position  of  the  French  armies  since  that  affair  have  changed 
the  appearance  of  things  in  this  country,  I  mean,  consider- 
ably for  the  worse.  The  British  army  is  retiring  on 
Portugal,  and  has  suffered  so  much  from  the  campaign 
that  I  doubt  whether  it  will  be  fit  for  any  service  of  im- 
portance for  several  months;  the  sick  amount  to  ten 
thousand.  The  French  will  not  molest  the  British  army 
until  they  receive  reinforcements. 

"  I  intend  returning  to  the  south  in  a  few  days.     The 

F 


130  PENINSULAR   WAR.  [Cn.  IX. 

country  through  which  I  have  passed  seems  tired  of  war, 
and  the  Central  and  Provincial  Juntas  are  disputing  with 
each  other  respecting  the  appointment  of  an  officer  to 
command  their  armies.  Amidst  so  much  discord  and 
stupidity,  I  am  afraid  the  French  will  not  find  many 
obstacles  opposed  to  them,  should  the  affairs  in  Austria  be 
finally  settled. 

"  My  friends,  the  Spaniards,  have  behaved  very  ill  in  the 
battle  of  Talavera.  Cuesta  is  a  perverse,  stupid  old  block- 
head. To  him  most  of  the  misfortunes  must  be  attributed. 

H  Sir  John  Moore's  letters,  after  what  has  happened,  are 
quoted  by  every  person  who  has  been  in  Spain  as  a  faithful 
picture  of  the  country.  I  am  sadly  vexed  they  have  been 
brought  before  the  public  by  James  Moore.  His  work  is 
a  most  miserable  performance,  and  the  language  coarse 
and  vulgar,  but  notwithstanding  these  disadvantages 
attending  the  letters  of  Sir  John  Moore,  they  will  con- 
vince the  world  that  he  possessed  more  foresight  and  judg- 
ment than  those  who  abused  him,  whilst  the  manly  spirit 
that  runs  through  the  whole  of  them  must  be  admired  by 
even  the  most  prejudiced.  As  things  have  turned  out,  [ 
regret  that  I  did  not  accept  the  offer  of  General  Aber- 
crombie  to  accompany  him  to  India.  .  .  ." 
(Remainder  wanting.) 

Colborne  remained  with  the  army  of  La  Mancha 
for  three  months.  At  the  end  of  October  General 
Eguia  was  replaced  in  the  command  by  General 
Areizaga,  who  entered  on  operations  of  extra- 
ordinary rashness,  which  ended  with  the  complete 
destruction  of  his  army  by  Soult,  at  Ogafia,  on  igth 
November.* 

Colborne  describes  the  battle  in  the  following 
letter,  in  which  he  also  announces  that  he  has  been 
appointed  to  the  66th  Regiment,  t  To  get  a  regi- 

*  Napier,  Bk.  IX.,  chap.  V. 
f  His  appointment  was  dated  2nd  November. 


i8og.]  BATTLE  OF  OCANA.  131 

ment  was  no  doubt  very  gratifying  to  him,  for  the 
last  few  months  had  been  a  time  of  great  expense. 

"  Badajos, 

"  5th  December,  1809. 

"  My  dear  Alethea, — On  my  return  to  Badajos  from  the 
Spanish  army  of  La  Mancha  (which  has  been  completely 
defeated  and  dispersed)  I  found  that  I  was  appointed  to 
the  66th  Regiment.  The  2nd  Battalion  being  here,  I  have 
taken  the  command  of  it,  so  you  may  direct  to  me  in  future 
in  Portugal,  where  we  are  about  to  proceed  in  two  or  three 
days. 

"  Thanks  to  a  good  horse  and  fortune  I  have  arrived 
safe  and  in  excellent  preservation  at  the  British  army. 

"  You  may  easily  conceive  the  confusion*  when  I  tell 
you  we  had  46,100  infantry  and  6,000  cavalry  drawn  out 
in  a  very  bad  position.  The  French  attacked  with  about 
27,000,  and  having  turned  the  right  of  the  first  line  of  the 
Spaniards,  my  friends  were  thrown  into  confusion,  and 
retired  to  an  olive  wood,  where,  the  Spanish  cavalry  press- 
ing in  upon  the  infantry,  the  confusion  was  completed. 

"  The  French  pushed  on  their  cavalry,  and  in  about  a 
quarter  of  an  hour  the  whole  Spanish  army  dispersed, 
leaving  guns,  equipage,  &c.,  to  the  enemy,  who  pursued  us 
about  4  leagues. 

"  I  have  received  two  letters  from  you,  and  am  glad  to 
hear  you  have  at  last  taken  a  house.  I  am  afraid  you  will 
be  soon  tired  of  Sloane-street  I  still  think  a  house  in  the 
country  would  have  been  better. 

"  The  French  have  dispersed  another  Spanish  army  near 
Salamanca. f  It  is,  therefore,  I  believe,  thought  proper  or 
prudent  that  the  British  army  should  now  retire  to 
Portugal.  We  shall  not  remain  quiet  long. 

"  I  have  scarcely  been  a  night  in  the  same  place  lately, 
and  found  it  impossible  to  write  to  you  when  with  the 
Spanish  army.— Believe  me,  your  most  affectionate 
brother." 

*  Battle  of  Ocana,  igth  November, 
t  Battle  of  Alba  de  Tormes,  26th  November. 

F  2 


(     132     ) 


CHAPTER  X. 

CAMPAIGN   OF    1810.     WITH   THE   66ra    REGIMENT 
IN  HILL'S  DIVISION. 

THE  2nd  Battalion  of  the  66th  Regiment,  which 
Colborne  now  commanded,  formed  part  of  the  2nd 
(Hill's)  Division  of  Wellington's  army. 

On  1 8th  December  Lord  Wellington  informed 
Sir  Rowland  Hill  of  his  arrangements  for  the 
defence  of  Portugal.  "  I  shall  form  two  principal 
corps,  both  consisting  of  British  and  Portuguese 
troops,  the  largest  of  which  will  be  to  the  northward, 
and  I  shall  command  it  myself,  and  the  latter  will  be 
for  the  present  upon  the  Tagus,  and  hereafter  it  may 
be  moved  forward  into  Alemtejo."  The  command  of 
the  latter  corps  he  now  gave  to  Hill.  Accordingly, 
Hill's  division  quitted  Spain  for  Portugal. 

"  Abrantes, 

"  3rd  February,  1810. 

"  Dear  Mrs.  Bargus, — I  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving 
your  letter  soon  after  my  return  from  La  Mancha. 

"  It  is  not  impossible  but  that  we  may  be  compelled  to 
abandon  this  country  in  the  spring  or  summer;  however, 
of  that  we  shall  be  better  able  to  judge  in  a  few  weeks. 

"  I  do  not  wish  to  have  Roscius  disposed  of  yet     He 


i8io.]        LIEUT.-COLONEL   OF  THE  SIXTY-SIXTH.          133 

may  be  useful  to  me  should  any  accident  bring  me  to 
England  with  my  regiment. 

"  I  now  command  the  regiment,  and  am  much  pleased 
with  the  officers  of  it.  The  corps  has  suffered  considerably 
during  the  campaign  by  sickness  and  battle.  The  senior 
lieutenant-colonels  are  on  the  staff  as  b[rigadier]  generals, 
which  will  probably  be  the  cause  of  my  going  to  India 
when  we  get  out  of  Portugal. 

"  The  French  entered  Seville  on  [ist  February],  and  are 
on  the  march  to  Cadiz.  We  have  sent  four  regiments  to 
that  garrison.  We  shall  not  be  attacked  here  till  April  in 
my  opinion. 

"  I  am  not  sorry  to  find  myself  once  more  with  a  British 
army.  My  poor  friends  the  Spaniards  are  really  to  be 
pitied;  the  nation  has  been  lost  by  an  infamous  govern- 
ment. With  the  battle  of  Ocafia  every  hope  ended.  The 
general-in-chief  was  a  weak  and  silly  man,  without  a 
military  idea.  It  was  a  most  distressing  scene. — Most 
sincerely  yours, 

"J.  C." 

On  1 2th  February,  in  consequence  of  the  French 
having  approached  Badajos,  Hill  was  directed  to 
move  forward  to  Portalegre  in  order  to  protect  the 
sick  in  Elvas  till  they  could  be  removed  to  Lisbon. 
He  had  with  him  his  own  British  division,  two  bri- 
gades of  Portuguese  infantry,  one  brigade  of  British 
cavalry,  the  4th  Regiment  of  Portuguese  cavalry, 
and  one  brigade  of  German  and  two  of  Portuguese 
artillery.  He  was  instructed  to  co-operate  with 
certain  Spanish  troops  then  supposed  to  have 
crossed  the  Tagus,  and  to  prevent  the  French,  if 
possible,  from  attempting  any  serious  operation 
against  Badajos.  However,  they  had  retreated  on 
his  approach.* 

*  Sidney's  Life  of  Lord  Hill  (1845),  P-  125. 


134  WITH  THE  SECOND  DIVISION.  [Cn.  X. 

"  Portalegre, 

"  24th  February,  1810. 

"  My  dear  Alethea, — We  have  once  more  passed  to  the 
south  of  the  Tagus.  The  French,  under  Marshal  Mortier, 
have  appeared  before  Badajos,  which  movement  has 
alarmed  us  a  little,  as  our  hospitals  are  not  yet  removed 
from  Elvas.  Joseph  Bonaparte  and  Victor  entered  Seville 
on  the  ist  inst  Part  of  their  force  has  proceeded  towards 
Cadiz.  I  think  they  will  not  be  able  to  take  it.  Venegas, 
the  governor,  is  a  very  honourable  man,  and  a  great  friend 
to  us.  The  enemy  is  threatening  in  several  points  north 
and  south,  but  I  do  not  think  he  will  attempt  anything 
serious  for  several  weeks.  You  must  send  us  out  reinforce- 
ments immediately. 

"  I  like  my  battalion  very  much.  It  is  in  very  good 
order,  but  I  wish  it  was  stronger. 

"  Some  of  the  regiments  are  still  very  sickly.  This  is 
very  extraordinary,  as  we  are  now  in  a  most  delightful 
climate.  Your  brother  never  enjoyed  ruder  health,  and 
except  having  been  desperately  in  love  (which  he  attri- 
butes to  remaining  three  weeks  in  the  same  place),  has 
met  with  nothing  since  his  last  letter  to  ruffle  his  temper. 
However,  it  has  been  the  cause  of  his  making  considerable 
progress  in  the  Portuguese  language.  You  see  you  have 
fully  my  confidence  and  all  my  secrets. — Your  most  affec- 
tionate brother, 

"  J.  C." 


"  Portalegre, 

"  2 ist  March,  1810. 

"  My  dear  Alethea, — The  French  have  made  no  con- 
siderable movement  on  this  side  of  the  Tagus  lately.  We 
are  still  in  our  old  position.  The  enemy's  force  is  increas- 
ing to  the  north.  Napoleon  is  expected  at  Salamanca, 
Marshal  Ney  is  before  Ciudad  Rodrigo  with  25,000  men. 
In  my  humble  opinion  we  shall  not  be  attacked  until  May. 
The  Spaniards  are  still  my  favourites ;  had  they  but  a 


i8io.]  CHARACTER   OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  135 

tolerable  government  they  would  become  the  finest  people 
in  Europe.  Their  character  in  England  is  quite  mistaken ; 
they  are  in  general  abused  by  the  British  army  without 
reason.  The  inhabitants  of  Badajos  are  determined  to 
defend  themselves.  The  place  is  weak,  and  must  fall 
unless  the  people  follow  the  example  of  Saragossa  and 
Gerona.*  In  that  case,  there  is  no  calculating  how  long 
the  besiegers  may  be  kept  at  work. 

"  The  army  under  Romana  and  Odonnel  immediately  in 
our  front  still  puts  on  a  good  countenance,  and  skirmishes 
with  French  detachments  frequently,  in  spite  of  disasters 
and  the  black  appearance  of  their  country's  cause.  The 
poor  fellows  have  been  driven  about  by  the  enemy  from 
province  to  province,  exposed  to  the  summer's  heat  and 
winter's  cold,  without  provisions,  without  clothing,  and 
scarcely  knowing  what  money  is.  Do  you  think  a  British 
army  would  cling  together  under  such  unfavourable  cir- 
cumstances ?t  The  fact  is,  we  are  a  most  boastive  nation, 
and  have  disgusted  the  Spaniards  wherever  we  have  mixed 
with  them.  However,  you  must  not  believe  all  I  say,  as  I 
am  called  a  madman  by  many,  and  even  by  my  friends, 
an  enthusiast 

"  I  think  in  a  few  weeks  I  shall  be  able  to  judge  what 
prospect  there  may  be  of  our  army  being  successful. — Your 
most  affectionate  brother, 

"  J.  C." 

Colborne's   statement,   that  some  of  his  friends 

*  Saragossa  surrendered  to  the  French  on  2ist  February,  1809, 
after  a  siege  of  two  months,  Gerona  on  loth  December,  1809,  after 
a  siege  of  six  months. 

f  Colborne,  who  had  seen  more  of  the  Spaniards  than  most  English 
officers  in  the  Peninsula,  was  always  their  warm  defender.  He  wrote 
in  an  article  years  later  :  "  The  privations  and  misery  endured  by  a 
large  mass  of  the  people  of  Spain  from  their  patriotism  and  hatred  to 
their  oppressors,  were  seldom  equalled.  With  a  brave,  hardy,  active, 
abstemious,  peasantry,  fond  of  glory,  it  may  appear  extraordinary 
that  the  struggle  of  the  Spaniards  was  prolonged  for  six  years  without 
any  decided  success,  but  the  Central  Junta  and  the  presumption  and 
obstinacy  of  most  of  the  men  placed  at  the  head  of  the  armies  ren- 
dered their  perseverance  and  courage  useless." 


136  WITH  THE  SECOND  DIVISION.  [Cn.  X. 

called  him  an  enthusiast,  is  perhaps  explained  by 
the  following  story  told  by  him  in  his  later  years : 

After  speaking  of  General  Cameron,  afterwards 
Sir  Alan  Cameron  (1753-1828),  whom  he  had  known 
in  Holland  and  Sweden,  he  went  on  to  say :  "  I 
met  him  some  years  after  in  Spain.  It  was  the 
worst  time  he  could  have  seen  the  army,  when  it 
was  retreating  into  Portugal.  He  had  been  riding 
on  some  way  with  me,  asking  me  about  everything, 
and  I  had  been  giving  him  a  rather  good  account 
of  the  Spaniards.  He  then  rode  some  way  in  front, 
and  turning  round,  called  back  to  me  before  all  the 
soldiers,  '  Colborne,  you  know  you  always  were  a 
d — d  enthusiast!  3 

"  He  was  a  rough  old  Goth.  When  he  shook 
hands  with  you  he  gave  you  such  a  squeeze  that  it 
made  you  squeal  again.  There  is  a  story  that  he 
once  fought  a  duel  with  a  cousin  of  his  in  a  cave,  and 
cut  him  in  half.  Some  people  said  that  he  once 
threw  his  wife  overboard  in  a  passion  and  then 
jumped  in  and  saved  her.  However,  I  believe  she 
was  in  a  fever,  and  threw  herself  in.  He  was  in 
Holland  with  a  Highland  regiment  which  he  had 
raised  himself,  and  when  the  Duke  of  York  told 
him  that  they  were  going  to  draft  his  regiment,  the 
79th,  into  another,  he  said  in  broad  Scotch,  *  That's 
more  than  your  Royal  Highness's  royal  father  could 
do ;  for  they  are  all  Camerons ! '  "* 

Colborne  had  not  long  had  the  command  of  the 

*  Cameron  raised  a  regiment  called  the  79th  or  Cameron  High- 
landers in  1794.  This  was  drafted  into  the  42nd  in  1797,  after  which 
Cameron  raised  a  second  regiment  under  the  same  name  which 
served  in  Holland  in  1799.  The  above  story  is  also  told  by  Colonel 
W.  K.  Stuart,  Reminiscences  of  a  Soldier,  II.,  233. 


i8io.]  HILL  AND  REYNIER.  137 

2nd  Battalion  66th  before  he  found  himself  com- 
manding the  brigade  of  which  the  66th  formed  a 
part.  It  consisted,  besides,  of  the  3rd  Buffs  (ist 
Battalion),  3ist  Huntingdonshire  (2nd  Battalion) 
and  48th  Northamptonshire  Regiments. 

In  consequence  of  Reynier's  threatening  to  cross 
the  Tagus,  General  Hill  wrote,  on  July  i3th,  that 
he  should,  in  consequence,  incline  to  his  left,  and 
hold  everything  prepared  to  cross  at  Villa  Velha  if 
he  found  him  [Reynier]  serious  in  crossing  the 
river.  Accordingly,  on  the  i5th,  Hill  set  off  to 
Alpalhao  to  be  ready  to  act  on  either  side  of  the 
Tagus.*  As  will  be  seen  from  Colborne's  next 
letter,  Reynier  crossed  as  anticipated,  upon  which 
Hill  crossed  also. 

"  Camp  near  Atalaya, 

"25th  July,  1 8 10. 

"  My  dear  Fanny, — We  are  on  the  march,  encamping 
every  night.  Be  it  known  to  you,  I  am  now  a  very  great 
man,  and  if  I  continue  so,  a  few  days  (or  weeks)  more, 
my  situation  must  either  prove  advantageous  to  me  or 
much  the  reverse.  I  command  a  very  fine  brigade,  by 
accident,  and  we  most  probably  shall  be  engaged  in  a  short 
time.  At  present  we  are  watching  General  Regnier's 
march,  who  crossed  the  Tagus  from  Spanish  Estremadura, 
which  naturally  led  General  Hill's  division  to  cross  also, 
and  advance  in  a  parallel  line  to  defend  that  part  of  the 
frontier  of  Portugal  between  the  Tagus  and  Lord  Welling- 
ton's right.  On  the  23rd  inst.  General  R.  Craufurd's  Divi- 
sion was  severely  engaged  in  front  of  the  Coa,  and  having 
to  contend  with  very  superior  numbers,  was  obliged  to 
retire  behind  that  river.  His  loss  amounts  to  250  and  23 
officers. 

*  Sidney's  Life  of  Lord  Hill,  pp.  134,  135. 


138  WITH-  THE  SECOND  DIVISION.  [Cn.  X. 

"  This  climate  is  very  changeable,  as  well  as  that  of 
Sloane-street.  The  first  three  marches  several  men  died 
on  the  road  from  the  excessive  heat,  but  these  last  two 
nights  we  have  been  made  rather  uncomfortable  by  in- 
cessant rains  and  cold,  sharp  winds.  The  officers  do  not 
suffer  much  from  these  changes,  as  they  have  tents,  but  the 
men  have  no  kind  of  shelter  from  rain. 

"  One  year  since  I  have  seen  you !  Time  seems  to  have 
taken  huge  strides;  and  the  events  of  the  first  part  of 
1809  are  so  fresh  in  my  memory  that  the  intermediate 
occurrences  are  forgotten.  It  is  thus  we  get  old  without 
perceiving  the  advance  of  Time,  and  but  for  our  grey  hairs 
might  dispute  his  claim. — Most  affectionately  yours, 

"J.  COLBORNE." 


"  Camp  near  Atalaya, 

"  28th  July. 

"  My  dear  Alethea, — We  have  now  a  short  halt,  and  as 
one  does  not  know  when  there  will  be  another,  I  will 
acquaint  you  with  our  proceedings. 

"  I  thank  you  for  your  letters,  and  if  you  knew  the 
pleasure  I  experience  at  seeing  your  hand  you  would  write 
every  post.  Blots  I  always  admired,  as  I  think  I  once  told 
you;  they  are  certain  indications  of  sincerity  and  first 
thoughts.  Therefore,  recollect,  the  more,  the  better. 

"  I  am  now  generally  on  my  horse  the  whole  day,  but 
nothing  shall  prevent  me  from  sending  you  a  few  lines. 

"  General  Reynier,  who  commanded  a  corps  of  French  to 
the  south  of  the  Tagus,  suddenly  passed  to  the  north  side, 
which  obliged  us  to  follow  his  example,  and  we  are  now 
not  far  distant  from  him,  but  doubtful  by  what  route  he 
intends  to  enter  Portugal.  General  Robert  Craufurd  was 
attacked  on  the  23rd  inst  Two  regiments  bore  the  prin- 
cipal attack,  43rd  and  95th  Regiments.  They  behaved 
very  well,  and  drove  back  the  enemy  three  times.  General 
Craufurd's  position  being  too  far  advanced,  [he]  retired 
behind  the  Coa  in  the  night. 


i8io.]  IN  COMMAND   OF  A  BRIGADE.  139 

"  I  am  so  fortunate  (or  unfortunate)  as  to  command  a 
brigade  at  present.  Such  a  thing  will  probably  not  come 
in  my  way  again  for  many  years.  Thus,  if  we  are  to  be 
engaged,  it  would  be  better,  perhaps,  for  me  that  the  attack 
should  take  place  immediately.  Not  that  I  am  so  selfish 
or  unfeeling  as  to  wish  the  experiment  tried  without  an 
object,  or  on  my  own  account  The  less  fighting  we  have 
now,  the  more  effectually  we  shall  be  able  to  oppose  the 
enemy  if  forced  to  act  on  the  defensive. 

"  Let  me  hear  from  you  constantly,  my  dear  Alethea, 
and  believe  me,  your  affectionate  brother, 

"  J.  C." 

From  the  beginning  of  August,  Hill  occupied  a 
strong  position  at  Sarzedas,  near  Castello  Branco, 
with  Reynier  in  his  front  at  Zarza  la  Mayor.  Col- 
borne  was  warned  to  be  on  his  guard,  as  the  French 
might  attack  him  any  day.  So  he  had  the  troops 
out  daily  to  practise  them  in  different  manoeuvres, 
that  they  might  never  be  taken  unawares.  At  night 
he  used  to  patrol,  and  he  was  always  on  the 
qui  vive;  so  much  so,  that  a  colonel  in  his  brigade, 
not  liking  the  system,  and  thinking  it  would  be  worse 
when  the  enemy  did  come,  made  his  appearance 
one  day  with  his  head  tied  up  on  the  score  of  ill- 
ness, and,  to  the  amusement  of  his  officers,  got  leave 
to  go  home. 

Wellington,  meanwhile,  was  watching  Massena, 
who  was  prosecuting  the  siege  of  Almeida,  and  it 
was  expected  that,  when  Almeida  had  fallen,  Mas- 
sena would  try  to  redeem  his  promise  of  invading 
Portugal  and  driving  the  English  into  the  sea,  and 
that  Reynier  would  be  required  to  join  him.  By 
the  beginning  of  September  Almeida  was  destroyed 
by  the  blowing  up  of  its  magazine,  and  consequently 


140  WITH  THE  SECOND  DIVISION.  [Cn.  X. 

surrendered,  and  on  the  i2th  Hill  perceived  that 
Reynier  was  marching  northwards,  and  wrote  that 
he  was  himself  prepared  to  cross  the  Zezere.  On 
the  20th,  by  .Wellington's  orders,  Hill  was  at 
Espinhal,  and  on  the  2ist  at  Foz  d'Aronce.  Lord 
Wellington,  falling  back,  took  his  stand  on  the 
Sierra  Busaco,  prepared,  from  that  stronghold,  to 
defy  Massena,  the  "  spoilt  child  of  victory,"  with 
Reynier  and  Ney  and  nearly  70,000  of  Napoleon's 
conquering  troops. 

"  The  battle  of  Busaco,"  Colborne  said,  in  later 
years,  "  was  gained  solely  in  consequence  of  Hill's 
precise  attention  to  Wellington's  orders,  for  which 
he  was  always  remarkable,  so  much  so,  that  the 
Duke  once  remarked  to  me,  '  The  best  of  Hill  is 
that  I  always  know  where  to  find  him.'  On  this 
occasion  he  had  desired  Hill,  if  he  saw  the  French 
making  a  move,  immediately  to  march  and  join  him, 
with  other  directions  how  to  proceed  should  such 
and  such  things  occur.  General  Stewart  remarked 
to  me,  c  A  very  pleasant  situation  Hill's  is.  He  has 
been  given  the  choice  of  acting  in  eleven  different 
situations.'  I  was  standing  with  Sir  Rowland  on 
the  roof  of  a  house,  when  we  saw  the  Portuguese 
outposts  driven  in,  and  at  once  concluded  that 
Reynier  had  crossed  the  Tagus.  Sir  Rowland 
gave  orders  for  the  army  to  march  that  very  day, 
and  for  five  days  we  and  Reynier  were  marching 
in  parallel  columns  about  50  miles  apart.  If 
we  had  not  reached  Busaco  in  time,  Wellington's 
position  would  have  been  untenable,  and  he  could 
not  have  fought  the  battle." 

On  the  26th  September  Hill  moved  across  the 


i8io.]  BATTLE  OF  BUSACO.  141 

Mondego  and  led  his  troops  up  the  steep  mountain 
of  Busaco,  and  quickly  disposed  them  on  the  right 
of  Wellington's  army.  At  the  foot  of  the  position 
were  25,000  Portuguese — about  the  same  number 
as  the  troops  of  Wellington  and  Hill  behind  them. 
At  dawn  on  the  27th  the  attack  began.  Massena 
sent  his  troops  up  the  heights  and,  ignorant  of  the 
presence  of  Hill's  and  Leith's  forces,  tried  to  turn 
Wellington's  right.  "  To  the  surprise  of  the  French, 
the  forces  under  these  officers  suddenly  emerged 
from  their  previous  concealment  and  halted  at  the 
spot  whence  the  brave  74th  had  just  driven  back  a 
column  of  the  enemy."  But  the  French  made  no 
second  venture,  and  Hill's  division,  though  it  had 
rendered  essential  service,  was  not  engaged.5* 

"  Camp  near  St.  Miguel, 

"  2gth  September,  1810. 

"  My  dear  Alethea, — On  the  2/th  inst  the  French 
attacked  our  line  on  the  heights  of  Vusacos  [Busaco]  early 
in  the  morning.  It  was  a  fine  sight — I  say  sight,  for  our 
division  was  not  engaged.  The  enemy  was  permitted  to 
ascend  almost  to  the  top  of  the  hill  where  our  line  was 
posted,  but  was  driven  back  in  every  part  with  great  loss. 
Massena  commanded ;  his  killed  and  wounded  amount  to 
3,000.  This  action  has  very  much  changed  the  appear- 
ance of  affairs  in  Portugal.  The  Portuguese  troops  have 
established  their  character  with  the  exception  of  one  regi- 
ment of  Militia.  They  behaved  in  a  most  gallant  manner, 
and  full  as  well  as  the  British.  We  expected  to  be  at- 
tacked again  on  the  28th,  but  we  now  find  the  enemy 
quitted  his  position  on  the  night  after  the  action,  and  is 
supposed  to  have  moved  to  our  left,  or  towards  Oporto. 

*  Sidney's  Life  of  Lord  Hill,  pp.  140—143. 


142  WITH  THE  SECOND  DIVISION.  [Cn.  X. 

I  still  command  the  brigade,  but  I  am  afraid  a  senior 
officer  will  arrive  before  we  are  engaged. — Most  affection- 
ately yours, 

"J.  C." 

The  supposition  mentioned  by  Colborne,  that 
Massena  had  moved  towards  Oporto,  caused 
Wellington  to  withdraw  from  the  Sierra  de  Busaco, 
while  General  Hill,  crossing  the  Mondego,  marched 
on  San  Miguel,  where  he  endeavoured  to  watch 
the  French  movements.  Thence  he  marched  by 
Santarem  to  Alhandra,  four  leagues  from  Lisbon, 
which  he  reached  on  8th  October.  The  retreat  of 
the  British  forces  before  Massena's  advance  caused 
indescribable  misery  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  country 
now  abandoned.  They  were  all  ordered,  on  pain 
of  death,  to  leave  their  houses,  and  destroy  all  the 
property  they  could  not  transport.  The  appalling 
scenes  which  marked  this  flight  of  a  whole  people 
remained  in  the  memory  of  all  soldiers  who  wit- 
nessed them.  When  Sir  Harry  Smith,  in  February, 
1848,  met  the  Boers  of  Natal  trekking  over  the 
Drakensberg  with  Pretorius,  he  stated  in  his  des- 
patch to  the  Colonial  Secretary  that  he  had  seen 
nothing  to  resemble  it  except  at  the  time  of 
Massena's  invasion  of  Portugal. 

This  retreat  proved  the  rare  foresight  of  the 
British  commander,  who  silently,  since  the  preceding 
winter,  had  been  constructing  in  front  of  Lisbon 
the  impregnable  lines  of  Torres  Vedras  from  the 
Tagus  to  the  sea.  Within  those  lines  the  British 
army  stood  secure,  waiting  for  the  moment  when 
Massena,  foiled  of  his  aim,  should  be  forced,  by 
want  of  provisions,  to  withdraw  his  host. 


LINES  OF  TORRES  VEDRAS. 


143 


Colborne,  in  an  article  written  in  later  years,  spoke 
in  glowing  terms  of  the  generalship  shown  by  Lord 
Wellington  in  1810: 

"  Between  the  months  of  February  and  August, 
1 8 10,  the  affairs  of  the  Peninsula  appeared  almost 
hopeless.  Andalusia  had  quietly  submitted.  The 
last  large  army  of  the  Spaniards  had  been  dispersed. 
Seville  was  occupied;  the  Isla  de  Leon  menaced 
by  a  considerable  corps.  A  few  moveable  columns 
maintained  easily  the  communications  of  the  French 
with  Madrid.  Several  corps  of  Spaniards  were 
actually  in  the  service  of  the  intrusive  king. 
Massena  had  taken  Ciudad  Rodrigo,  was  besieging 
Almeida,  and  preparing  to  march  on  Lisbon  through 
Beira  with  an  army  of  about  70,000.  Lord 
Wellington  manoeuvred  in  Beira  and  in  the 
Alemtejo  with  an  army  of  about  50,000  English  and 
Portuguese.  He  had  to  contend  against  a  Ministry 
frightened  at  the  risk  of  exposing  a  British  army, 
and  while  he,  unmoved  by  their  fears,  was  carrying 
into  execution  one  of  the  most  scientific  campaigns 
of  those  days,  the  British  Ministers  were  thinking  of 
preparations  for  embarking  the  troops,  and,  we 
believe,  did  send  out  an  engineer  officer  to  make  a 
report  as  to  the  facilities  of  embarking.  The 
responsibility  of  repelling  the  invasion  rested  on  the 
shoulders  of  Lord  Wellington.  He  had  also  to  con- 
tend against  another  faction  in  the  Portuguese 
Government  that  imagined  he  was  withdrawing.  As 
soon  as  it  became  known  that  his  intention  was  to 
retire  ultimately  on  Lisbon,  the  Bishop  of  Oporto 
drew  up  a  strong  remonstrance,  in  which  he 
threatened  that  the  Portuguese  troops  should  be 


144  WITH  THE  SECOND  DIVISION.  [Cn.  X. 

withdrawn  from  Lord  Wellington's  command  if  he 
did  not  defend  the  frontier.  And  it  is  a  curious  fact 
that  this  violent  remonstrance  arrived  at  Rio 
Janeiro  in  the  same  month  that  Lord  Wellington's 
despatches  were  received  by  King  John,  telling  of 
the  retreat  of  Massena  from  the  lines.  If  the  corre- 
spondence of  Lord  Wellington,  Lord  Hill,  and  the 
detached  generals  with  the  Ministry  is  ever  pub- 
lished, those  are  the  documents  by  which  Lord 
Wellington's  genius  and  foresight  will  be  judged. 
We  believe  that  there  never  was  an  invading  army 
so  ably  managed,  or  whose  movements  appeared  to 
be  made  more  subordinate  to  the  inferior  force 
opposed  to  it,  than  that  of  Massena  by  the  British 
commander." 

During  the  late  autumn  of  1810  Colborne  was 
stationed  just  outside  the  lines,"  at  their  right 
extremity,  where  he  occupied  the  town  of  Alhandra, 
on  the  bank  of  the  Tagus,  and  the  advanced  posts 
near  Villa  Franca.  It  was  a  post  of  the  most  arduous 
responsibility  and  labour,  but  for  that  reason  it  had 
been  committed  to  him.  General  Beresford,  on 
joining  the  army,  had  said  to  Wellington,  "  I  recom- 
mend you  to  employ  Colborne ;  he  is  equal  to  any- 
thing." For  weeks  the  picquets  were  attacked  every 
day,  and  Colborne  never  took  off  his  spurs.  The  first 
time  he  did  so,  through  sleeping  near  the  Tagus,  he 
caught  the  ague.  At  nine  o'clock  he  would  take  a 
hasty  breakfast,  that  being  the  hour  at  which  there 
was  least  likelihood  of  an  attack.  He  scarcely  ever 
had  a  time  of  greater  excitement  and  more  work, 
but  he  was  happy,  though  officers  and  men  con- 
stantly prophesied  that  he  would  suffer  for  it  after- 


iSio.]  AT  ALHANDRA.  145 

wards.  Now  it  was  that  his  eye  became  so  practised 
that  he  astonished  his  friends  by  the  distance  at 
which  he  could  discern  objects. 

Colborne  told  the  following  stories  of  this  time. 
The  first  illustrates  the  relations  of  French  and 
English  to  one  another  during  the  war: 

"At  Alhandra  some  of  my  brigade  were  drinking 
in  a  wine-house  with  some  French  soldiers.  They 
took  one  of  them  prisoner,  and  brought  him  to  me. 
I  said,  however,  '  This  will  never  do,  to  take  a  man 
prisoner  v/hen  you  were  quite  friendly  with  him 
before,  in  the  wine-house.'  So  I  sent  him  back  to 
General  Reynier's  Division  under  charge  of  an 
officer  of  my  regiment.  The  officer  told  me  that 
when  he  was  delivered  up  to  the  French  general, 
the  latter  gave  him  playfully  two  or  three  slaps  with 
his  glove,  saying,  '  You  silly  fellow,  to  allow  yourself 
to  be  taken  prisoner  in  that  manner.' 

"  Officers  at  that  time  were  encouraged  to  enter 
the  Portuguese  service.  A  step  in  advance  of  their 
present  rank  was  held  out  as  an  inducement,  and  in 
the  Portuguese  service  they  often  rose  very  rapidly. 
Ashworth  entered  the  Portuguese  service  as  a  cap- 
tain, and  very  soon  had  the  command  of  a  brigade. 
This  brigade  was  attached  to  our  army,  and  soon 
came  to  serve  with  General  Hill's  division,  to  which 
Ashworth's  own  regiment  was  attached,  so  that, 
being  a  brigadier-general,  he  had  to  post  the  picquets 
and  give  orders  to  his  former  commanding  officer, 
who  was  very  angry,  saying,  *  What,  do  you  really 
suppose  I  am  going  to  receive  orders  from  you,  who 
were  one  of  my  captains  a  few  months  ago  ?  '  *  Oh,' 
said  Ashworth,  *  I've  nothing  to  do  with  that ;  you 


146  WITH  THE  SECOND  DIVISION.  [Cn.  X. 

must  arrange  that  with  General  Hill.     These  are  my 
orders.' " 

"  Alhandra, 

"gth  November,  1810. 

"  My  dear  Alethea, — It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  see 
your  handwriting  some  four  or  five  months  after  the  date 
of  your  letters.  They  find  their  way  at  last,  as  you  ob- 
serve, after  a  long  march.  I  wish  you  would  write  always 
by  the  Packet,  by  which  means  I  should  have  the  pleasure 
of  receiving  your  letters  in  six  or  seven  days  from 
Sloane-street,  now  we  are  so  near  Lisbon.  By  the  last 
post  we  had  the  London  papers  of  the  2/th  October  at 
the  army  on  the  5th  of  November. 

"  I  really  have  been  very  actively  employed  since  my 
arrival  in  this  part  of  Portugal,  and  am  not  often  off  my 
horse,  as  I  command  a  post  outside  the  lines — the  town  of 
Alhandra,  where  part  of  my  brigade  is  stationed,  and  [which 
it  is]  destined  to  defend.  The  unfortunate  inhabitants  have 
all  left  their  houses,  and  their  furniture,  poor  people,  is 
converted  into  barriers,  &c.  How  should  you  like  to  see 
your  piano,  writing  tables,  chairs  and  trunks  heaped 
together  at  the  south  end  of  Sloane-street  to  impede  the 
enemy's  march?  I  have  never  seen  so  much  distress  and 
misery  experienced  by  the  mass  of  the  people  as  in  the 
late  flight  of  the  inhabitants  towards  the  capital  Not  a 
person  remained  at  his  home,  whole  towns  and  villages 
decamped,  taking  with  them  only  what  a  cart  could  con- 
vey, and  leaving  the  rest  of  their  property  to  be  pillaged 
by  the  armies  of  friends  and  enemies.  We  have  been 
marching  constantly  since  June,  so  you  must  make  some 
allowance  for  my  irregular  correspondence. 

"  The  French,  instead  of  entering  Portugal  with  100,000 
men,  and  sending  a  force  by  the  Alemtejo,  have  had  the 
folly  to  undertake  the  difficult  task  of  marching  to  Lisbon 
with  about  60,000,  persuaded  that  we  were  to  fight  a  battle 
and  embark.  With  this  idea  Massena  followed  us  close, 
but  on  viewing  our  position  on  a  chain  of  high  hills  that 


1 8 io.]  AT  ALHANDRA.  147 

run  from  the  Tagus  to  the  sea,  about  five  leagues  from 
Lisbon,  he  halted,  and  has  now  remained  opposite  to  us  a 
month,  without  undertaking  anything  of  importance. 
Various  are  the  opinions  about  his  future  operations  and 
whether  he  will  be  obliged  to  retire  for  want  of  provisions. 
I  am  inclined  to  think  that  he  will  endeavour  to  maintain 
himself  until  his  reinforcements  arrive,  or  that  he  will  not 
fall  back  farther  than  the  River  Zezere,  a  formidable 
obstacle  in  the  winter  to  an  enemy  invading  or  pursued. 
But  I  see  no  difficulty  he  will  find  in  retiring,  should  he 
be  allowed  to  establish  a  bridge  of  boats,  about  which  he 
is  supposed  to  be  now  employed. 

"  We  have  a  very  large  force,  but  so  composed  that  we 
could  not  well  venture  from  our  heights  to  attack — Portu- 
guese, Spaniards,  English,  Germans,  &c.,  militia,  volunteers 
and  ordinanzos.  With  this  medley  we  shall  remain,  I  sup- 
pose, in  our  forts  and  works  which  cover  the  hills,  and 
leave  the  rest  to  Fortune  and  Massena's  evil  genius. — Your 
most  affectionate  brother. 

"  Remember,  my  letters  are  sacred,  and  must  not  be 
repeated." 


(     148     ) 


CHAPTER  XL 

CAMPAIGN    OF    1811.      CAMPO    MAYOR   AND 
ALBUHERA. 

A  WEEK  after  this  letter  was  written,  on  i6th 
November,  Massena  retired  to  Santarem,  and  a  day 
later  Hill's  Division  crossed  the  Tagus  by  a  pon- 
toon bridge,  and  followed  the  enemy  to  Chamusca, 
where  Colborne's  Brigade  took  up  its  quarters  till 
the  following  spring,  Colborne  having  charge  of  the 
posts  on  the  Tagus,  at  its  confluence  with  the 
Zezere.  Hill  falling  ill,  the  command  of  the  divi- 
sion was  held  during  December  by  Sir  William 
Stewart,  Marshal  Beresford  being  appointed  to 
relieve  him  about  ist  January,  1811. 

"  Just  before  the  retreat  of  the  French,  when  we 
were  on  one  side  of  the  Tagus  and  they  on  the  other, 
the  most  amusing  conversations  used  to  be  held 
between  groups  of  officers  of  the  two  armies. 
There  was  a  Captain  Campbell,  of  the  42nd,  who 
was  a  funny  fellow,  and  used  to  make  all  sorts  of 
jokes  about  their  retreat,  and  end  up  by  telling  them 
that  they  had  been  out  all  night  trying  to  get  pro- 
visions. They  used  to  ask  us  all  sorts  of  questions. 
I  had  had  a  bridge  put  up  across  a  rivulet  near,  which 
looked  very  pretty,  and  they  asked  what  it  was  for. 


i8n.]  MASSENA'S  RETREAT.  149 

4  Cest  pour  une  modele]  Campbell  said.  They 
asked,  '  Who  is  that  officer  always  riding  about? ' 
*  Why,  he  is  commanding  the  brigade.'  '  What 
regiment  does  he  belong  to  ? '  '  The  colonel  of  the 
66th/  '  That  is  very  odd ;  our  66th  is  here.  You 
have  it  opposite  to  you/ 

'  The  bridge  I  had  just  had  made.  A  rivulet 
came  through  our  encampment,  and  I  had  some 
companies  on  one  side  and  some  on  the  other.  It 
happened  that  there  was  a  tree  growing  just  in  the 
middle  of  the  stream ;  so  I  had  four  trees  cut  down 
and  cut  through  the  middle,  and  they  were  then 
placed  so  as  to  rest  on  the  tree  in  the  stream.  They 
formed  a  perfect  arch,  and  looked  very  pretty. 
When  Marshal  Beresford  came  round  I  invited  him 
to  ride  over  with  his  staff.  He  was  afraid  to  go  at 
first.  However,  I  showed  him  the  way,  and  he  was 
so  pleased  that  when  he  went  back  he  desired  all  the 
officers  along  the  line  to  make  a  bridge  in  their  divi- 
sions. Soon  after,  when  I  rode  down,  to  my  great 
amusement,  I  found  them  all  very  busy  trying  to 
fix  a  tree  in  the  middle  of  the  stream,  not  knowing 
that  I  had  found  one  growing  there." 

Napier  writes  (Book  XL,  chap,  x.) :  "  (Beresford) 
erected  batteries  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Zezere. 
But  against  the  advice  of  the  engineers,  he  placed 
them  at  too  great  distance  from  the  river,  and  in 
other  respects  unsuitable,  and  offering  nothing 
threatening  to  the  enemy;  for  the  French  craft 
dropped  down  frequently  towards  Santarem  without 
hindrance  until  Colonel  Colborne,  of  the  66th  Regi- 
ment, moored  a  guard-boat  close  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Zezere,  disposing  fires  in  such  a  manner  on  the  banks 


T50  WITH  THE  SECOND  DIVISION.  [Cn.  XI. 

of  the  Tagus  that  nothing  could  pass  without  being 
observed." 

On  the  6th  March  Massena  quitted  Santarem,  and 
retreated  up  the  valley  of  the  Mondego  towards 
Ciudad  Rodrigo,  the  chief  part  of  the  2nd  Division, 
under  Sir  William  Stewart,  following  him  up  as  far 
as  Thomar,  and  annoying  his  rear.  From  Thomar 
the  division  was  ordered  to  return  to  the  left  bank 
of  the  Tagus  to  relieve  Badajos,  which  was  hard 
pressed.  However,  on  i3th  March  Badajos  had 
fallen,  and  Campo  Mayor  was  being  besieged  by 
Mortier.  Beresford's  instructions  were  now  to 
relieve  Campo  Mayor  and  to  besiege  Olivenca  and 
Badajos.  Campo  Mayor  surrendered  on  2ist 
March,  but  the  Marshal,  being  within  two 
marches  of  it,  judged  that  he  might  surprise  the 
besieging  corps,  and  with  this  view,  put  his  troops 
in  motion  on  the  23rd.  In  the  morning  of  the  25th 
his  advanced  guard  of  cavalry,  supported  by  a 
detachment  of  infantry  under  Colonel  Colborne,  came 
suddenly  upon  Campo  Mayor,  just  as  Latour  Mau- 
bourg  (who  had  been  left  by  Mortier  to  dismantle 
the  works)  was  marching  out  in  confusion  with 
880  cavalry,  three  battalions  of  infantry,  some  horse 
artillery,  and  the  battering  train  of  13  guns.  The 
allies  pursued  him.  Colonel  Colborne  was  on  the 
right,  and  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  enemy, 
but  Colonel  Head,  with  the  I3th  Light  Dragoons, 
was  on  the  left,  close  to  them,  and  supported  by 
Colonel  Otway  with  two  squadrons  of  the  7th  Portu- 
guese. The  French  halted  with  their  infantry  in 
square  and  their  cavalry  formed  in  their  front  and 
rear.  Colonel  Head  was  directed  to  attack  with 


i8ii.]  AFFAIR  OF  CAMPO  MAYOR.  151 

the  two  squadrons  of  the  i3th,  amounting  to  203 
officers  and  soldiers,  and  he  led  them  forward  with 
the  most  distinguished  gallantry.  A  regiment  of 
French  hussars  advanced  to  meet  the  I3th.  Several 
men  were  overthrown  by  the  shock.  The  com- 
batants pierced  through  on  both  sides,  and  facing 
about,  charged  each  other  again  with  the  most 
heroic  bravery.  After  a  sharp  sword-conflict  the 
hussars  who  had  not  been  cut  down  fled.  A  French 
squadron,  formed  on  the  enemy's  right,  wheeled 
inward  and  attacked  the  British  left,  but  the  I3th 
overthrew  them  after  a  short  contest.  The  French 
continued  their  flight.  The  I3th  followed,  un- 
deterred by  the  fire  of  the  French  infantry.  They 
galloped  forward,  cut  down  the  French  gunners, 
and,  believing  the  other  brigades  would  easily  dis- 
pose of  the  French  troops  thus  passed,  they  con- 
tinued the  pursuit.  For  some  time  the  French 
Dragoons  resisted,  but  their  formation  soon  became 
so  completely  broken  that  they  surrendered  as  soon 
as  they  were  overtaken.  The  pursuit  was  continued 
at  a  rapid  rate,  the  object  being  to  gain  the  front 
and  capture  the  whole,  as  well  as  the  enormous 
quantity  of  baggage  on  the  road.  But  the  I3th 
were  not  aware  of  what  was  taking  place  in  their 
rear.  The  French  infantry  remained  formed  in 
square,  with  the  British  heavy  cavalry  in  their  front. 
The  heavies  were  ordered  to  advance,  and  then 
suddenly  halted,  as  Marshal  Beresford,  who  was 
himself  with  the  main  body  of  infantry  in  the  rear, 
had  been  informed  that  the  I3th  had  been  cut  off, 
and  the  loss  of  one  regiment  appeared  a  serious 
disaster.  He  said  he  would  wait  for  the  infantry, 


152  WITH   THE  SECOND  DIVISION.  [Cn.  XI. 

though  the  66th  and  some  light  infantry  were  up, 
and  the  great  body  of  the  infantry  were  not  two  miles 
behind. 

The  French  infantry,  thus  finding  themselves 
unmolested,  retired  steadily,  recovered  their  artillery, 
and  effected  their  retreat.  Meanwhile  the  I3th 
and  some  Portuguese  squadrons  commanded  by 
Colonel  Otway,  who  formed  as  a  support  during 
the  attack,  were  pursuing  the  French  troopers  at 
a  rapid  pace.  On  arriving  at  the  bridge  of  Badajos 
they  were  fired  upon  by  the  guns  of  that  fortress. 
The  regiment  then  halted,  and  retired  to  secure  the 
prisoners  and  captured  artillery  and  baggage.  Some 
of  the  French  drivers,  refusing  to  surrender,  were 
sabred,  and  the  mules  were  mounted  by  men  of  the 
1 3th.  The  retreat  was  continued  several  miles, 
the  men  in  high  spirits  at  their  wonderful  success. 
At  length  they  were  met  by  the  retiring  French 
infantry  and  by  all  the  beaten  cavalry  which  could 
find  refuge  with  it.  For  a  few  exhausted  dragoons 
to  have  engaged  that  body  of  troops  would  have 
been  madness,  and  the  i3th  were  forced  to  abandon 
their  captures  and  make  a  detour  to  the  right  to  join 
the  army.* 

Colborne  told  the  story  himself  much  after  this 
fashion : 

"  From  my  position  I  could  plainly  see  the 
French  evacuate  the  town,  and  I  saw  an  admirable 
operation  of  the  i3th  Light  Dragoons,  who  passed 
through  the  French  cavalry  and  dispersed  them, 
and  if  they  had  been  supported  by  the  heavy  cavalry, 

*  The  above  account  is  compiled  from  the  accounts  of  the  affair 
given  by  Napier,  by  Burgoyne  (Wrottesley's£*/r  of  Sir  J.  Burgoynel 
p.  127),  and  by  Cannon,  Hist.  Record  of  i$th  Dragoons. 


i8ii.]  AFFAIR   OF  CAMPO  MAYOR.  153 

a  most  excellent  coup  de  main  would  have  been 
achieved,  and  the  whole  French  force  might  have 
been  made  prisoners.  But  just  at  the  moment 
General  Lumley,  who  commanded  the  heavy 
cavalry,  to  my  great  mortification,  sent  me  a  mes- 
sage by  his  aide-de-camp  that  the  infantry  must 
halt,  as  it  was  useless  in  face  of  the  superior 
strength  of  the  enemy  to  continue  the  engagement. 
6  The  whole  of  the  I3th,'  it  was  added,  '  are  taken/ 

"  I  told  the  aide-de-camp  that  I  had  seen  the  con- 
trary with  my  own  eyes,  and  I  should  do  no  such 
thing.  The  aide-de-camp  said,  '  Shall  I  take  the 
general  this  message  ?  '  to  which  I  replied,  '  Yes,  he 
thinks  the  i3th  are  taken,  but  there  they  are.' 

"  However,  through  this  error,  the  heavy  cavalry 
were  halted,  and  the  whole  operation  failed.  I  was 
so  indignant  that  I  expressed  myself  very  warmly 
and  General  Stewart  demanded  an  explanation, 
thinking  my  remarks  applied  to  him.  I  would  not 
retract,  but  would  only  say,  *  Whose  ever  fault  it 
was,  a  most  brilliant  coup  de  main  has  failed/ 
General  Stewart,  who  till  then  had  been  one  of  my 
kindest  friends,  and  who  was  a  most  amiable  man, 
only  said,  '  Well,  then,  in  future,  Colonel  Colborne, 
I  shall  only  address  you  in  the  most  official  manner/ 
and  thenceforth  he  always  addressed  me  as  *  Dear 
Sir,'  instead  of '  Dear  Colonel/* 

"  On  the  way  home  I  heard  a  French  soldier,  one 
of  the  few  prisoners  we  had  taken,  offer  a  ring  to 
one  of  our  men  who  was  guarding  him,  in  order  to 

*  Sir  Harry  Smith  writes  in  his  Autobiography  (Vol.  I.,  p.  170): 
"  I  have  often  heard  Colonel  Colborne  (Lord  Seaton)  affirm  that  if  he 
were  asked  to  name  the  bravest  man  he  had  ever  seen  (qnd  no  one 
was  a  better  judge)  he  should  name  Sir  William  Stewart." 


154  WITH   THE  SECOND  DIVISION.  [Cn.  XI. 

secure  his  good  offices.  It  was  very  absurd  to  see 
the  man's  wish  to  accept  it,  contending  with  his  fear 
that  it  was  rather  a  shabby  thing  to  do.  '  Ah,  now, 
I  don't  like  to  take  it  from  you.  I  dare  say  it  was 
your  sweetheart  gave  it  you.5  At  the  same  time, 
he  took  it." 

Napier  thinks  that  after  thus  recovering  Campo 
Mayor,  Beresford,  by  marching  on  Merida,  might 
have  brought  about  the  fall  of  Badajos.  He 
neglected  this  opportunity,  and  put  his  fatigued 
troops  into  quarters  round  Elvas. 

"  Elvas, 

"30th  March,  1811. 

"  My  dear  Alethea, — You  may  be  assured  that  when  I 
am  seriously  ill  I  shall  let  you  know  in  due  time.  I  had 
an  intermittent  fever  in  December  and  January,  but  with 
the  aid  of  a  powerful  ally  called  bark,  I  made  a  hard  battle 
with  the  enemy,  and  fairly  fought  off  my  illness  by  being 
my  own  physician. 

"  The  brigade  I  command  was  posted  opposite  the 
mouth  of  the  Tagus,  where  the  French  had  collected  60 
or  70  boats.  It  was  a  very  interesting  part  until  Massena 
retreated.  As  I  was  much  occupied  there,  it  most  probably 
was  the  cause  of  my  recovery.  We  only  followed  the 
French  as  far  as  Tomar,  and  then  returned  to  the  south 
of  the  Tagus,  under  the  command  of  Marshal  Beresford. 
The  army  under  Soult  and  Mortier  having  taken  Badajos 
[i3th  March]  and  Campo  Mayor  [2ist  March],  we  pro- 
ceeded immediately  towards  the  latter  place  with  20,000 
men.  The  French,  who  did  not  expect  us,  were  nearly  sur- 
prised in  Campo  Mayor,  and  we  had  a  grand  chace  after 
them  for  two  leagues.  Their  force  amounted  to  goo 
cavalry  and  about  1,000  infantry.  I  had  not  the  smallest 
doubt  but  that  we  should  have  taken  them  all,  but  to  our 
great  mortification  they  reached  Badajos  owing  to  a  glaring 
error  on  our  part. 


i8u.]  IN  QUARTERS  NEAR  ELY  AS.  155 

"  We  are  now  about  to  cross  the  Guadiana,  and  if  things 
be  tolerably  managed  a  great  change  may  be  produced  in 
the  affairs  of  Spain.  My  friend  General  Graham  has 
gained  great  credit  in  the  affair  near  Cadiz,*  although  the 
result  of  the  action  was  of  no  importance. 

"  What  a  narrow  escape  I  have  had  of  making  £"20,000 
in  a  few  hours!  I  allude  to  General  Abercrombie's  ex- 
pedition.t  Had  I  gone  with  him  I  should  have  been  at 
least  £"20,000  richer.  I  think  I  could  have  disposed  of 
that  sum  admirably,  but,  as  we  have  all  the  honour  here, 
and  cannot  look  into  futurity,  I  bear  my  loss  with  my  usual 
philosophy. 

"  It  will  now  be  a  long  time  before  I  return  to  England ; 
therefore  I  mean  to  dispose  of  my  poor  Calabrian,J  or  shall 
I  give  him  to  Mrs.  Bunbury  ?  I  have  a  great  idea  of  offer- 
ing him  to  that  lady,  as  she  seemed  very  fond  of  him  in 
Sicily.§  I  shall  take  your  advice  on  that  subject.  Tell 
me  in  your  next  what  I  shall  do  with  him. 

"  There  is  another  lieutenant-colonel  appointed  to  the 
66th.  He  has  applied  to  come  out  to  this  country,  but  I 
understand  he  has  been  refused.  This  secures  me  from 
the  East  Indies  for  some  time. — Your  most  affectionate 
brother, 

"J.  C." 

Beresford  halted  at  Elvas  till  he  could  procure  the 
means  of  crossing  the  Guadiana  at  Jerumenha.  On 
the  7th  April  all  his  troops  had  crossed.  On  the 
nth  Beresford  took  post  at  Albuhera,  after  leaving 
Cole  to  take  Olivenga,  which  surrendered  on  the 

*  Battle  of  Barrosa,  5th  March. 

f  General  Sir  John  Abercromby,  Commander  in  Chief  at  Bombay, 
had  just  effected  the  conquest  of  Mauritius.  He  was  the  second  son 
of  Sir  Ralph,  and  had  himself  served  at  the  Helder  (1799)  and  in 
Egypt  (1801). 

*  See  p.  122.     Apparently  Antonio  had  been  left  in  England. 

§  Louisa  Emilia,  daughter  of  General  the  Hon.  H.  E.  Fox,  under 
whom  Colborne  served  in  Sicily,  married  Colonel  Bunbury,  afterwards 
Sir  H.  E,  Bunbury,  in  1807.  She  died  in  1828. 


!56  WITH  THE  SECOND  DIVISION.  [Cn.  XL 

1 5th.  The  whole  army  was  then  concentrated  about 
Zafra,  ready  to  undertake  the  siege  of  Badajos, 
which  was  invested  on  5th  May.  Beresford's  head- 
quarters were  now  at  Almendralejo. 

On  2nd  May,  as  Napier  writes,  "  Colonel  John 
Colborne  was  detached  with  a  brigade  of  the  2nd 
Division,  two  Spanish  guns,  and  two  squadrons  of 
cavalry  to  curb  the  French  inroads,  and  to  raise  the 
confidence  of  the  people.5*  Colborne,  a  man  of 
singular  talent  for  war,  by  rapid  marches  and  sudden 
changes  of  direction,  in  concert  with  Villamur,  created 
great  confusion  amongst  the  enemy's  parties.  He 
intercepted  several  convoys,  and  obliged  the  French 
troops  to  quit  Fuente  Ovejuna,  La  Granja,  Azuaga, 
and  most  of  the  other  frontier  towns,  and  he  imposed 
upon  Latour  Maubourg  with  so  much  address  that 
the  latter,  imagining  a  great  force  was  at  hand, 
abandoned  Guadalcanal  also,  and  fell  back  to 
Constantino. 

"  Having  cleared  the  country  on  that  side  Col- 
borne attempted  to  surprise  the  fortified  post  of 
Benalcazar,  and  by  a  hardy  attempt  was  like  to  have 
carried  it;  for,  riding  on  to  the  drawbridge  with  a 
few  officers,  in  the  grey  of  the  morning,  he  sum- 
moned the  commandant  to  surrender,  as  the  only 
means  of  saving  himself  from  the  Spanish  army 
which  was  close  at  hand  and  would  give  no  quarter. 
The  French  officer,  amazed  at  the  appearance  of 


*  In  the  instructions  given  to  Colborne  on  2Qth  April  by  Colonel 
D'Urban,  it  is  stated  :  '"'  The  object  of  this  movement  is  to  check  the 
inroads  of  the  enemy's  parties  of  pillage,  to  give  confidence  to  the 
people  of  Estremadura,  and  to  cover  the  collection  of  our  own  supplies, 
while  it  will  announce  in  Andalusia  the  neighbourhood  of  a  British 
force  by  showing  troops  upon  the  frontier." 


i8u.]  COLBORNE'S  DETACHED  FORCE.  157 

the  party,  was  yet  too  resolute  to  yield,  and  Col- 
borne,  quick  to  perceive  the  attempt  had  failed, 
galloped  off  under  a  few  straggling  shots.  After 
this,  taking  to  the  mountains,  he  rejoined  the  army 
without  any  loss."*  He  had  marched  250  miles  in 
ii  days.f 

The  following  letter  was  written  early  in  the  course 
of  these  operations : 

"  Bivouac  near  Magilla. 

"  Dear  Sir, — We  marched  from  Llera  yesterday  evening 
ill  consequence  of  having  heard  that  the  enemy  had  made 
a  requisition  for  bread  and  forage  at  Magilla,  and  we 
arrived  in  time  to  secure  a  part  of  the  provisions  which 
had  been  ordered  for  him.  The  magistrates  seem  very 
glad  to  see  ust  and  I  think  we  shall  have  no  difficulty  in 
procuring  provisions. 

"  I  find  the  enemy  has  about  3,000  infantry  at  Guadal- 
canal, 300  cavalry  at  Azuaga,  and  200  infantry  at  Fuente 
Ovejuna ;  the  remainder  of  his  force  is  at  Cazalla  and 
Constantino,  amounting  in  the  whole  (including-  the  troops, 
at  Guadalcanal,  &c.)  to  about  5,000,  800  of  which  is 
cavalry.  I  intend  moving  to  Granja  this  evening.  Should 
I  deviate  from  the  original  route  by  marching  from  Granja 
towards  Fuente  Ovejuna  (the  direct  road  to  Cordova),  it 
is  very  probable  the  enemy  will  retire  from  Guadalcanal 
to  Cazalla.  I  shall  be  guided  by  the  intelligence  I  receive 
at  Granja,  and  will  inform  you  if  I  make  any  change  in 
your  route.  It  appears  the  French  have  been  reinforced 
from  Cordova  with  about  1,000  infantry  since  they  retired 
from  Badajos. — Your  faithful  servant, 

"  J.  COLBORNE, 

"  Lt-Colonel. 

"  To  Col.  D'Urban." 

*  Napier,  Bk.  XII.,  chnp.  vi. 
f  Groves,  The  66fh  Regiment,  p.  50. 


158  WITH  THE  SECOND  DIVISION.  [Cn.  XI. 

On  his  return  to  the  army  on  i4th  May,  Colborne 
found  it  in  a  new  situation.  In  consequence  of  the 
news  that  Soult  had  marched  from  Seville  and 
effected  a  junction  with  Latour  Maubourg,  Beresford 
had  raised  the  siege  of  Badajos,  and  was  preparing  to 
receive  battle  on  the  heights  of  Albuhera. 

Beresford's  force  consisted  of  about  32,000  men, 
of  whom  only  7,000  were  British.  Colborne's  bri- 
gade was  posted  on  the  left  of  the  line  near  the 
village  of  Albuhera,  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese 
held  the  right. 

Soult  arrived  on  the  evening  of  I5th  May,  and 
perceiving  that  Beresford  had  neglected  to  occupy  a 
wooded  range  of  hills  on  the  right  of  his  position, 
posted  15,000  men  and  30  guns  there.  Of  the 
presence  of  this  force  Beresford  remained  com- 
pletely ignorant.  The  French  advanced  on  the 
position  on  the  morning  of  the  1 6th,  Godinot  making 
a  feint  of  attacking  the  village,  while  Soult  led  a 
heavy  column  of  infantry  supported  by  artillery 
against  the  Spaniards  on  the  right.  He  soon  drove 
them  from  the  heights  and  began  to  deploy  his  force 
along  the  position.  Colborne's  brigade  was  hurried 
up  to  check  this  movement,  and  had  almost  suc- 
ceeded in  driving  the  French  infantry  back,  when 
a  strong  force  of  Polish  lancers  and  chasseurs,  which 
had  got  round  the  right  of  the  line  unperceived, 
charged  the  brigade  in  rear  and  threw  it  into  con- 
fusion. "  Our  men,"  wrote  Colonel  Clarke  of  the 
66th,  "  now  ran  into  groups  of  six  or  eight  to  do  as 
best  they  could.  The  officers  snatched  up  muskets 
and  joined  them,  determined  to  sell  their  lives 
dearly.  Quarter  was  not  asked,  and  rarely  given." 


i8xi.]  BATTLE  OF  ALBUHERA.  159 

In  this  melee  Colborne's  brigade  suffered  dread- 
fully—the "Buffs,"  48th  and  66th  being  nearly 
annihilated.  At  length  Brigadier  Lumley,  seeing 
the  desperate  state  of  affairs  from  the  plain  below, 
sent  four  squadrons  of  heavy  cavalry  against  the  lan- 
cers, and  at  the  same  time  the  29th  Foot,  Hoghton's 
Brigade  and  some  artillery  came  up  to  the  assist- 
ance of  their  well-nigh  vanquished  comrades.  The 
fight  was  now  continued  with  redoubled  fury  and 
awful  carnage.  Marshal  Beresford,  in  spite  of  all 
his  efforts,  could  not  get  the  Spaniards  to  advance, 
the  ammunition  began  to  fail,  and  another  French 
column  was  established  in  advance  upon  the  right 
flank.  Beresford  saw  nothing  for  it  but  to  give  the 
order  for  retreat.  But  at  this  critical  moment 
Colonel  Henry  Hardinge,  entirely  on  his  own 
responsibility,  rode  off  to  the  4th  Division,  which 
had  just  come  up  from  Badajos,  and  induced  its 
leader,  Lowry  Cole,  to  advance,  supported  by 
Colonel  Abercromby  with  the  3rd  Brigade  of  the 
2nd  Division.  Cole  mounted  the  hill,  drove  off  the 
lancers,  recaptured  the  guns  and  dashed  up  to  the 
right  of  Hoghton's  Brigade,  just  as  Abercromby 
passed  to  the  front  on  its  left.  The  appearance  of 
this  "  astonishing  infantry  "  turned  the  fortune  of  the 
day,  and  the  mighty  mass  of  Frenchmen,  in  Napier's 
words,  u  went  headlong  down  the  steep."  "  Eighteen 
hundred  unwounded  men,  the  remnant  of  6,000 
unconquerable  British  soldiers,  stood  triumphant  on 
the  fatal  hill."* 

*  Harry  Smith,  writing  to  Colborne  from  the  Cape  in  1832,  speaks  of 
"  Those  glorious  days,  so  nobly  kept  alive  in  the  gigantic  language  of 
our  old  comrade,  Bill  Napier,  '  stood  triumphant  on  the  fatal  hill.'  " 


160  WITH  THE  SECOND  DIVISION.  [Cn.  XI. 

After  the  battle  of  Albuhera  the  3rd,  2  9th,  3ist, 
48th,  57th  and  66th  Regiments  were  so  reduced  in 
numbers  that  they  were  formed  into  a  Provisional 
Battalion.* 

To  the  Rev.  Duke  Yonge. 

11  1 8th  May,  1811. 

"  My  dear  Duke, — Since  April  the  brigade  I  commanded 
has  been  in  continual  movement  During  the  siege  of 
Badajos  I  was  sent  into  the  Sierra  Morena  as  a  moveable 
column  to  attract  the  enemy's  attention,  and  we  performed 
a  march  of  about  260  miles  in  a  very  short  time.  Marshal 
Soult  was  collecting  his  force  at  Seville,  and  on  the  I5th 
his  advanced  guard  arrived  at  St  Martha,  three  leagues 
from  our  position.  Marshal  Beresford  was  obliged  to 
retire  from  his  lines  before  Badajos  and  concentrate  his 
force.  The  Spaniards,  under  Blake  and  Balesteros,  joined 
our  army  on  the  night  of  the  I5th,  and  we  occupied  a  posi- 
tion near  Albuera.  Soult  began  his  attack  at  8  a.m.,  and 
having  menaced  the  village  of  Albuera,  I  was  ordered  into 
it,  but  as  soon  as  I  had  marched  there,  the  enemy  com- 
menced his  attack  on  the  right,  and  was  in  the  act  of  turn- 
ing it  Our  brigade  was  then  ordered  to  occupy  the 
ground  where  the  Spaniards  should  have  been,  and  we 
were  brought  up  under  very  disadvantageous  circum- 
stances, and  obliged  to  deploy  under  the  enemy's  fire.  The 
regiments  were  ordered  to  charge  before  the  deployment 
was  complete,  and  without  support ;  in  the  act  of  charging 
two  very  heavy  columns,  a  regiment  of  Polish  cavalry 
passed  by  our  right,  which  was  unprotected,  and  having 
gained  our  rear,  the  three  right-hand  regiments  were 
almost  destroyed.  The  Spaniards  on  our  left  behaved 
very  well,  but,  as  we  had  not  any  support,  the  few  who 
were  not  killed  or  wounded  were  taken  prisoners.  The  4th 
Division  came  up  and  drove  the  enemy  [off  ?],  supported  by 

*  The  above  account  of  Albuhera  is  condensed  from  Groves,  The 
66th  Regiment,  pp.  50 — 56. 


i8n.]  BATTLE  OF  ALBUHERA.  l6l 

the  2nd  and  3rd  brigades  of  the  division.  Soult  retreated 
about  2  p.m.  Our  loss  has  been  immense,  nearly  6,000, 
the  greater  part  British.  The  enemy  retreated  to  Almen- 
dralejo  last  night,  and  I  believe  we  are  to  pursue  him 
immediately.  This  has  been  a  most  unfortunate  affair  for 
me,  although  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  arrangement, 
but  merely  obeyed  the  orders  of  General  Stewart.  Yet, 
it  being  my  first  trial,  and  having  had  so  considerable  a 
command,  it  is  truly  unfortunate  for  your  brother.  I  did 
not  receive  any  injury  personally,  although  in  the  hands  of 
the  Poles  some  minutes.  Poor  Colonel  Duckworth  was 
killed  leading  on  the  48th ;  he  received  three  shots  at  the 
same  time.  His  horse  was  wounded.  Pray  communicate 
this  sad  intelligence  to  Mrs.  Duckworth.  I  was  very  inti- 
mate with  him.  The  poor  fellow  had  been  long  sighing  to 
revisit  his  home.  You  can  easily  conceive  what  a  stroke 
this  has  been  on  me,  and  yet  if  Bonaparte  had  been  in  my 
place  nothing  could  have  saved  the  three  battalions.  The 
enemy  had  4,000  cavalry  and  20,000  infantry. — Yours 
sincerely, 

"J.  COLBORNE." 

Colborne's  conduct  at  Albuhera  received  the 
following  commendation  from  his  superior  officer : 

"  The  conduct  of  the  1st  Brigade,  under  the  command 
of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Colborne,  was  very  gallant. 
Although  the  loss  in  prisoners  and  in  colours  has  fallen 
on  that  part  of  the  division,  you  are  probably  aware, 
Sir,  that  the  1st  Brigade  was  suddenly  attacked  in  flank 
and  rear  by  a  body  of  the  enemy's  cavalry,  while  it  was 
engaged  in  the  almost  desperate  effort  of  charging  the 
whole  attacking  force  of  the  enemy.  The  form  of  the  hill 
up  which  that  brigade  was  so  ably  led  to  the  charge  by  its 
commander,  and  the  obscurity  occasioned  by  the  smoke  of 
musquetry  and  a  heavy  squall  of  rain  prevented  the 
enemy's  cavalry  from  being  either  seen  or  sufficiently 
early  resisted. 


1 62  WITH  THE  SECOND  DIVISION.          [Cn.  XI. 

"  The  colours  of  the  2nd  Battalion  of  the  48th  and  66th 
Regiments  were  unfortunately  lost  on  this  occasion,  but 
they  were  not  so  lost  until  the  officers  who  bore  them  were 
killed.  .  .  . 

"W.  STEWART, 

"  M.-General. 

"  H.E.  Marshal  Sir  W.  Beresford, 
"  I  ;th  May." 


CHAPTER  XII. 

l8ll-l8l2.   WlTH  THE  52ND  IN  THE  LlGHT 

DIVISION.     ClUDAD  RODRIGO.     TERRIBLE  WOUND. 
RETURN  TO  ENGLAND,  AND  MARRIAGE  (1813). 

MEANWHILE,  on  the  i8th  July  Colborne  had  left  the 
66th  Regiment  and  become  lieutenant-colonel  of 
the  52nd.  It  was  no  slight  acknowledgment  of  his 
military  qualities  that  he  was  thus  appointed  to  a 
regiment  which  had  been  trained  to  light  infantry 
service  by  Sir  John  Moore,  and  now,  with  the  2nd 
Battalion  95th  Regiment  (Rifles)  and  one  regiment 
of  Portuguese  Cagadores,  formed  part  of  the  2nd 
Brigade  of  Craufurd's  famous  Light  Division. 

That  the  appointment  was  specially  gratifying  to 
Colborne  is  shown  by  the  following  letter  of  Sir  H. 
Torrens,  dated  "  Horse  Guards,  6th  August, 
1811"— 

"  I  have  derived  great  satisfaction  ...  to  find  that 
I  had  anticipated  your  wishes  by  having  submitted  your 
name  to  the  Commander-in-Chief  for  an  exchange  into 
the  52nd.  I  thought  I  could  not  be  far  wrong  in  judging 
of  your  anxiety  to  get  the  command  of  a  corps  in  which 
your  much-lamented  friend  and  general  took  such  pride, 
and  the  discipline  and  distinguished  character  of  which  he 
so  permanently  established  by  his  peculiar  zeal  and  mili- 
tary talents." 

G  2 


164  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.  [Cn.  XII. 

On  the  5th  May  preceding  the  52nd  had  taken 
part  in  the  battle  of  Fuentes  de  Onoro.  In  con- 
nexion with  this  battle  Colborne  told  the  following 
story—  "  Colonel  Mainwaring,  of  the  5ist,  was  placed 
in  a  position  in  which  he  thought  he  was  sure  to  be 
surrounded  by  the  French.  So  he  called  his  officers 
and  said,  '  We  are  sure  of  being  taken  or  killed ; 
therefore,  we'll  burn  the  colours/  Accordingly, 
they  brought  the  colours  and  burnt  them  with  all 
funeral  pomp  and  buried  the  ashes,  or  kept  them,  I 
believe.  It  so  happened  that  the  French  never 
came  near  them.  Lord  Wellington  was  exceedingly 
angry  when  he  heard  of  it,  as  he  knew  well  enough 
where  he  had  placed  the  regiment.  So  he  ordered 
Mainwaring  under  arrest  and  tried  him  by  court- 
martial.  An  old  colonel,  who  undertook  his  defence, 
said,  '  I  believe  it  was  something  to  do  with  religious 
principles!  '  Oh,'  said  Lord  Wellington,  *  if  it  was 
a  matter  of  religious  principles,  I  have  nothing  more 
to  do  with  it.  You  may  take  him  out  of  arrest ;  but 
send  him  to  Lisbon/  So  he  went  to  Lisbon,  and  was 
never  allowed  to  command  his  regiment  again ;  he 
was  sent  home." 

The  2nd  Brigade  of  the  Light  Division  was 
commanded  in  the  summer  of  1811  by  Major- 
General  Drummond,  and  after  his  death  in  the 
autumn,  by  Major-General  Vandeleur.  With  these 
generals,  as  major  of  brigade,  was  Harry  Smith,  a 
born  soldier  like  Colborne  himself,  and  one  who 
quickly  recognized  in  Colborne  a  leader  after  his 
own  heart.  And  though  in  temperament  the  two 
were  widely  different,  Smith  ardent,  effusive  and 
romantic,  Colborne  somewhat  self-restrained  and 


i8u.]  INVALIDED  HOME.  165 

reserved,  a  mutual  attachment  grew  up  between 
them  which  lasted  so  long  as  both  lived. 

At  the  moment  when  Colborne  was  appointed  to 
the  Light  Division,  of  which  he  was  to  be  one  of  the 
prime  heroes,  it  was  beginning  a  long  march  north- 
wards from  Monte  Reguengo,  near  Campo  Mayor, 
to  the  banks  of  the  Agueda.  After  being  cantoned 
for  five  weeks  at  Saugo,  on  26th  September  the  52nd 
joined  Wellington's  army  at  Guinaldo.  Hence  the 
army  retired  without  a  battle,  the  Light  Division 
forming  the  rearguard.  After  some  harassing 
marches,  the  army  went  into  cantonments  on  ist 
October. 

During  part  of  the  autumn  Colborne  had 
been  obliged  to  be  in  England  owing  to  a 
severe  attack  of  ague.  According  to  the  diary 
of  Miss  Yonge,  his  future  wife,  he  arrived  in 
England  about  26th  August.  He  went  down  from 
London  on  i6th  September  to  his  brother-in-law's 
house  at  Antony,  where  Miss  Yonge  was  staying. 
On  the  7th  October  the  party  at  Antony  moved  to 
Puslinch,  and  on  the  loth  Colborne  left  for  Fal- 
mouth  to  return  to  the  Peninsula.  From  this  time 
Miss  Yonge  corresponded  with  him,  and  there  is  no 
doubt  that  he  had  asked  her  to  be  his  wife.  He 
sailed  on  27th  October,  and  reached  Lisbon  on  the 
1 3th  November. 

The  52nd  were  at  Zamora  from  the  i7th 
October  to  the  I4th  December,  when  tKey 
changed  their  quarters  to  Las  Agallios,  where  the 
men  were  employed  till  the  5th  or  6th  January  in 
making  fascines  and  gabions  for  the  siege  of  Ciudad 
Rodrigo.  Before  any  progress,  however,  could  be 


1 66  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.  [Cn.  XII. 

made  with  the  siege,  it  was  necessary  to  capture  the 
outlying  fort  of  San  Francisco.  This  operation  was 
entrusted  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Colborne,  and  the 
judgment  and  skill  he  showed  in  effecting  it  more 
than  justified  the  selection.  It  is  referred  to  by 
Colborne  himself  as  showing  that  "  success  in 
assaults  can  only  be  expected  from  high  discipline 
and  order,  and  not  from  bayonets  and  forlorn  hopes 
without  a  fire  on  the  defences."  He  gave  the 
following  account  of  it  in  a  letter  to  Captain  Moor- 
som*  (to  be  used  in  Moorsom's  History  of  the  $2nd 
Regiment),  dated  "Dublin,  26th  April,  1859." 

"  The  Light  Division  marched  from  El  Bodon,  or  near 
it,  early  on  the  8th  and  reached  the  ground  in  front 
of  the  Upper  Teson  about  noon.  The  detachments 
intended  for  the  assault  of  the  redoubt  were  not 
volunteers ;  they  were  companies  commanded  by  the 
senior  captains  of  each  battalion ;  two  from  the  43rd, 
four  from  the  52nd  Regiment,  two  from  the  95th,  and  one 
from  each  of  the  Portuguese  battalions.t  Four  companies 
were  selected  from  the  advanced  guard  to  occupy  the 
crest  of  the  glacis  and  open  fire,  while  the  party  with  the 
ladders,  in  charge  of  Captain  Thompson,  of  the  Engineers, 
in  the  rear  of  these  companies  could  be  brought  up  and 
be  assisted  in  placing  the  ladders  for  the  assault.  In  the 
rear  of  the  whole  the  companies  destined  for  the  actual 
escalade  followed.  In  this  order  we  started  and  advanced, 

*  Communicated  to  me  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Mockler- Ferryman. 

f  Sir  Harry  Smith  writes  in  his  Autobiography  (I.,  p.  55)  :  "  When 
the  detachments  of  the  Light  Division  brigades  were  parading,  my 
brigade  was  to  furnish  400  men.  I  understood  four  companies,  and 
when  Colonel  Colborne  was  counting  them  he  said,  '  There  are  not  the 
complement  of  men.'  I  said,  '  I  am  sorry  if  I  have  mistaken.'  '  Oh, 
never  mind,  run  and  bring  another  company.'  I  mention  this  to  show 
what  a  cool,  noble  fellow  he  is.  Many  an  officer  would  have  stormed 
like  fury.  He  only  thought  of  storming  Fort  San  Francisco,  which  he 
carried  in  a  glorious  manner." 


i8i2.]          CAPTURE  OF  FORT  SAN  FRANCISCO.  167 

after  a  caution  had  been  given  by  me  in  respect  to  silence, 
and  each  captain  had  been  instructed  precisely  where  he 
was  to  post  his  company  and  how  he  was  to  proceed  on 
arriving  near  the  redoubt.  An  officer  of  the  95th  and  two 
sergeants  had  been  stationed  before  dark  on  the  brow  of 
the  hill  to  mark  the  angle  of  the  redoubt  covering  the 
steeple  of  the  church  in  Ciudad  Rodrigo.  When  we 
reached  the  point  marked  by  the  officer  of  the  95th,  I 
dismounted  and  again  called  out  the  four  captains  of  the 
advanced  guard  and  ordered  the  front  company  to  occupy 
the  front  face  and  the  2nd  the  right,  &c.  Captain 
Mulcaster,  of  the  Engineers,  suggested  that  it  would  be 
better  to  wait  for  the  light  ladders  which  were  coming  up. 
I,  however,  thought  that  no  time  should  be  lost,  and  pro- 
ceeded with  the  very  heavy  ladders  which  had  been  made 
during  the  day.  When  about  fifty  yards  from  the  redoubt 
I  gave  the  word  '  double-quick.'  This  movement  and  the 
rattling  of  canteens  alarmed  the  garrison ;  but  the 
defenders  had  only  time  to  fire  one  round  from  their 
guns  before  each  company  had  taken  its  post  on  the  crest 
of  the  glacis  and  opened  fire.  All  this  was  effected 
without  the  least  confusion,  and  not  a  man  was  seen  in 
the  redoubt  after  the  fire  had  commenced.  The  party 
with  the  ladders  soon  arrived  and  placed  them  in  the 
ditch  against  the  palisades,  so  that  they  were  ready  when 
Captain  Mein,  of  the  52nd,  came  up  with  the  escalading 
companies.  They  got  into  the  ditch  by  descending  on 
the  ladders  and  then  placing  them  against  the  fraises. 
The  only  fire  from  which  the  assailants  suffered  was  from 
shells  and  grenades  thrown  over  from  the  rampart.  During 
these  proceedings  Gurwood,  of  the  52nd,  came  from  the 
gorge  and  mentioned  that  a  company  could  get  in  by  the 
gorge  with  ladders.  I  desired  him  to  take  any  he  could 
find.  Thompson,  of  the  Engineers,  had  no  opportunity 
of  being  of  use ;  the  whole  arrangements  were  executed 
by  the  exertions  of  captains  of  companies,  and  the  order 
preserved  by  them.  We  entered  the  redoubt  by  the 
ladders  safely;  no  resistance  or  opposition  was  made. 


1 68  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.  [Cn.  XII. 

The  company  at  the  gorge  had  tossed  open  the  gate,  or 
it  had  been  opened  by  some  of  the  defenders  endeavour- 
ing to  escape.  Captain  Mein,  I  believe,  was  wounded 
from  a  shot  from  one  of  our  own  companies  as  he  was 
mounting  on  the  rampart.  Most  of  the  defenders  had 
fled  to  the  guard-house.  Not  one  man  was  killed  or 
wounded  after  we  entered  the  redoubt*  The  garrison  of 
Ciudad  Rodrigo  opened  a  heavy  fire  on  the  redoubt 
immediately  we  had  taken  possession  of  it.  The  force 
under  my  command  was  collected  outside  and  marched 
down  to  the  rivulet  at  the  bottom  of  the  glacis  of  the 
Place  and  covered  the  working  parties  opening  the  first 
parallel  till  moonlight.  Had  the  redoubt  not  been  taken, 
five  days  would  have  been  required  to  attack  it  regularly. 
The  governor  had  been  in  the  redoubt  half  an  hour  before 
we  attacked  it.  The  investment,  in  fact,  had  been  com- 
pleted some  days  before  the  8th  by  the  guerilla  cavalry. 
The  Light  Division  returned  to  El  Bodon  about  12  on  the 
Qth,  relieved  by  another  division." 

Moorsom  thus  comments  on  the  story  of  this 
brilliant  achievement : 

"  The  remarkable  success  of  this  assault  was 
probably  due  to  the  following  points: — The  clear 
conception  and  explanation  of  the  plan  of  attack, 
so  that  each  individual  in  charge  knew  what  he  had 
to  do ;  the  high  discipline  and  order  in  which  the 
plan  was  carried  out  under  the  eye  of  the  officer 
commanding  the  party ;  and  the  care  taken  to  cover 
the  redoubt  with  a  sheet  of  fire  while  the  escalade 

*  Wellington  stated  in  his  despatch:  "Two  captains  and  forty- 
seven  men  were  made  prisoners  :  the  remainder  of  the  garrison  being 
put  to  the  sword  in  the  storm.11  The  latter  statement  Colborne 
always  warmly  repudiated.  "  I  think  a  great  many  escaped  before 
we  entered,  but  all  who  were  there  took  refuge  under  the  guns,  and 
were  taken  prisoners."  When  the  fort  was  taken,  Colborne  says  that 
his  orderly-sergeant  MacCurrie  said,  in  tones  of  deep  feeling,  "  Thank 
God,  that's  over." 


i8i2.]  CAPTURE  OF  FORT  SAN  FRANCISCO.  169 

was  being  made,  rather  than  trusting  to  the  rush 
of  a  few  bayonets  against  many  defenders."* 

A  reported  conversation  of  Colborne's  gives  a  few 
additional  details : 

"  It  was  pitch  dark  that  night,  and  the  firing  went 
on  so  long  that  the  rest  of  the  army  thought  we 
should  not  take  the  fort,  and  were  very  anxious 
about  it.  We  were  firing  into  the  fort  from  the 
glacis  across  the  ditch,  but  our  men  could  not  be 
seen.  The  only  danger  was  of  our  firing  on  each 
other.  The  firing  was  so  steady  and  continuous 
that  I  could  not  see  any  sign  of  the  enemy  on  the 
ramparts,  though  I  could  see  into  the  fort  most 
distinctly." 

Colborne  thus  reported  on  his  achievement : 

"  El  Bodon, 

"9th  January,  1812. 

"  Sir, — I  have  the  honour  to  report  to  you  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  detachment  of  the  Light  Division  ordered  to 
attack  an  advanced  work  before  Ciudad  Rodrigo.  The 
four  companies  conducted  by  Major  Gibbs  approached  it 
so  rapidly  that  the  enemy  had  but  little  time  to  annoy 
them  by  his  fire.  Captain  Cramp  ton,  of  the  95th  Regi- 
ment, first  formed  up  his  company  on  the  crest  of  the 
glacis,  and  was  followed  by  the  divisions  under  the  com- 
mand of  Captain  Merry,  of  the  52nd,  and  Captain  Travers 
and  Lieutenant  McNamara,  of  the  95th,  who  silenced  the 
enemy's  fire  whilst  Captain  Duffey,  of  the  43rd  Regiment, 
and  Captain  Mein,  of  the  5 2nd,  with  their  companies,  and 
Lieutenant  Woodgate,  of  the  52nd,  who  had  charge  of 
the  ladders,  leaped  into  the  ditch  and  escaladed  the  work. 
Two  officers  and  47  rank  and  file  of  the  enemy  were  made 
prisoners  by  the  activity  of  Major  Gibbs,  who  moved 
round  to  the  gate  and  prevented  them  from  making  their 

*  Moorsom's  Historical  Record  of  the  $2nd  Regiment,  pp.  150—153. 


170  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.  [Cn.  XII. 

escape.  I  beg  leave  to  mention  that  the  intrepidity  and 
exertions  of  Captain  Mein  and  Lieutenant  Woodgate 
could  not  be  exceeded,  both  of  whom  were  wounded,  the 
latter  severely.  Lieutenant  Bankesley,  of  the  95th,  I  am 
sorry  to  add,  has  also  received  a  very  severe  wound. — I 
have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir,  your  most  obedient  humble 
servant, 

"J.   COLBORNE, 

"  Lt-Colonel,  52nd  Light  Infantry. 
"  To  M.-General  Craufurd, 

"  Commanding  Light  Division." 

Colborne  received  great  praise  for  the  skill  with 
which  he  captured  the  redoubt  of  San  Francisco. 
Wellington  wrote  :  "  I  cannot  sufficiently  applaud  the 
conduct  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Colborne  and  of  the 
detachment  under  his  command  upon  this  occasion," 
and  George  Napier  writes :  "  The  colonel  formed  his 
party  and  gave  his  orders  so  explicitly,  and  so  clearly 
made  every  officer  understand  what  he  was  to  do, 
that  no  mistake  could  possibly  be  made.  The 
consequence  was  that  in  twenty  minutes  from  the 
time  he  moved  to  the  attack  the  fort  was  stormed 
and  carried.  The  watchword  of  *  England  and  St. 
George '  was  heard  shouted  loud  and  strong  and 
re-echoed  by  the  division  which  was  under  arms."* 

As  Colborne  told  the  tale  afterwards :  "  Lord 
Wellington,  Colonel  Barnard,  of  the  95th,  and 
General  Craufurd  were  most  anxiously  awaiting  the 
event.  When  they  heard  the  cheer,  Barnard,  unable 
to  restrain  his  emotion,  threw  himself  on  the  ground 
in  the  vehemence  of  his  delight — so  that  General 
Craufurd,  who  was  at  a  little  distance  and  did  not 
see  who  it  was,  exclaimed,  'What's  that  drunken 

*  Early  Life  of  Sir  G.  N.,  p.  209. 


i8i2.]  STORM  OF  CIUDAD  RODRIGO.  171 

man  doing  ? J  Craufurd  was  a  man  who  seldom 
expressed  approval,  but  on  this  occasion  he  said, 
'  Colonel  Colborne  seems  to  be  a  steady  officer.1 

"As  soon  as  the  fort  fell  I  despatched  a  soldier 
to  Lord  Wellington,  who  had  been  looking  on  all 
the  time.  This  soldier  ran  up  to  him  in  great 
excitement  and  said,  *  IVe  taken  the  fort,  Sir/ 
Wellington  replied,  '  Oh,  you've  taken  the  fort,  have 
you?  Well,  I'm  glad  to  hear  it/  and  got  up  and 
rode  away. 

"After  such  great  anxiety  it  was  most  delightful 
to  go  and  wrap  myself  in  my  cloak,  and  I  seldom 
remember  having  had  such  a  sound  and  delightful 
sleep." 

The  siege  of  Ciudad  Rodrigo  was  now  busily 
prosecuted,  and  on  the  igth  January,  two  breaches 
being  reported  practicable,  the  assault  was  made. 
The  forlorn  hope  was  led  by  Lieutenant  Gurwood, 
52nd,  with  25  volunteers;  the  storming  party  which 
followed  by  Major  George  Napier,  52nd. 

Colborne  himself  headed  his  regiment  in  the 
assault.  The  ascent  was  extremely  sharp  and  con- 
tracted, and  when  two-thirds  of  the  lesser  breach 
had  been  reached  the  struggle  became  so  violent  in 
the  narrowest  part  that  the  men  paused,  and  every 
musket  in  the  crowd  was  snapped  under  the  instinct 
of  self-defence,  though  not  one  was  loaded.  Colonel 
Colborne,  however,  pressed  on  with  his  52nd,  and 
though  wounded  in  the  shoulder  by  a  musket  ball, 
led  the  men  on.  Napier,  though  struck  down  by 
grape-shot,  called  to  the  troops  to  trust  to  their 
bayonets.  The  officers  thereupon  sprang  to  the 
front  and  the  ascent  was  won. 


172  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.  [Cn.  XII. 

The  assault  was  successful  at  the  cost  of  many 
valuable  lives,  including  that  of  the  brilliant  leader 
of  the  Light  Division,  General  Robert  Craufurd, 
while  among  those  severely  wounded  were  Colborne 
and  George  Napier.  An  officer  of  the  52nd,  writing 
home  two  days  after  the  assault,  expressed  the 
feelings  which  these  misfortunes  had  called  forth: 
"  We  have,  as  a  division,  sustained  a  very  heavy  loss 
in  General  Craufurd,  who  is  not  expected  to  recover 
from  his  wounds ;  but,  as  a  regiment,  a  much  more 
severe  one,  though  we  heartily  trust  it  is  only  tem- 
porary, in  Colonel  Colborne,  who,  though  he  has 
only  commanded  us  a  few  months,  has  gained  the 
hearts  of  every  officer  and  soldier  in  the  regiment."* 

Colborne  was  thus  mentioned  in  Lord  Welling- 
ton's despatch :  "  I  have  already  reported  my 
sense  of  the  conduct  of  Major-General  Craufurd 
and  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Colborne  and  of  the 
troops  of  the  Light  Division  in  the  storming  of 
the  redoubt  of  St.  Francisco  on  the  evening  of  the 
8th  instant.  The  conduct  of  these  troops  was 
equally  distinguished  throughout  the  siege,  and  in 
the  storm  nothing  could  withstand  the  gallantry  with 
which  these  brave  officers  and  troops  advanced  and 
accomplished  the  difficult  operation  allotted  to  them, 
notwithstanding  all  their  leaders  had  fallen." 

Colborne  referred  in  conversation  to  the  storming 
of  Ciudad  Rodrigo  as  follows : 

"When  Lord  Wellington  summoned  Ciudad 
Rodrigo  he  said,  '  fai  Vhonneur  de  vous  sommer? 
They  said  afterwards  it  was  useless  his  having  sum- 

*  Letter  of  Captain  J.  F.  Ewart  given  in  the  A&rd  and  $2nd  Light 
Infantry  Chronicle,  1893,  p.  121. 


i8i2.]  GENERAL  ROBERT  CRAUFURD.  173 

moned  them,  because  Napoleon's  orders  forbade 
them  to  surrender  until  they  had  been  attacked 
three  times.  Before  the  storming  the  fire  was  kept 
up  till  the  last  ten  minutes — till  after  dark.  I 
recollect  hearing  Robert  Craufurd's  voice  squeaking 
out,  '  Move  on,  will  you,  95th?  or  we  will  get  some 
who  will/  The  Rifles  had  made  a  sort  of  stop. 
Craufurd  was  wounded  soon  after  and  died  the  next 
morning.  I  remember  he  sent  to  ask  after  me. 

"  Craufurd  was  a  fine  fellow,  though  very  stern 
and  tyrannical,  but  after  all,  that  was  the  way  he  got 
his  division  into  such  fine  order.  He  was  the  terror 
of  all  Commissaries ;  I  really  believe  he  was  nearly 
the  death  of  one.  He  always  got  provisions  how- 
ever ;  that  was  something.  A  Commissary  told  me 
that  Craufurd  once  desired  him  to  keep  a  journal 
after  the  manner  of  a  log-book,  that  he  might  see 
how  and  where  he  spent  every  half-hour  of  his  time ! 
He  was  the  first  man  who  introduced  a  proper 
manner  of  marching.  '  Sit  down  in  it,  Sir,  sit  down 
in  it/  he  used  to  call  out  if  he  saw  a  soldier  stepping 
across  a  puddle.  That  was  the  way  he  got  them 
to  march  so  beautifully.  Although  he  was  so 
tyrannical,  once  on  his  return  to  the  division  after 
a  period  of  absence  the  soldiers  cheered  him, 
which  said  a  good  deal  for  him.  He  took  some 
church  plate  once,  however.  The  people  said  they 
would  not  give  him  any  provisions ;  so  he  said, 
'  Very  well,  then,  I'll  take  the  church  plate ' ;  which 
he  did. 

"  I  always  think  of  a  remark  made  to  Barclay 
(lieutenant-colonel  of  the  52nd)  by  Beckwith,  who 
commanded  another  brigade  in  the  Light  Division. 


174  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.  [Cn.  XII. 

We  were  near  Talavera,  and  provisions  were  often 
very  scarce.  Craufurd,  who  commanded  the  Light 
Division,  was  the  most  unpopular  fellow  that  ever 
was,  but  he  was  very  clever,  and  he  always  managed 
to  get  his  dinner  supplied  when  no  one  else  could 
get  one.  One  day  Craufurd  sent  Barclay  a  bottle 
of  very  good  cherry  brandy — a  great  luxury  in  those 
days  when  water  was  far  more  common  than  brandy. 
So  as  Barclay  was  drawing  the  cork  before  us  all, 
Beckwith  said,  'What,  Barclay,  do  you  drink  any- 
thing from  such  a  fellow  as  that  ? }  So  Barclay 
filled  his  glass,  and  as  he  was  tossing  it  off,  said, 
'  Don't  I,  indeed?  Here's  damnation  to  him! ' 

'*  There  was  a  great  drop  into  the  town  after  we 
got  into  the  breach.  There  was  one  place  I  thought 
I  could  have  got  in  at.  I  wanted  very  much  to  have 
tried  with  the  52nd.  I  used  to  examine  it  every 
morning  with  my  spy-glass.  I  dare  say  I  should 
have  got  a  proper  good  Ticking  if  I  had,  for  I  heard 
afterwards  there  was  no  way  of  getting  down." 

"  Colonel  Colborne,"  writes  Harry  Smith  in  his 
Autobiography,  "received  an  awful  wound,  but  he 
never  quitted  his  regiment  until  the  city  was  perfectly 
ours  and  his  regiment  all  collected." 

Some  idea  of  Colborne's  sufferings  from  this  time 
onwards,  and  of  his  bitter  disappointment  at  the 
check  to  his  career  caused  by  his  wound  may  be 
gathered  from  his  own  account,  as  reported  by  his 
daughters : 

''  The  worst  wound  I  ever  had  I  received  at 
Ciudad  Rodrigo.  A  bullet  from  the  walls  hit  my 
right  shoulder  and  passed  some  way  down  my  arm. 
This  was  about  20  minutes,  I  suppose,  after  the 


i8i2.]  COLBORNE'S  WOUND.  175 

attack  had  begun.  I  was  knocked  down  by  the 
wound  at  the  moment,  but  I  was  able  to  go  into  the 
town.  I  had  another  wound  in  my  leg  at  the  same 
time,  but  the  first  was  so  bad  that  I  did  not  think  of 
that.  I  was  taken  the  next  day  to  a  convent,  and 
three  weeks  after  I  was  carried  on  20  men's  shoulders 
to  Coimbra,  in  Portugal.  That  journey  in  the  open 
air  was  perhaps  a  good  thing  for  me,  though  it  took 
a  week  and  gave  me  a  great  deal  of  pain  at  the  time. 
I  always  had  an  appetite  and  could  eat.  The  sur- 
geon said,  '  I  think  you  must  do  well,  you  always 
have  such  an  appetite.'  A  part  of  the  gold  wire  of 
my  epaulette  was  carried  into  the  wound,  and  for 
long  after,  whenever  I  moved,  this  wire  gave  me  the 
greatest  torture.  I  could  not  lie  on  my  side  on  the 
left  shoulder,  as  it  hurt  the  other  to  be  raised,  and  it 
was  dreadful  pain  to  lie  on  my  back,  the  bones  in  my 
back  being  quite  sore.  They  were  obliged  to  raise 
my  bed  off  the  ground  on  one  side  to  give  me  ease. 

:<  The  day  after  the  wound  a  surgeon  came  and 
cut  the  wound  across  and  across,  probing  for  the  ball. 
When  the  ball  was  taken  out,  1 5  months  after,  it  did 
not  hurt  me  so  much.  I  was  so  accustomed  to  be 
probed  in  every  direction,  it  did  not  seem  much.  In 
spite  of  the  probing  they  could  not  find  the  ball,  and 
then  inflammation  came  on  and  the  arm  swelled,  and 
they  could  do  nothing. 

"  Lord  Wellington's  surgeon  came  down  to  see 
me  and  told  me  that  I  should  have  a  stiff  arm.  A 
great  many  of  them  wanted  to  take  it  out  of  its 
socket.  One  saved  me.  He  said,  '  He  has  been 
knocked  about  enough.  Let  him  take  his  chance.' 

"  I   recollect  a  physician  coming  to  see  me  at 


176  AT  COIMBRA.  [Cn.  XII. 

Coimbra  and  saying,  '  Now  I  will  tell  you  one  thing. 
These  surgeons  know  nothing  of  medicine ;  they 
are  only  surgeons,  so  you  must  not  mind  them. 
They  as  nearly  as  possible  killed  me.  I  had  a 
wound,  and  fortunately  recovered  from  delirium  in 
time  to  see  all  the  stuff  they  were  going  to  give  me 
to  drink.  So  I  threw  it  all  away  or  they  would  have 
killed  me.'  (He  told  me  all  this  with  the  door  shut.) 
'  But  if  you  don't  mind  them,  but  attend  to  what  / 
tell  you,  you  will  recover.  First  take  a  raw  egg 
every  day  about  one  o'clock,  beat  up  with  one  tea- 
spoonful  of  brandy,  and  nine,  mind,  nine,  of  water ; 
that's  to  strengthen  you  and  give  you  an  appetite. 
Then  never  take  anything  acid.  These  surgeons 
would  give  you  acids,  but  vinegar  has  some  relation 
to  the  bone  and  would  hurt  it.'  He  gave  me  many 
more  directions  and  the  reasons  for  them. 

"  I  stayed  several  months  in  Coimbra,*  and  by  the 
end  of  that  time  all  the  bits  of  wire  were  taken  out. 
In  June  I  went  home.f  [He  arrived  in  England 

*  During  these  months  Badajos  was  stormed  (6th  April).  Of  this 
assault  Colborne  told  the  following  story  :  "  Sir  Andrew  Barnard,  who 
commanded  the  division,  left  particular  orders  with  Colonel  Elder, 
commanding  a  regiment  of  Portuguese  Ca9adores,  to  remain  in  reserve, 
as,  knowing  his  impetuous  character  and  eagerness  to  be  foremost, 
he  feared  he  might  advance  too  soon.  He  himself  advanced  with  the 
rest  of  his  division  to  the  trenches.  Here  the  greatest  confusion 
prevailed,  owing  to  their  being  too  much  crowded,  but  very  soon 
Colonel  Elder,  hearing  the  firing,  came  dashing  into  the  trenches, 
adding  still  more  to  the  confusion.  When  Barnard  saw  him  he 
exclaimed  loudly  against  his  impetuosity.  '  Ah,  Colonel  Elder, 
Colonel  Elder,  for  your  own  glory  you  would  throw  away  the  whole 
British  army.' " 

•}•  From  Coimbra  to  Lisbon  (where  he  was  obliged  to  remain  some 
time  longer  before  he  was  fit  to  sail)  he  travelled  with  his  fellow- 
sufferer  George  Napier,  who  thus  writes  :  "  About  three  weeks  from  the 
loss  of  my  arm  I  commenced  my  journey  towards  Lisbon.  In  a  few 
days  I  arrived  at  Coimbra,  where  I  found  my  friend  Colonel  Colborne 
in  bed,  suffering  dreadful  pain  from  his  wound.  Here  we  stayed  some 


i8ia.]  COLBORNE'S   WOUND.  177 

June  4th.]  I  was  obliged  to  go ;  I  was  fit  for 
nothing.  I  had  nowhere  to  stay  and  I  wanted  change 
of  air.  I  was  so  nervous  that  I  used  to  be  obliged 
to  say,  '  Give  me  a  glass  of  wine,  I  am  going  to  cry/ 
I  could  not  help  crying  continually.  Once  I  felt  it 
coming  on  as  I  was  being  carried  across  a  stream 
in  my  journey  and  a  good  many  soldiers  were  looking 
on,  but  I  was  so  ashamed  of  their  seeing  me  and 
thinking  I  was  crying  because  I  was  hurt,  that  that,  I 
think,  prevented  me.  How  delightful  it  is  to  hear 
a  voice  that  you  know!  I  recollect  so  well  when  I 
was  lying  sick  and  in  such  pain  hearing  the  voice  of 
a  very  old  friend  of  mine — Pierrepont — '  Well,  Col- 
borne,  so  here  you  are,  you  poor  old  fellow ! '  He 
was  killed  soon  after." 

The  following  letters  were  received  by  Colonel 
Colborne's  family  after  his  wound.  Those  from 
Colborne  himself  were  now  written  with  the  left 
hand. 

"  Coimbra. 

"  My  dear  Delia, — I  am  sorry  to  tell  you  that  my  wound 
has  turned  out  badly — the  bone  is  fractured  very  high  up, 
and  in  this  state  I  was  moved  30  leagues  in  a  waggon  on 
a  very  bad  road. 

"  Remember  me  to  Duke  and  Delia  and  little  Jack — 
Believe  me,  your  affectionate  brother, 

(Signed)     "  J.  COLBORNE. 

"  Mrs.  Duke  Yonge, 

"Antony,  Plymouth  Dock, 
"  Devon,  England" 

time  till  Colborne  was  able  to  travel  by  easy  stages  to  Lisbon.  When 
we  arrived  there  he  was  so  ill  and  weak  that  it  was  impossible  he  could 
undergo  the  fatigue  of  the  voyage."  Napier  therefore  embarked  alone. 
Early  Military  Life  of  Sir  G.  T.  Napier,  pp.  230,  331. 


178  AT  COIMBRA.  [Cn.  XII. 

"  Coimbra, 

"23rd  February,   1812. 

"  My  dear  Duke, — I  arrived  at  this  place  on  the  2Oth 
inst  My  wound  has  turned  out  very  badly.  One  ball 
has  not  yet  been  extracted,  nor  have  I  had  one  hour's 
natural  sleep  since  the  night  I  was  wounded.  I  do  not 
write  this  as  a  complaint,  as  soldiers  must  be  prepared  for 
pain,  but  as  an  excuse  for  not  writing.  I  have  now  to  look 
forward  to  a  stiff  joint.  .  .  .  Yours  sincerely, 

"J.   COLBORNE. 
"  Rev.  Duke  Yonge, 

"  Antony,  Plymouth  Dock, 
"  Devon,  England.11 


"  Cuimbra, 

"20th  March,  1812. 

"  Sir, — I  have  thain  the  liberty  of  wrighting  thouse  few 
lines  to  you  to  informe  you  that  my  marster  the  Colonl 
was  wounded  one  the  1 9  of  Jany,  at  the  sege  of  Rotherrick, 
and  I  should  a  wrote  to  a  let  you  noed  before,  but  I 
did  expect  he  ould  abeen  in  England  before  this  time,  but 
owing  to  take  such  a  long  march  before  he  was  able, 
caused  him  to  remain  a  Cuimbra,  but  I  am  happy  to  say 
he  is  duing  well  at  present :  his  wound  was  very  danger- 
ish,  and  the  ball  cannot  be  found,  but  I  hope  you  will  not 
make  yourself  any  ways  uneasey  about  it,  for  he  is  duing 
very  well :  when  the  Colonl  was  wounded  I  should  a 
wrote  the  next  day,  but  Lord  Willinton  sent  Lord  March 
to  the  Colonl,  and  the  Colonl  wrote  a  few  lines  in  is 
bed,  and  I  was  so  trobled  that  I  did  not  no  what  to  doe. 
I  am  happy  to  informe  you  the  Colonl  has  a  good  apptite, 
and  walks  about :  and  I  hope  be  the  blessing  of  God,  he 
will  be.  soon  able  to  oundertake  is  jouney  to  England: 
and  likewise  I  have  the  happness  to  informe  you,  that 
Lord  Wellington  has  sent  the  best  surgon  to  him  can  be 


i8i2.]  RETURN  TO  ENGLAND.  179 

found  in  the  country,  to  atuend  him  and  no  outher :  the 
surgon  expect  the  ball  will  be  out  every  day,  and  then 
he  will  be  able  for  his  duty  in  six  mounths  again :  the 
genneral  docter  will  riot  alow  him  to  be  moved  one  any  a 
count,  tell  such  time  he  is  able  for  any  thing  and  the 
bone  is  perfectley  sound ;  the  bone  has  been  nitten  three 
weeks. 

"  Sir,  I  hope  you  will  give  my  best  respects  to  all  the 
famuley,  and  I  hope  the  have  all  well.  I  wrote  to  John 
Blackworth  the  second  day  after  I  landed  in  Lisborne, 
but  I  reseved  no  answer :  my  best  respects  to  all  my 
felow  servants,  and  very  happy  to  informe  how  well  my 
marster  is  douing.  I  should  be  very  happy  to  hear  from 
you  all. — Sir,  I  remains  your  most  humble, 

"ANTONEY  DE  BANE. 

"  The  Reverend  Duke  of  Young, 
"  Anthony,  near  Tor  Point, 

"  Devonshire,  England." 

The  writer  of  the  above  letter  was  no  doubt  the 
Calabrian  servant  Antonio,  of  whom  we  have  heard 
before.  He  seems  to  have  been  despatched  to 
Lisbon  just  before  his  master's  disablement. 

"  Coimbra, 

"23rd  March. 

"  My  dear  Alethea, — Your  brother  is  still  in  bed,  after 
being  wounded  more  than  six  weeks.  I  was  moved  too 
soon,  and  now  it  is  found  that  the  bone  is  fractured  close 
to  the  joint.  When  I  shall  be  fit  to  join,  God  knows. — 
Believe  me,  your  most  affectionate  brother, 

"J.   COLBORNE." 

Though  Colborne  was  able  to  return  to  England 
in  June,  for  ten  months  after  receiving  his  wound 
he  lay  on  his  back,  and  the  ball  was  not  extracted 


180  IN  ENGLAND.  [Cn.  XII. 

until  April,   1813.     The  following  letter  gives  this 

happy  news : 

"  Antony, 

"25th  April. 

"  My  dear  Fanny, — You  may  now  congratulate  me  on 
having  lost  a  companion  with  whose  company  I  have  long 
been  oppressed. 

"  I  went  to  the  Military  Hospital  at  Plymouth  on  Satur- 
day, determined  to  submit  to  any  operation  that  might 
facilitate  the  extracting  the  ball.  After  much  pain  and 
many  trials  the  black  gentleman  was  pulled  out  by  the 
forceps  without  an  incision.  I  look  forward  to  my  re- 
covery now  with  delight,  and  hope  I  may  bid  adieu  to 
pain  and  mutilation.  .  .  .  Your  most  affectionate, 

"  J.   COLBORNE. 
"  Miss  Bargus, 

"118,  Sloane-street,  Chelsea, 
"  London." 

Sir  Harry  Smith  writes* :  "  The  pain  Colborne 
suffered  in  the  extraction  of  the  ball  was  more  even 
than  his  iron  heart  could  bear.  He  used  to  lay  his 
watch  on  the  table  and  allow  the  surgeons  five 
minutes'  exertions  at  a  time,  and  they  were  three  or 
four  days  before  they  wrenched  the  bone  from  its 
ossified  bed.  ...  Of  course  the  shoulder- joint 
was  anchylosed,  but  he  had  free  use  of  the  arm  below 
the  elbow." 

Colborne  said  in  conversation :  "It  was  my  right 
shoulder.  Do  you  not  see  the  difference?  I  can 
move  this  arm  quite  round,  and  I  can  only  do  so 
with  this  one.  The  head  of  the  bone  was  carried 
away;  you  see  this  shoulder  is  round  and  perfect 
and  this  one  is  falling  away. 

*  I,  P-  59- 


,  Jf^  ffoM 


xrrne, 


1813.3  COLBORNE'S  MARRIAGE.  181 

"  I  was  away  from  the  army  a  year  and  six  months, 
which  was  a  great  mortification  to  me.  I  dare  say 
I  should  have  got  some  wound  somewhere  else,  but 
it  was  a  terrible  spoke  in  my  wheel." 

That  he  had  not  been  quite  forgotten,  however, 
during  his  absence  from  the  seat  of  war  is  shown  by 
the  following  communication  from  Lord  Wellington, 
received  at  this  time : 

"  Freneda, 

"  1 5th  March,  1813. 

"  H.R.H.  the  Prince  Regent  of  Portugal  has  been  pleased 
to  appoint  you  a  Knight  of  the  Order  of  the  Tower  and 
the  Sword." 

But  the  gratification  which  such  news  brought  was 
quickly  drowned  in  a  deeper  joy. 

Since  October,  1811,  Colborne  had  been  engaged 
to  Miss  Elizabeth  Yonge,  of  Puslinch.  On  the  25th 
March,  1813,  his  half-sister,  Alethea  Bargus,  had 
been  married  in  London  by  her  guardian,  Dr.  God- 
dard,  to  Miss  Yonge's  brother,  the  Reverend  John 
Yonge;  and  now  that  he  had  recovered  from  his 
wound  Colborne  saw  the  fulfilment  of  his  own  hopes. 
From  his  wife's  diary  we  learn  that  on  2nd  June  he 
joined  her  at  Flaxley,  near  Gloucester,  the  residence 
of  her  connexion,  Mr.  Crawley,  and  on  the  2 1  st — the 
day  of  the  battle  of  Vittoria — they  were  there 
married.  They  stayed  in  London  till  6th  July, 
went  to  Puslinch  on  the  8th,  and  to  Antony  on  the 
loth,  and  parted  on  the  I2th.  "  Colonel  Colborne," 
writes  his  wife  on  that  day,  "  sailed  in  the  '  Sparrow- 
hawk  '  for  St.  Andero.  I  returned  to  Puslinch." 


(       182       ) 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1813.     RETURN  TO  THE  LIGHT 
DIVISION.     THE   HEIGHTS  OF  VERA  AND   NIVELLE. 

"!N  July,    1813,   I   went  out  again.     I   embarked 
quietly  at   Plymouth  in  a  small  corvette  by  per- 
mission of  the  admiral,  and  we  ran  up  the  Bay  of 
Biscay  in  three  days.     The  siege  of  San  Sebastian 
was  going  on,  but  I  knew  nothing  of  it,  and  did  not 
know  where  the  army  was.       I  thought  I  should 
have  to  go  to  Corunna,  and  from  there  make  a  long 
inland  journey.     However,  as  we  got  near  the  coast 
of   Spain  the  captain  thought  he  perceived  guns 
and  firing  around  San  Sebastian,  and  when  we  got 
glasses  to  assist  our  sight  he  proved  to  have  been 
correct.     So  I  was  landed  close  at  hand  and  walked 
a  mile  and  a  half  to  General  Graham's  tent.     Then 
I  called  on  Lord  Wellington.     He  said  he  was  glad 
to  see  me  again,  but  I  looked  rather  thin  and  pale. 
Then  I  went  to  dine  with  Sir  George  Murray,  who 
said,    '  Well,    you   had   better   join   your   regiment 
directly ;  you  have  been  given  the  position  on  that 
hill  to  protect  the  army.     Soult  has  been  collecting 
his  army,  and  he  could  attack  us  from  there/     I  went 
up  to  a  very  high  point  to  see  the  first  attack  on  San 
Sebastian  [25th  July].     So  in  about  four  days  from 
leaving  England  I  found  myself  in  active  service 
again." 


1813.]  SIEGE  OF  SAN  SEBASTIAN.  183 

At  the  moment  when  Colborne  resumed  the 
command  of  the  52nd  [2Oth  July]  the  Light 
Division  was  commanded  by  Baron  Alten,  and  its 
2nd  Brigade,  consisting  of  the  52nd,  the  2nd  Bat- 
talion 95th  Rifles  and  a  regiment  of  Portuguese 
Cagadores,  by  Major-General  Skerrett.  The  regi- 
ment was  posted  at  Lesaca.  The  assault  made 
on  San  Sebastian  on  25th  July  having  been 
unsuccessful,  the  siege  was  still  prosecuted,  as  was 
that  of  Pamplona  simultaneously. 

Meanwhile  Soult,  at  the  head  of  the  French  army, 
made  an  effort  to  penetrate  the  pass  of  Roncesvalles, 
relieve  Pamplona,  and  if  he  succeeded,  San 
Sebastian  also.  Wellington  was  obliged  to  send  a 
great  part  of  his  army  to  cover  Pamplona  and  tem- 
porarily suspend  the  siege  of  San  Sebastian,  and 
the  Light  Division  was  kept  moving  between  the 
two  places.  When  Soult  had  been  repulsed  at  the 
battles  of  the  Pyrenees,  27th  and  28th  July,  the 
Light  Division  was  pushed  forward.  Soult  fell 
back  behind  the  line  of  the  Bidassoa  and  the  Light 
Division  countermarched,  and  arriving  on  ist  August 
at  Sumbilla,  reoccupied  Vera  on  the  2nd.  The 
siege  of  San  Sebastian  was  now  vigorously 
resumed. 

"  One  morning  during  the  siege  of  San  Sebastian," 
said  Colborne,  "  Colonel  Upton,  of  the  Guards,  was 
waiting  with  some  friends  in  his  tent  for  breakfast, 
when  his  servant  rushed  in,  exclaiming, '  The  French 
are  marching  on  the  Guards ! '  '  And  a  pretty 
good  thrashing  they'll  get ;  bring  breakfast/  Upton 
replied,  and  coolly  ate  his  breakfast  before  he  would 
go  to  his  regiment." 


184  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.          [Cn.  XIII. 

On  the  Qth  San  Sebastian  surrendered,  and  Pam- 
plona followed  on  2Qth  October. 

In  the  early  morning  of  ist  September  the  French, 
owing  to  Skerrett's  want  of  precaution,  crossed  the 
bridge  of  Vera  in  spite  of  the  valiant  resistance 
offered  by  Captain  Cadoux,  95th,  and  his  company 
of  Riflemen.  Colborne  said,  "  I  remember  one 
night  I  was  sitting  on  a  camp  stool  with  another 
officer,  Mein,  who  was  asleep — I  was  nodding 
myself — when  we  heard  the  French  huzza.  It  was 
about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  they  had 
just  succeeded,  to  my  great  mortification,  in  crossing 
the.  bridge  owing  to  the  Rifles  being  surprised. 
Mein  started  up  with  a  leap  of  several  yards,  drew 
his  sword,  and  rushed  off  half  awake,  though  we 
had  heard  nothing  but  the  huzza.  We  were  obliged 
to  send  three  or  four  men  after  him,  and  it  was  five 
minutes  before  he  came  back." 

Major-General  Skerrett  having  had  to  go  home 
on  sick  leave,  Colonel  Colborne  now  came  into 
temporary  command  of  the  2nd  Brigade  of  the  Light 
Division,  to  whose  officers  the  substitution  of 
Colborne  for  Skerrett  gave  the  greatest  satisfaction. 

Sir  Harry  Smith  writes  in  his  Autobiography:* 

"  Our  brigade  was  now  commanded  by  Colonel 
Colborne,  in  whom  we  all  had  the  most  implicit  con- 
fidence. I  looked  up  to  him  as  a  man  whose  regard 
I  hoped  to  deserve,  and  by  whose  knowledge  and 
experience  I  desired  to  profit,  t  He  had  more  know- 

*  I.,  P.  130- 

•f*  In  a  letter  written  from  the  Cape  on  2nd  March,  1832,  Harry 
Smith  called  him  "  the  master  in  the  art  of  outposts,  under  whom  I 
learned  more  in  six  months  than  in  all  the  rest  of  my  shooting  put 
together." 


1813.]          IN  COMMAND   OF  SECOND  BRIGADE.  185 

ledge  of  ground,  better  understood  the  posting  of 
picquets,  consequently  required  fewer  men  on  duty 
(he  always  strengthened  every  post  by  throwing 
obstacles — trees,  stones,  carts,  &c. — on  the  road,  to 
prevent  a  rush  at  night),  knew  better  what  the 
enemy  were  going  to  do,  and  more  quickly  antici- 
pated his  design  than  any  officer ;  with  that  coolness 
and  animation  under  fire,  no  matter  how  hot,  which 
marks  a  good  huntsman  when  he  finds  his  fox  in  his 
best  country." 

Harry  Smith  continues :  "  The  French  were  now 
erecting  works  upon  a  position  by  nature  strong  as 
one  could  well  devise  for  the  purpose  of  defending 
the  Pass  of  Vera,  and  every  day  Colonel  Colborne 
and  I  took  rides  to  look  at  them,  with  the  pleasant 
reflexion  that,  the  stronger  the  works  were,  the 
greater  the  difficulty  we  should  have  in  turning  them 
out — an  achievement  we  well  knew  in  store  for  us." 

The  attack  on  the  fortified  position  of  Vera  took 
place  on  7th  October.  On  the  evening  before  Col- 
borne  had  performed  a  very  adventurous  feat  in 
order  to  examine  the  dispositions  of  the  French.  It 
was  necessary  to  send  a  letter  to  the  French  posts, 
and  he  offered  to  carry  it  himself.  '  The  sentry  at 
the  first  post  challenged  me,  but  I  disregarded  this 
and  rode  some  way  down  the  lines,  holding  out  with 
the  letter  my  handkerchief  as  a  flag  of  truce,  and  I 
had  time  to  look  round  well  and  ascertain  all  I 
wanted  before  a  French  officer  appeared.  Having 
delivered  my  message,  as  you  may  imagine,  I  set 
spurs  to  my  horse  and  soon  reached  our  lines,  where 
all  the  52nd  officers  were  eagerly  awaiting  the  result 
of  my  adventure.  Before  I  quitted  the  French  lines 


1 86  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.          [Cn.  XIII. 

I  heard  the  officer  upbraiding  the  sentry  for  his 
stupidity  in  allowing  an  English  officer  to  pass." 

Colborne  gives  the  following  account  of  the  great 
attack  on  Vera : 

"  At  Vera  there  were  two  fortresses  on  an 
immensely  steep  hill,  one  above  the  other.  Below 
the  lower  one  the  hill  divided  into  three  tongues.  I 
arranged  that  the  Rifles  and  Cagadores  should  go 
first  up  the  hills  on  the  right  and  left  as  skirmishers, 
and  the  52nd,  which  was  to  attack,  up  the  hill  in 
the  centre.  I  managed  the  attack  in  this  manner. 
I  did  not  allow  the  picquets  to  be  relieved  in  the 
usual  manner  at  daybreak,  but  ordered  them  to 
march  on  and  the  columns  to  support  them,  so  that 
they  were  actually  in  the  town  of  Vera  before  the 
French  had  any  suspicion  that  an  attack  was 
intended. 

"  The  Rifles  being  the  first  to  attack  the  fort,  the 
French  mistook  them  for  Portuguese  Cagadores, 
and  rushing  out  of  the  redoubt  drove  them 
back,  so  they  all  came  tumbling  on  the  52nd. 
The  French  were  excessively  astonished  when 
they  saw  the  red-coats  behind  the  Rifles.  The 
adjutant  of  the  52nd  was  surprised  to  find 
we  were  so  near  the  fort.  '  Why,  Sir,  we  are 
close  to  the  fort/  *  To  be  sure  we  are/  I  said, 
'and  now  we  must  charge/  I  then  led  the  52nd 
on  to  a  most  successful  charge,  to  the  admira- 
tion of  Lord  Wellington  and  others  who  were 
watching  from  another  hill.  At  this  moment  Sir 
James  Kempt,  who  was  leading  the  ist  Brigade  of 
the  Light  Division  to  a  simultaneous  attack  on  the 
right  of  the  town  of  Vera,  a  mile  or  two  off,  sent  to 


1813.]  HEIGHTS  OF  VERA.  187 

General  Alten  to  know  if  the  52nd  could  not  render 
him  some  assistance.  '  Colonel  Colborne  give  him 
some  assistance ! '  he  said.  '  If  he  could  see  the  hill 
Colborne's  Brigade  is  on,  he'd  see  that  Colborne  has 
quite  enough  to  do  himself/  The  French,  thrown 
into  confusion  by  this  tremendous  charge,  retreated 

to  the  next  fort.     Colonel now  came  up  with 

the  reserve  and  said  rather  sneeringly,  *  They're  all 
talking  of  your  charge,  as  they  call  it/  *  Why,  you 
can't  have  seen  it/  said  I.  '  Call  it  a  charge, 
indeed.  It  was  a  most  wonderful  charge/ 

"  By  a  second  charge  as  fine  as  the  first  the  French 
were  driven  from  the  second  fort  in  great  confusion. 

"After  this,  leaving  my  column,  I  rode  on  alone 
with  the  present  Sir  Harry  Smith  into  France.  I 
was  separated  from  the  column  a  great  distance, 
when  to  my  dismay  I  saw  a  body  of  400  French 
passing  along  a  ravine  below  me.  The  only  way 
was  to  put  a  good  face  on  the  matter.  So  I  went 
up  to  them,  desiring  them  to  surrender.  The 
officer,  thinking,  of  course,  the  column  was 
behind  me,  surrendered  his  sword,  saying 
theatrically,  '  ]e  vous  rends  ceite  epee  qui  a 
bien  fait  son  devoir!'  The  400  followed  his 
example.  In  inward  trepidation  I  despatched 
Harry  Smith  to  bring  up  the  column  as  quick  as 
possible  while  I  kept  the  French  officer  in  play, 
and  it  fortunately  arrived  before  the  French  had 
discovered  their  error.  I  desired  my  servant 
MacCurrie*  to  take  the  officers'  swords  to  the 

*  According  to  Sir  Harry  Smith's  account,  corroborated  by 
Moorsom,  p.  207,  the  following  story  should  be  told  of  Lieutenant 
Cargill,  52nd. 


1 88  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.          [Cn.  XIIL 

camp.  On  his  way  he  met  Lord  Wellington, 
*  Where  did  you  get  all  those  swords  from  ? '  said 
he  to  MacCurrie.  *  Colonel  Colborne  has  just  taken 
them  from  400  prisoners  he  made  as  we  were  going 
into  France.'  *  And  how  do  you  know  you  were  so- 
near  France  ? '  *  Because  I  saw  all  the  men  were 
coming  back  with  pigs  they  had  caught/  he  answered, 
not  considering  the  scrape  he  would  have  got  me  in 
had  it  been  true,  for  allowing  my  men  to  plunder.* 
However,  it  was  quite  false;  not  one  of  the  men 
had  even  seen  a  pig. 

"  In  the  meantime,  Sir  Lowry  Cole,  who  was 
behind  with  his  division  in  reserve,  sent  to  ask  how 
much  further  I  intended  to  go,  '  for  I  don't  intend 
to  go  any  further.'  '  Oh,  I  have  gone  quite  far 
enough,'  said  I. 

:c  That  evening  I  overheard  one  of  the  52nd 
soldiers  propose  a  toast,  *  The  colonel's  health,  and 
d —  the  man  who  gets  a  shot  into  him.' ' 

Sir  Harry  Smith  tells  in  greater  detail  the 
story  of  Colborne's  capture  of  the  400  French  in 
the  ravine,  and  concludes,  "  I  never  witnessed  such 
presence  of  mind  as  Colborne  evinced  on  this 
occasion."! 

He  also  tells  of  a  kind  effort  made  by  Colborne 
to  procure  him  his  majority  after  the  action,  and  the 
mortification  Colborne  felt  when  his  request  was 

*  Colborne  used  to  tell  another  story  which  turns  on  Wellington's 
prohibition  of  plundering.  "  I  remember  once  in  Spain,  just  after  an 
order  against  plundering  had  been  given  out,  Lord  Wellington  met  a 
soldier  with  a  quantity  of  honey  which  he  had  just  taken  ;  so  he  called 
out  *  Hollo,  where  did  you  get  that,  Sir  ?  '  The  fellow,  not  knowing  at 
all  who  he  was,  answered  *  Oh,  just  over  there  ;  there  are  plenty  more 
hives,'  thinking  he  wanted  to  get  some  himself." 

f  Autobiography  of  Sir  H.  Smith,  I.,  pp.  134 — 136. 


1813.3  HEIGHTS  OF   VERA.  189 

first  granted  and  then  found  impracticable,  con- 
sidering the  claims  of  senior  officers. 

ColborneJs  conduct  in  connexion  with  the  capture 
of  the  heights  of  Vera  was  thus  mentioned  by  Lord 
^Wellington : 

"  Colonel  Colborne,  of  the  52nd  Regiment,  who 
commanded  Major-General  Skerrett's  Brigade  in 
the  absence  of  the  major-general  on  account  of  his 
health,  attacked  the  enemy's  right  in  a  camp  which 
they  had  strongly  entrenched.  The  52nd  Regiment, 
under  the  command  of  Major  Mayne  [Mein], 
charged  in  a  most  gallant  style  and  carried  the 
entrenchment  with  the  bayonet.  The  ist  and  3rd 
Cagadores  and  the  2nd  Battalion  95th  Regiment, 
as  well  as  the  52nd  Regiment,  distinguished  them- 
selves in  this  attack.  Major-General  Kempt' s  Bri- 
gade attacked  by  the  Puerto,  where  the  opposition 
was  not  so  severe;  and  Major-General  Charles 
Alten  has  reported  his  sense  of  the  judgment  dis- 
played, both  by  the  major-general  and  by  Colonel 
Colborne,  in  these  attacks."* 

The  Light  Division  in  a  few  days  was  pushed 
forward  to  a  position  facing  the  hill  called  La  Petite 
Rhune.  The  enemy's  position  extended  from  St. 
Jean  de  Luz  on  his  right  to  Nivelle  on  his  left,  his 
centre  La  Petite  Rhune  and  the  heights  beyond  it. 
Sir  Harry  Smith  writes :  "  The  enemy,  not  con- 
sidering this  ground  strong  enough,  turned  to  it  with 
a  vigour  I  have  rarely  witnessed  to  fortify  it  by  every 
means  art  could  devise.  Every  day  before  the  posi- 
tion was  attacked,  Colonel  Colborne  and  I  went 
to  look  at  their  progress.  Lord  Wellington  himself 

*  Despatches,  XL,  p.  177. 


190  n v/7/  TIIK  Lic.nr  DIVISION.       [CH.  xin. 

WWlld  come  to  our  outpost  and  continu*     ualking 
thc«  a   loiit^-   tune.     One  day  h«  I   unusually 

I  !«•  turns  to  (  'olborne,      I  h<  N  h-llows  think 
ili'-in  ..-K.  ,  invulnerable,  hut    I   will  beat  them  cut, 
aii.l  with  great  ease/        1  hat  we  shall  beat  them,' 
says  Colborne,  'when  your  lordship  attacks,  1  have 

doubt,   but   for  the  ease '     *  Ah,  Colborn*  , 

uiili   \our   local   knowledge   only,  you  are  pericctly 

I 1  appears  difficult,  but  the  enemy  have 
men  toman  the  works  and  lines  they  oe.  npjrJ     (Lord 
Wellington    then    composed    and    dictated    to    Sir 
George  Murray  the  plan  of  attack   lor  the  whole 
army.)     '  Now,  Alten,  if  during  the  night  previous  to 
the  attack  the  Light  Division  could  be  formed  on 
this  very  ground  so  as  to  rush  at  La  Petite  Rhune 
just  as  day  dawned,  it  would  be  of  vast  importance 
and  save  great  loss,  and  by  thus  precipitating  your 
selves  on  the  right  of  the  works  of  La  Petite  Rhune 
you  would  certainly  carry  them.1     This  Petite  Rhim- 
was  well  occupied  both  by  men  and  works,  and  a 
tough  affair  was  in  prospect.     General  Alten  s 

4 1  "dink"  I  can,  my  lord/  Kempt  says,  'My 
brigade  has  a  road.  There  can  be  no  difficulty,  my 
lord.'  Colborne  says,  '  For  me  there  is  no  road, 
but  Smith  and  I  both  know  every  bush  and  every 
stone.  We  have  studied  what  we  have  daily 
expected,  and  m  the  darkest  night  we  can  lead  the 
brigade  to  this  very  spot.  Depend  on  me,  my  loid,' 

( 'olhoi 

"  As  we  started  for  our  position  before  the  gn 
the  important  day  [  Hattlc  of  Nivelle,  loth  Nov 
her],  the  night  was  very  dark.     We  had  no  road 
and  positively  nothing  to  guide  us  but  knowing  the 


,8,3.]  A   NIGHT  MARCH.  101 


bushes  and  stones  over  a  mountain  ridge.  (  'ol 
stayed  near  the  brigade  ;md  :,<  -ni  ju<-  on  from  :.poi 
to  spot  whieh  we  both  knew,  when  he  would  come 
up  to  me  and  satisfy  himself  that  1  was  right.  I 
then  went  on  again.  In  this  manner  we  crept  up 
to  our  advanced  picquel  within  a  hundred  and  filly 
yards  of  the  enemy.  We  afterwards  found  Kempt's 
brigade  close  to  our  right,  equally  successfully 
posted." 

Colborne  said  himself,  "  By  taking  my  brigade  i  he- 
way  I  did  I  saved  them  an  immense  five  hour,' 
march.  Sir  J.  Kempt's  brigade,  who  had  toiled 
round  by  the  regular  road,  were  thoroughly  fatigued 
and  worn  out.  However,  I  had  a  desperate  Jn^hi 
on  the  road.  An  aide-de-camp  came  suddenly 
galloping  up  in  the  darkness,  'Captain  So-an* 
is  leading  his  company  right  into  the  French  line/ 
It  was  the  case.  This  officer  had  unfortunately 
mistaken  the  way  the  troops  in  front  were  marching, 
and  in  a  few  minutes  more  would  have  gone  straight 
into  the  French  position.  It  had  been  a  very 
hazardous  proceeding  on  my  part,  and  its  success 
depended  on  the  utmost  caution  —  my  short  way  lay 
so  near  the  French  camp.  I  galloped  immediately 
in  great  alarm  to  the  straying  captain  and  succeeded 
in  putting  him  on  the  right  tnv 

Harry  Smith  tells  of  another  alarming  incident 
which  occurred  as  they  were  resting  before  the 
attack.  "About  an  hour  before  daylight,  by  some 
accident,  a  soldier's  musket  went  off.  It  was  a  most 
anxious  moment,  for  we  thought  the  enemy  had 
discoverer  I  us,  and  if  they  had  not,  such  shots  might 
be  repeated,  and  they  would  ;  but  most  fortunately 


WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.          [Cn.  XIII. 

all  was  still.  I  never  saw  Colborne  so  excited  as 
he  was  for  the  moment." 

At  daybreak  the  signal  was  given  to  attack. 
Colborne  had  arranged  that  in  his  column  the 
attack  should  be  made  by  the  52nd,  supported  by 
the  Cagadores.  Colonel  Snodgrass,  who  com- 
manded the  latter  regiment,  came  to  him  and  said, 
"  I  wish,  Sir,  you  would  alter  your  dispositions,  for 
if  the  52nd  were  to  give  way,  I  think  the  Cac, adores 
will  give  way,  too ;  but  if  they  lead  the  attack,  with 
the  52nd  behind,  it  will  be  of  no  consequence  if  they 
give  way  or  not."  "  Oh,  no,"  said  Colborne,  "  it  is 
too  late  to  alter  my  arrangements,  and  make  your- 
self quite  easy;  the  52nd  will  not  give  way."  And 
so  it  proved. 

At  the  appointed  moment  the  52nd  "hastened 
straight  down  the  slope  in  its  front,  but  as  soon  as 
it  had  crossed  the  rocky  watercourse  at  the  bottom 
brought  up  its  right  shoulders  and  pushed  rapidly 
on  in  a  line  nearly  parallel  to  the  watercourse  on  its 
left  and  to  the  French  works  about  500  yards  off  on 
its  right.  The  enemy  either,  in  the  darkness  of  the 
mountain  shadows,  did  not  see,  or  perceiving,  had 
not  the  presence  of  mind  to  check  this  bold  flank 
movement  of  Colonel  Colborne's  own  devising. 
The  52nd  gained  the  line  of  the  extreme  flank  of 
the  French  works,  brought  up  its  left  shoulders, 
scrambled  up  the  rocky  slope  and  stood  in  rear  of  the 
enemy's  right  on  the  plateau  of  the  Petite  Rhune.* 

*  Sir  Harry  Smith  writes :  "  As  soon  as  the  2nd  Battalion  95th, 
succeeded  in  putting  back  the  enemy,  Colonel  Colborne,  at  the  head 
of  the  52nd,  with  an  eye  like  a  hawk's,  saw  the  moment  had  arrived, 
and  he  gave  the  word  '  Forward.'  One  rush  put  us  in  possession  of 
the  redoubt  ...  on  the  edge  of  the  ravine."  Autobiography,  I., 
PP-  132,  133. 


x8i3.]  BATTLE   OF  NIVELLE.  193 

"  At  this  point  a  scene  of  extraordinary  magnificence 
burst  upon  the  view.  The  sun  was  just  springing 
in  full  glory  above  the  horizon  and  lighting  up  the 
boundless  plains  of  the  south  of  France.  The 
Pyrenees  stretched  away  to  the  eastward  in  an 
abrupt  series  of  enormous  sloping  walls,  and  the  long 
lines  of  white  wreathing  smoke  near  their  bases 
showed  the  simultaneous  advance  of  the  whole 
allied  army.  In  the  foreground  to  the  right  the  ist 
Brigade  of  the  Light  Division  had  done  its  work, 
and  was  rapidly  pouring  over  the  entrenchments. 
The  French  defenders  of  the  last  of  their  Pyrenean 
summits  were  rushing  into  the  huge  round  punch- 
bowl which  is  bounded  by  the  eastern  and  western 
spurs  of  La  Petite  Rhune.  After  some  attempt  at 
pursuit  the  52nd  collected  on  the  right  rear  of  the 
now  abandoned  French  redoubts.  The  line  of  the 
French  main  position,  commencing  upon  a  com- 
paratively low  range  of  hills,  was  in  front  of  the 
regiment,  with  an  intervening  rocky  watercourse, 
which  it  would  seem  was  deemed  impassable  by  our 
enemies.  The  52nd  moved  by  threes  to  the  small 
open  ravine  and  wood  in  their  front  under  a  smart 
fire  of  artillery  from  the  ridge  which  was  next  to  be 
assailed.  In  front  of  this  wood  the  watercourse 
was  crossed  by  a  small  and  narrow  stone  bridge,  on 
the  opposite  side  of  which  was  a  road  running  close 
and  parallel  to  the  watercourse  with  a  sheltered  bank 
towards  the  enemy.  The  officers  and  men  of  the 
52nd  crept  by  twos  and  threes  to  the  edge  of  the 
wood  and  then  dashing  over  a  hundred  yards  of 
open  ground  passed  the  bridge  and  formed  behind 
the  bank,  which  was  not  more  than  eighty  yards 

H 


194  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.          [Cn.  XIII. 

from  the  enemy's  entrenchments.  The  signal  was 
then  given,  the  rough  line  sprang  up  the  bank,  and 
the  enemy  gave  way  with  so  much  precipitation  as 
to  abandon,  almost  without  firing  a  shot,  the  works 
on  the  right  of  the  advanced  ridge,  no  doubt  under 
the  apprehension  that  their  retreat  would  be  cut  off 
if  they  remained  to  defend  them."* 

So  far,  two  great  successes  had  been  obtained  with 
little  loss.  But  the  52nd  had  worse  to  undergo. 
On  the  most  prominent  summit  of  the  ridge,  800 
yards  further  (the  enemy's  main  position),  a  star- 
redoubt  still  held  out  unsupported. 

Major  Charles  Beckwith,  Acting-Quartermaster- 
General  of  the  Light  Division,  now  rode  up  to 
Colonel  Colborne  with  what  was  taken  by  him  to 
be  an  order  to  attack  this  last  fort  with  the  52nd. 
It  was  afterwards  stated  that  no  such  order  had  been 
issued.  Colonel  Colborne  accepted  the  task  as 
practicable,  believing  that,  as  the  French  seemed  to 
be  retiring,  the  holders  of  the  redoubt  would  not 
defend  it.  On  the  contrary,  they  stood  firm.  The 
52nd  suffered  so  fearfully  as  they  moved  up  the  slopes 
to  attack,  that  they  recoiled  and  took  shelter  in  a  little 
ravine.  After  letting  them  take  breath  for  a  while 
Colonel  Colborne  could  not  refrain  from  a  second 
attempt.  It  was  once  more  a  failure.  But  again 
Colborne's  cool  audacity  saved  the  situation. 
"  There  was  I,"  said  Colborne,  "  on  the  top  of  this 
hill  heading  the  52nd,  and  exposed  to  a  most 
murderous  fire,  the  balls  and  shells  falling  like  hail- 
stones. I  saw  Harry  Smith  fall  with  his  horse  on 

*  Colonel  Gawler,  quoted  by  Moorsom,  pp.  211,  &c. 


1813.]  CAPTURE  OF  THE  STAR  REDOUBT.  195 

him,  and  thought  he  was  killed.  My  aide-de-camp, 
Captain  Fane,  dismounted  and  entreated  me  to  do 
the  same.  '  Pray  get  off,  Sir,  pray  get  off.' 

"  I  was  never  in  such  peril  in  my  whole  life,  but 
thinking  the  boldest  plan  was  the  best,  I  waved  my 
handkerchief  and  called  out  loudly  to  the  French 
leader  on  the  other  side  of  the  wall,  *  What  nonsense 
this  is,  attempting  to  hold  out!  You  see  you  are 
surrounded  on  every  side.  There  are  the  Spaniards 
on  the  left ;  you  had  better  surrender  at  once ! ' 
[Frenchmen  had  a  horror  of  falling  into  the  hands 
of  Spaniards.]  The  French  officer  thought  I  was 
addressing  his  men  and  inciting  them  to  surrender, 
which  would  have  been  very  improper,  and  I  ought 
not  to  have  spoken  so  loud,  but  the  danger  was 
imminent  and  the  moment  critical — that  the  French 
should  surrender  was  our  only  chance  of  escape. 
The  French  officer  exclaimed,  *  Vous  farlez  a  mes 
hommeSy  je  prevois  un  desastrej  meaning  that  I 
and  my  regiment  would  be  destroyed.  However,  I 
replied,  '  That  is  all  nonsense ;  you  must  surrender/ 
On  this,  the  Frenchman  appeared  to  hesitate,  and 
finally  asked  me  into  the  fort  to  arrange  matters. 
There,  with  his  pen  in  his  hand,  he  pretended  to  be 
thinking  of  terms,  but  on  my  again  repeating  that 
it  was  nonsense,  he  surrendered  at  once  with  his 
regiment,  the  88th." 

The  52nd  stood  formed  in  a  double  line  and  gave 
the  brave  Frenchmen  the  satisfaction  of  marching 
out  with  all  the  honours  of  war. 

"  Next  morning,"  said  Colborne,  "  the  returns 
from  the  52nd  were  200  killed  and  wounded.  *  How 
is  that  possible  ? }  I  said  to  the  adjutant.  '  I  see  here 

H  2 


196  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.          [Cn.  XIII. 

before  me  the  very  men  returned  as  wounded/ 
However,  on  examination  the  numbers  turned  out 
to  be  correct,  but  a  hundred  men  who  had  only  flesh 
wounds  had  refused  to  go  to  the  rear,  and  had  gone 
to  their  duty  as  usual." 


(     197     ) 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1814.  ORTHES  AND  TOULOUSE.  END 
OF  THE  WAR.  WITH  THE  PRINCE  OF  ORANGE  AT 

BRUSSELS. 

THE  day  after  the  battle  of  Nivelle  the  2nd  Brigade 
encamped  near  Arbonne,  and  on  the  igth  November 
went  into  quarters  in  the  village.  On  the  24th  it 
was  moved  to  the  chateau  of  Casteleur,  near 
Arcangues.  On  the  loth  December  the  enemy 
drove  back  the  picquets,  occupied  the  range  of  hills 
at  Casteleur,  and  made  a  most  desperate  attack  on 
the  Light  Division's  post  at  Arcangues. 

'  This  was  nearer  a  surprise,"  writes  Sir  Harry 
Smith,  "  than  anything  we  had  ever  experienced." 

But  Colborne,  as  usual,  was  prepared. 

He  gave  this  account  of  the  manner  in  which  he 
perceived  the  coming  attack :  "  As  I  was  standing, 
in  the  grey  of  the  morning,  by  a  picquet  about  a 
mile  or  more  from  the  main  body,  looking  at  the 
opposite  hill,  I  thought  I  saw  flashes  of  fire-arms, 
and  said  to  Harry  Smith,  *  Those  must  be  some  men 
discharging  their  pieces/  Then,  to  my  surprise,  I 
thought  I  perceived  a  large  body  of  French 
advancing  at  some  distance.  We  looked  through 


198  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.          [Cn.  XIV. 

our  glasses  and  soon  discovered  it  was  the  whole 
French  army  in  movement.  While  I  was  con- 
sidering what  was  to  be  done,  Smith  impatiently 
exclaimed,  f  Come,  something  must  be  done ;  what 
are  you  going  to  do  ? '  for  he  was  always  in  a  state 
of  uneasiness  about  any  sudden  attack,  on  account 
of  his  wife,  who  followed  the  army.  I  merely  replied, 
'  I  must  think  a  little,  first,5  and  in  a  few  minutes 
gave  directions  about  bringing  up  the  52nd,  &c.  As 
I  sat  on  horseback  by  the  side  of  a  house,  reflecting 
on  what  dispositions  to  make,  I  had  my  cap  shot 
through.  The  officers  standing  near  remarked, 
'  What  a  narrow  escape ! '  The  French  continued 
these  attacks  for  two  days.  At  last,  as  I  was 
patrolling  in  great  anxiety,  I  thought  I  heard  sounds 
indicating  a  retreat.  I  saw  a  shadow  thrown  back- 
wards on  a  wall  near  a  French  watch-fire,  and  I 
heard  a  French  officer  say,  '  Retirez-vous  a  gauche 
de  rennemi.'  And  after  watching  carefully  for  some 
time,  I  found,  to  my  delight,  that  they  were  really 
gone." 

On  the  1 3th  December  Soult  was  repulsed  by 
General  Hill  at  St.  Pierre,  near  Bayonne.  With 
regard  to  this  engagement  Colborne  remarked : 
"  Wellington  committed  a  great  error.  Hill's 
Division  was  quite  isolated.  Soult  passed  the 
bridge  and  attacked  it  with  his  whole  army,  yet 
such  was  the  goodness  of  the  British  troops,  he  was 
repulsed.  Soult  said  himself  afterwards,  '  Well,  if 
one  division  of  your  troops  can  stand  against 
seventy  or  eighty  thousand  of  ours,  there's  no  more 
to  be  said ;  but  it  is  an  error/  Another  French 
officer  said  to  me,  *  Were  not  those  troops  of  ours 


1813-4.]  THE  EVE  OF  ORTHES.  199 

fine  men?  Yet  your  little  hump-backed  soldiers 
repulsed  them.'  Soult's  were  extremely  fine  men. 

"  Lord  Wellington  had  ridden  up  towards  the  end 
of  the  action,  and  saw  it  out.  Hill,  of  course,  wrote 
a  despatch  giving  an  account  of  the  affair,  and  sent 
it  to  Lord  Wellington,  expecting  to  see  it  published 
in  the  Gazette.  Much  to  his  disappointment,  how- 
ever, Wellington  only  used  it  to  compile  his  own 
despatch,  in  which  he  made  very  little  mention  of 
Hill's  affair." 

When  the  enemy  retired  towards  Bayonne  the 
2nd  Brigade  Light  Division  returned  to  its  quar- 
ters about  Casteleur.  Here  it  stayed  till  the  4th 
January,  1814.  From  the  8th  January  to  the  i6th 
February  it  was  in  cantonments  at  Sala.  On  25th 
February,  after  some  days'  marching,  the  Light 
Division  arrived  close  to  Orthes. 

"On  the  day  before  the  battle  of  Orthes," 
Colborne  said,  "  I' remember  seeing  Lord  Wellington 
in  a  little  white  cloak,  sitting  on  a  stone,  writing. 
Charles  Beckwith,  who  was  standing  near  me,  said, 
'  Do  you  see  that  old  White  Friar  sitting  there  ?  I 
wonder  how  many  men  he  is  marking  off  to  be  sent 
into  the  next  world.'  A  part  of  the  army  was  on  one 
side  of  the  river  and  a  part  on  the  other,  and  I 
suppose  he  was  writing  his  orders  to  them. 

'  The  night  before  the  battle  Napier  and  I  took 
up  our  quarters  in  a  mill,  a  nice  clean  place.  The 
miller's  wife  was  a  great  talker,  and  made  almost  as 
much  noise  as  her  mill,  and  both  she  and  her  hus- 
band were  delighted  to  have  us  there,  thinking  we 
should  protect  their  house." 

At  daybreak  on  the   2;th   the   Light   Division, 


200  WITH   THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.          [Cn.  XIV. 

weakened  by  the  temporary  absence  of  the  43rd  and 
ist  Battalion  95th,  crossed  the  Gave  de  Pau.  The 
ist  Battalion  95th  had  been  transferred  a  month 
before  to  the  2nd  Brigade  and  the  2nd  Battalion  to 
the  ist  Brigade,  and  the  2nd  Brigade  (52nd  Regi- 
ment, ist  Battalion  95th  and  Cagadores)  was  now 
commanded  by  Colonel  Barnard.  Colborne,  who 
had  hitherto  commanded  it  during  the  illness  of 
Major- General  Skerrett,  now  returned  to  the 
command  of  the  52nd. 

"We  saw  the  enemy,"  writes  Sir  Harry  Smith,* 
"  very  strongly  posted  both  as  regards  the  elevation 
and  the  nature  of  the  ground,  which  was  intersected 
by  large  banks  and  ditches,  while  the  fences  of  the 
fields  were  most  admirably  calculated  for  vigorous 
defence."  The  3rd,  4th  and  7th  Divisions  having 
crossed  the  river  on  the  preceding  day,  the  Light 
Division  now  formed  up  on  the  left  of  the  army. 
The  4th  and  7th  Divisions  attacked  the  enemy's 
right,  the  3rd  and  6th  attacked  the  centre  of  the 
position,  and  the  2nd  Brigade  Light  Division  was 
in  reserve  on  a  spur  of  the  main  ridge  of  St.  Boes. 
The  ist  Brigade  Light  Division  were  some  miles  in 
the  rear  near  St.  Jean  de  Luz. 

The  attack  on  the  right  did  not  succeed,  and 
Cole's  leading  regiments,  after  partially  gaining  the 
village  of  St.  Boes,  were  again  driven  back.  Neither 
was  the  centre  making  any  progress,  and  a  portion 
of  the  3rd  Division  had  been  repulsed  down  the  hill 
when  the  2nd  Brigade  Light  Division,  which  up  to 
this  point  had  been  little  engaged,  was  ordered  to 
attack  the  left  flank  of  the  heights  occupied  by 

*  I.,  P.  163. 


1814.]  BATTLE  OF  ORTHES.  2O1 

the  enemy's  right.  The  95th  remained  on  the  knoll 
in  support,  the  Portuguese  Cagadores  had  been 
thrown  out  to  the  left  and  had  been  driven  back, 
when  the  52nd  Regiment,  under  Colborne,  rode 
along  in  column  of  threes  to  the  front. 

But  here  Colborne  must  tell  his  own  tale. 

"  Sir  James  Kempt  and  I  were  standing  together, 
he  near  his  brigade,  I  with  the  52nd.  General  Alten 
came  riding  over  and  said,  *  Now,  Colborne,  you  go 
on  and  attack/  much  to  the  mortification  of  Sir 
James,  who  had  not  been  employed  once  during  the 
day.  He  exclaimed,  *  And  I,  General?  am  not  I  to 
go  on  ? '  and  then  aside  to  me,  '  Confound  the  old 
fellow !  God  forgive  me ! ' 

"  Lord  Wellington  was  standing  dismounted  on  a 
knoll  with  Lord  Fitzroy  Somerset.  When  I  rode 
below  him  he  called  out,  '  Hollo,  Colborne,  ride  on 
and  see  if  artillery  can  pass  there.'  (The  marsh  was 
generally  impassable.) 

"  I  rode  on,  and  galloped  back  as  fast  as  I  could 
and  said,  '  Yes,  anything  can  pass.'  '  Well  then, 
make  haste,  take  your  regiment  on  and  deploy  into 
the  plain.  I  leave  it  to  your  disposition.' 

"  So  we  continued  to  move  in  column  from  the 
Roman  Camp  up  the  road  to  St.  Does  till  we  arrived 
at  the  ridge,  where  we  met  Sir  Lowry  Cole  coming 
back  with  his  division  and  anxiously  looking  out  for 
support.  He  was  much  excited  and  said,  'Well, 
Colborne,  what's  to  be  done?  Here  we  are,  all 
coming  back  as  fast  as  we  can.'  I  was  rather  pro- 
voked, and  said,  *  Have  patience,  and  we  shall  see 
what's  to  be  done.'  At  that  moment  a  cannon-ball 
fell  close  to  me,  and  my  poor  little  nag  started  and 


202  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.          [Cn.  XIV. 

reared  at  a  fine  rate,  being  hit  all  over  the  body  by 
the  stones  which  had  been  thrown  up. 

:e  Then  I  saw  Picton's  Division  scattering  to  the 
left.  The  adjutant  came  up  and  asked,  '  What  are 
we  to  do  ? '  I  said,  '  Deploy  into  the  low  ground  as 
fast  as  you  can.'  They  did  it  beautifully.  When 
all  the  rest  were  in  confusion  the  52nd  marched 
down  as  evenly  and  regularly  as  if  on  parade, 
accelerating  their  march  as  they  approached  the  hill 
occupied  by  the  right  of  General  Foy's  Division. 
The  French  were  keeping  up  a  heavy  fire,  but 
fortunately  the  balls  all  passed  over  our  heads.  I 
rode  to  the  top  of  the  hill  and  waved  my  cap,  and 
though  the  men  were  over  their  knees  in  the  marsh 
they  trotted  up  in  the  finest  order.  As  soon  as  they 
got  to  the  top  of  the  hill  I  ordered  them  to  halt  and 
open  fire.  I  remember  my  major,  George  Napier, 
coming  up  to  me  about  ten  minutes  later  with  a  face 
of  great  concern,  and  saying,  '  Poor  March  (the 
present  Duke  of  Richmond)  is  wounded ! '  '  Well/ 
I  said,  '  I  can't  help  it.  Have  him  carried  off.'  We 
were  soon  supported  by  the  other  divisions  and 
the  French  were  dispersed.  Lord  Fitzroy  Somerset, 
who  came  with  an  order  from  Lord  Wellington 
that  we  should  not  on  any  account  advance 
further,  and  remain  in  line,  rode  up  to  me  at  the 
top  of  the  hill  and  said,  '  Well,  I  think  we  shall  do 
it  now.' 

:f  The  French  soon  began  to  retreat,  and  we 
moved  on  to  the  position  which  had  been  occupied 
by  Foy.  Lord  Wellington  and  his  staff  were  riding 
behind  and  saw  it  all.  He  said  in  his  despatch, 
'  This  attack  led  by  the  52nd  Regiment  dislodged  the 


i8i4-]  BATTLE  OF  ORTHES.  203 

enemy  from  the  heights  and  gave  us  the  victory.' 
He  could  not  help  saying  that." 

At  the  time  when  Colborne  was  ordered  to 
advance  with  the  52nd — for  no  Bother  corps  of  the 
Light  Division  was  engaged  except  the  ist  Cac^a- 
dores,  which  had  just  previously  been  repulsed — 
"  the  moment,"  as  Napier  says,  "  was  most  danger- 
ous." Soult,  according  to  the  story,  had  slapped 
his  thigh,  exclaiming,  "  At  last  I  have  him."  Cole 
and  Picton  had  alike  failed.  Colborne  was  left  to 
give  his  own  orders — the  words  to  deploy,  to 
advance,  to  halt  and  fire  came  from  him  alone.  To 
him,  "  with  the  active  assistance  of  George  Napier  and 
Winterbottom,"  to  him  and  the  52nd,  "  soldiers,"  as 
,W.  Napier  says, "  who  had  never  yet  met  their  match  in 
the  field,"  the  victory  of  Orthes  was  mainly  due.  Col- 
borne's  attack  carried  the  ridge,  and  in  his  own  words, 
"  arrested  the  offensive  movement  of  the  French  by 
uniting  the  operations  of  the  4th  and  3rd  Divisions, 
both  of  which  had  been  checked  or  repulsed  at  the 
time  the  52nd  opened  fire."  "  The  narrow  pass 
behind  St.  Boes  was  opened,  and  Wellington, 
seizing  the  critical  moment,  thrust  the  4th  and  7th 
Divisions,  Vivian's  cavalry  and  two  battalions  of 
artillery  through,  and  spread  a  front  beyond.  The 
victory  was  thus  secured."^ 

After  the  battle  of  Orthes  the  52nd  was  in  canton- 
ments at  Barcelona  from  the  Qth  to  the  iQth  March. 
On  the  2Oth  it  attacked  the  enemy  near  Tarbes. 
During  the  night  of  the  2 1  st  the  enemy  retired  upon 
Toulouse. 

*  Napier,  Bk.  XXIV.,  ch.  iii. 


204  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.          [Cn.  XIV. 

On  the  morning  of  the  loth  April  the  Light  Divi- 
sion crossed  the  Garonne  by  a  pontoon  bridge  near 
Ausonne  and  the  whole  army  moved  forward  to  the 
attack.  The  Light  Division  approached  Toulouse 
by  the  Montauban  road  and  subsequently  moved  to 
its  left  to  the  support  of  Lieutenant-General 
Freyre's  Spanish  corps,  which  was  destined  to 
attack  the  heights  of  La  Pugade.  The  Spaniards, 
having  failed  in  their  attacks,  fell  back  in  the 
greatest  disorder,  but  by  a  forward  movement  of  the 
2nd  Brigade,  Light  Division,  under  Colonel  Barnard, 
the  French  were  checked  in  their  pursuit  and  the 
communication  over  the  River  Ers  was  preserved. 
In  the  course  of  the  afternoon  Cole's  and  Clinton's 
Divisions  attacked  the  redoubts  of  La  Pugade  on 
the  Calvinet  side,  while  the  52nd  and  95th  advanced 
on  the  opposite  side.  After  a  very  determined 
resistance  the  enemy  abandoned  all  his  works  about 
5  p.m.,  and  the  allied  army  formed  upon  the  heights 
overlooking  the  town.* 

Colborne  thus  commented  on  the  battle  of 
Toulouse : 

"  I  remember  getting  up  very  early  at  about  4  in 
the  morning  to  see  the  men  come  over  the  river  on 
a  bridge  of  boats.  It  had  just  before  been  carried 
away.  There  were  two  French  soldiers  on  the  other 
side,  and  one  rode  away  and  the  other  stayed  to 
see  us. 

"  When  the  battle  began  the  Spaniards  were  sent 
up  a  hill  to  attack  the  French  who  were  at  the  top. 
It  was  a  most  difficult  thing.  I  should  have  been 

*  Moorsom,  pp.  231,  232. 


i8i4-]  BATTLE  OF  TOULOUSE.  205 

sorry  to  have  had  to  do  it  with  two  Light  Divisions, 
and  I  remember  standing  at  the  bottom,  looking  at 
them  with  wonder  and  trembling,  and  then  seeing 
them  come  running  down  as  hard  as  they  could. 
The  French  drove  every  man  away.  I  had  a  little 
wound  then,  a  three-cornered  piece  out  of  my  left 
arm,  but  I  ran  as  hard  as  I  could  to  the  5 2nd.  All 
the  officers,  seeing  the  Spaniards  flying,  were  calling 
out,  '  Stop  them !  stop  them !  don't  let  them  go ! ' 
but  I  called  out,  '  Yes,  yes,  let  them  go  and  clear 
our  fronts/  So  they  ran  on,  and  our  van  was  left 
clear.  The  next  day  I  was  riding  near  the  place 
when  Lord  Wellington  and  his  staff  passed,  and  he 
called  out  to  me,  '  Well,  Colborne,  did  you  ever  see 
anything  like  that?  Was  that  like  the  rout  at 
Ocana  ? '  Sol  said,  '  Oh,  I  don't  know ;  they  ran 
to  the  bridge,  I  believe.5  *  To  the  bridge,  indeed! 
To  the  Pyrenees!  I  dare  say  they  are  all  back  in 
Spain  by  this  time.'  They  were  not  like  the 
Cagadores;  they  were  badly  disciplined,  and  they 
never  ought  to  have  been  set  to  do  such  a  difficult 
thing.  I  remember  a  Frenchman  saying  to  me 
afterwards,  '  I  was  watching  the  battle  from  the  roof 
of  a  house,  and  when  I  saw  the  Spaniards  run  I 
would  have  given  all  I  was  worth  to  have  seen  one 
red-coat  on  the  crest  of  the  hill.'  The  French  people 
were  very  anxious  then  to  have  the  war  over. 

"  When  the  Spaniards  came  back  Lord 
Wellington  said  to  Pakenham,  *  There  I  am, 
with  nothing  between  me  and  the  enemy ! '  Paken- 
ham said,  '  Well,  I  suppose  you'll  order  up  the 
Light  Division  now/  and  he  replied,  *  I'll  be  hanged 
if  I  do/  It  was  the  worst  arranged  battle  that 


206  WITH  THE  LIGHT  DIVISION.  [Cn.  XIV. 

could  be,  nothing  but  mistakes."  (Lord  Seaton, 
giving  this  account  at  his  dinner  table,  showed  the 
various  positions  with  wineglasses.)  "  There  was 
Toulouse,  and  this  is  the  hill  in  front  which  the 
French  had  fortified,  and  Hill's  Division  was  over 
there  and  had  nothing  to  do  with  it;  and  Picton's 
made  a  false  attack  there,  which  turned  out  a  real 
one,  and  he  lost  1,500  men;  and  then  Marshal 
Beresford  had  to  come  round  there  and  across  the 
river,  all  down  the  French  lines,  with  the  French 
firing  at  him,  so  that  he  lost  a  great  many  men,  to 
resume  the  attack  on  the  extreme  left  which  the 
Spaniards  had  abandoned.  So  two  isolated  attacks 
were  made.  It  was  a  most  extraordinary  battle.  I 
think  the  Duke  almost  deserved  to  have  been  beaten. 

"At  Toulouse,  too,  the  52nd  and  I  did  great 
work,  but  I  must  not  brag  of  my  doings,  or  I  shall 
be  like  Sir  H.  D.,  who  told  someone  here  that  '  he 
had  been"  greatly  distinguished  both  in  the  field  and 
in  the  Cabinet/  and  the  person  to  whom  he  said  so 
went  and  told  everyone  else  and  they  all  laughed  at 
him  finely. 

"  After  the  battle  was  over,  at  about  6  o'clock  in 
the  evening,  I  was  on  the  hill  with  the  52nd,  stand- 
ing on  the  glacis  we  had  taken.  There  was  a 
redoubt  opposite,  and  I  had  no  idea  there  was  a 
man  there,  I  thought  they  had  all  evacuated  it  long 
before,  when  suddenly  bang  went  a  gun  just  oppo- 
site, scattering  grape-shot  all  around  us.  One  of 
the  52nd  officers  was  standing  by  me,  but  fortunately 
none  of  us  was  hurt.  I  then  saw  that  the  redoubt 
was  full  of  soldiers.  That,  I  think,  was  the  last 
gun  fired  in  the  war.  Then  the  French  retired  into 


1814.]  END   OF  THE   WAR.  207 

the  town,  and  next  morning  marched  out  of  it,  and 
we  entered,  and  soon  after  heard  of  Napoleon's 
abdication  and  the  proclamation  of  peace." 

The  great  war,  thanks  to  the  tenacity  of  the  Duke 
of  Wellington,  was  brought  to  a  glorious  con- 
clusion. What  Cclborne  thought  of  his  great 
commander  is  seen  in  the  following  words  written 
about  1826 :  ^ 

"  They  who  have  observed  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  and 
are  acquainted  with  the  difficulties  he  encountered  in 
Portugal  and  Spain ;  who  are  persuaded  of  this  fact,  that 
he,  with  a  small  army  under  his  immediate  control,  was 
the  chief  cause  of  detaining  in  Spain  and  employing 
during  five  years  from  100,000  to  200,000  French  troops, 
will  pronounce  that  his  reputation,  high  as  it  is,  has  not 
reached  near  its  proper  level.  When  his  resource,  firm- 
ness, economical  management  of  his  troops,  the  informa- 
tion that  guided  his  operations,  his  foresight  in  nicely 
calculating  on  the  presumption  of  the  French  commanders, 
his  splendid  combinations  .  .  .  shall  be  demonstrated, 
as  well  as  the  gigantic  genius  and  strength  he  displayed 
in  throwing  off  that  dead  weight  on  military  operations, 
the  shackles  of  the  Corps  Diplomatique,  Europe  will  not 
refuse  him  that  celebrity  which  is  his  due,  and  which 
political  intrigues  alone  could  deprive  him  of." 

On  the  22nd  April  the  52nd  went  into  canton- 
ments at  Castel  Sarrasin.  Sir  Harry  Smith  tells  of 
the  obligation  he  was  under  at  this  time  to  Colonel 
Colborne,  who  exerted  himself  to  get  him  appointed 
to  the  expedition  going  under  Major- General  Ross  to 
America,  and  how  Colborne  rode  with  him  in  one  day 
to  Toulouse  and  back  to  get  the  matter  arranged. 
"  Daylight  saw  me  and  dear  Colborne  full  gallop 
thirty-four  miles  to  breakfast.  We  were  back  again 


2O8  RETURN  TO  ENGLAND.  [Cn.  XIV. 

at  Castel  Sarrasin  by  four  in  the  afternoon,  after  a 
little  canter  of  sixty-eight  miles,  not  regarded  as 
any  act  of  prowess,  but  just  a  ride.  In  those  days," 
he  concludes,  "  there  were  men." 

On  the  3rd  of  June  the  Light  Division  set  out 
for  Bordeaux,  where  it  arrived  on  the  i4th.  On 
the  way  (nth  June)  the  two  regiments  of  Portu- 
guese Ca9adores,  which  had  been  associated  with  it 
for  nearly  four  years,  took  their  departure  for  home. 
"We  had  a  very  affecting  scene,"  said  Colborne, 
"  when,  after  the  war  was  over,  we  parted  company 
with  the  Ca^adores.  The  brigade  was  drawn  up  in 
two  columns  and  they  marched  through.  We  were 
really  very  sorry  to  part." 

On  the  4th  June  Colborne  was  made  brevet- 
colonel  and  aide-de-camp  to  the  Prince  Regent, 
receiving  at  the  same  time  the  Peninsular  gold  cross 
and  three  clasps.  The  52nd  embarked  at  Pauillac 
on  the  1 7th  June  and  landed  at  Plymouth  on  the 
27th.  On  the  same  day  Colborne  joined  his  wife 
at  Puslinch.  From  there  they  paid  a  visit  to 
Antony,  and  on  the  2Oth  July  left  Puslinch  for 
London,  where,  on  the  25th,  Colonel  Colborne 
received  the  appointment  of  military  secretary  to  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  then  commander  of  the  British 
forces  in  the  Netherlands,  and  looked  upon  for  the 
moment  as  the  destined  husband  of  Princess  Char- 
lotte of  Wales.  In  this  capacity  Colborne  had  the 
practical  direction  of  the  force  in  the  Netherlands 
until  Napoleon's  return  from  Elba. 

Colborne  proceeded  to  Brussels  on  7th  August, 
unaccompanied  by  his  wife,  but  returned  to  Devon- 
shire to  fetch  her  at  the  end  of  November.  On  the 


i8i4-5-]  HONOURS  FOR   COLBORNE.  209 

4th  December  they  witnessed  the  "  gay  wedding  " 
of  Lord  Fitzroy  Somerset  to  Lady  Emily 
Wellesley,  and  soon  after  were  disturbed  by  a 
report  that  the  52nd  was  to  go  to  America,  in  which 
case,  Colborne  informed  the  Prince  of  Orange,  he 
would  accompany  his  regiment.  This  prospect  was 
dispelled,  however,  by  the  course  of  events. 

On  the  2nd  January,  after  the  re-constitution  of 
the  Order  of  the  Bath,  Colonel  Colborne  became  a 
K.C.B. 

In  spite  of  this  succession  of  honours,  however, 
he  seems  not  to  have  been  fully  satisfied  with  the 
treatment  he  received.  Late  in  his  life,  when  Mr. 
Leeke  remarked  to  him,  "  I  suppose  you,  Sir,  have 
not  passed  through  your  military  career  without 
meeting  with  your  mortifications  and  trials  ? "  he 
replied,  "  No,  indeed!  In  1814,  at  the  close  of  the 
Peninsular  War,  when  they  made  me  a  K.C.B., 
King's  aide-de-camp  and  a  full  colonel,  I  was 
exceedingly  annoyed  and  vexed  at  their  putting  two 
junior  lieutenant-colonels  over  my  head  in  the  list 
of  colonels.  On  my  remonstrating  on  the  unfair- 
ness of  this  proceeding,  they  made  the  excuse  that 
these  men  were  thus  favoured  because  they  had 
brought  home  despatches.  If  I  had  not  been  a  poor 
man — if  I  could  have  afforded  it,  I  would  have 
thrown  my  commission  in  their  faces.  In  after 
years  they  offered  to  place  me  before  these  men, 
but  I  then  refused  it."* 

Colborne  had  many  stories  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange : 

*  Leeke,  II.,  p.  13. 


210  AT  BRUSSELS.  ^Cn.  XIV. 

'  The  Prince  went  out  to  Portugal  as  a  volunteer, 
and  that  was  where  he  first  knew  the  Duke.  He 
had  been  at  Oxford  for  some  time,  and  he  brought 
out  with  him  two  tutors,  one  of  them  a  Mr.  Johnson. 
The  Duke  could  not  bear  Mr.  Johnson  because  he 
once  asked  the  Duke  a  mathematical  question. 
The  Duke  was  talking  about  musk  rats,  saying  they 
left  a  taste  in  bottles  of  wine.  So  Johnson  said, 
'  But,  Sir,  I  don't  understand  how  the  rats,  being  so 
much  larger,  can  possibly  get  into  the  necks  of  the 
bottles.'  The  Duke  said,  '  Oh,  I  don't  know  how 
they  get  in,  but  I  know  they  do  it.' 

"  I  ventured  once  at  Brussels  to  give  my  opinion 
to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  he  was  rather  offended 
at  my  differing  from  him  and  turned  round  and  said, 
'  How  do  you  mean,  my  good  sir  ? '  It  was  the  only 
time  I  think  he  ever  spoke  sharply  to  me.  How- 
ever, a  few  days  later  he  came  to  me  and  said,  '  I 
should  just  like  to  look  at  that  memorandum  you 
made  the  other  day.' 

"  The  King  of  Holland  once  complained  to  the 
Prince  of  his  mixing  so  much  with  English  officers. 
He  replied,  '  Why,  you  had  me  brought  up  among 
the  English  and  educated  like  the  English,  and  you 
can't  expect  me  now  to  cut  all  my  old  friends.'* 

"  Another  time  the  King  said  in  the  presence  of  the 
Court,  '  Why,  you  will  never  be  fit  to  be  the  King  of 
your  own  country.  You  can't  even  speak  your  own 
language.  Do  you  think,  if  I  were  to  die  to-morrow, 

*  Lady  Sarah  Napier  writes  in  December,  1814,  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange:  "  The  eldest  son  .  .  .  will  ruin  himself  in  Belgium  by  his 
devotion  to  the  English."  Life  and  Letters  of  Lady  Sarah  Lennox,  II., 
p.  264. 


X8I4-5-]  THE  PRINCE  OF  ORANGE.  211 

you  would  be  fit  to  succeed  me  ? '  The  Prince  said, 
*  Yes,  I  do.'  He  came  to  me  in  high  spirits  after- 
wards, saying,  '  I  think  I  have  astonished  them  all.' 

"  He  was  very  fond  of  the  Belgians  and  of  being 
at  Brussels:  they  are  a  much  more  lively  people 
than  the  Dutch. 

"  Next  door  to  us  lived  Sir  Robert  Godden.  He 
was  a  very  good  sort  of  fellow,  but  had  very  cold 
manners.  He  had  an  attache  named  St.  George 
who  once  came  into  my  room  and  said  indignantly, 
'  Is  it  possible  I  can  live  with  Sir  Robert  after  this? 

He  called  me  to-day  and  said,  "  Lord  is 

coming  to  dine  with  me,  and  I  must  request  you 
will  not  open  your  mouth,  for  we  shall  be  talking 
of  things  you  know  nothing  at  all  about! "  I 
believe  St.  George  did  leave  him  soon  after  on 
account  of  that  very  speech! 

"  The  Duke  of  Wellington  proposed  to  the  King 
of  Holland  a  line  of  fortifications  along  his  frontier, 
but  the  King  said,  '  My  idea  is  to  have  a  fortified 
town  at  each  end,  and  then  if  the  enemy  enter  we 
can  soon  drive  him  out,  but  how  am  I  to  defend  so 
many  fortifications  ? J  The  Duke  said,  (  Oh,  we'll 
always  send  you  over  50,000  pensioners/  '  Oh,  no. 
If  the  enemy  were  once  to  get  into  those  fortified 
towns  we  should  never  get  them  out  again ;  we  are 
better  without  them/  And  I  partly  agreed  with  him. 

"  I  was  very  much  amused  at  a  conversation  that 
took  place  in  my  presence  between  the  Prince  of 
Orange  and  Mr.  Stuart  (Lord  Stuart  de  Rothesay). 
It  was  just  as  Bonaparte  had  returned  from  Elba, 
but  before  war  was  declared.  At  my  suggestion, 
half-a-dozen  officers  had  been  sent  in  different  direc- 


212  AT  BRUSSELS.  [Cn.  XIV. 

tions  to  give  intelligence  of  his  advance,  and  a 
courier  had  been  stopped  and  searched  and  his 
despatches  taken  from  under  his  saddle.  The 
Prince  had  the  despatches  and  sent  for  Mr.  Stuart, 
the  British  Ambassador,  who,  when  he  came,  said, 
'  You  should  not  have  taken  them ;  war  has  not 
been  declared.  It  might  be  a  very  serious  thing/ 
'  Oh,  then/  said  the  Prince,  '  we  will  send  them  back 
again  directly  without  opening  them/  *  No/  said 
Mr.  Stuart,  '  that's  no  use.  You  had  better  open 
them  now  you  have  them,  for  if  you  were  to  swear 
you  had  not  opened  them  after  having  had  them 
half  an  hour  in  your  possession,  no  one  in  Europe 
would  believe  you/  However,  they  were  of  no 
consequence,  merely  Bonaparte's  notifications  to  the 
Danish  and  other  courts  that  he  had  been  once 
more  called  to  power  by  the  voice  of  the  French 
nation,  &c. 

:'  The  Prince  married  a  sister  of  the  King  of 
Prussia.  It  was  said  that  the  marriage  was 
arranged  by  the  Duchess  of  Oldenburg.  I  was 
sorry  when  I  heard  of  it,  as  I  knew  there  was  no 
chance  then  of  his  being  all  but  King  of  England. 
I  believe  he  has  been  very  unhappy  since  he  lost 
Belgium. 

:*  When  Bonaparte  came  back  from  Elba  the 
Duke  of  Wellington,  then  ambassador  in  Paris, 
was  at  Vienna.  He  was  then  appointed  Com- 
mander-in-chief (the  Prince  of  Orange  not  being 
fit  to  command  an  army),  and  came  down  from 
Vienna  to  Brussels.  I  had  gone  back  to  my  regi- 
ment just  before. 

"  The  Government  at  home  had  written  to  me, 


i8i5-]  THE  PRINCE  OF  ORANGE.  213 

begging  me  to  prevent  the  Prince  from  engaging 
in  any  affair  of  his  own  before  the  combined  oper- 
ations. He  could  not  imagine  why,  but  he  found 
out  that  Clinton  and  others  had  been  writing  about 
it.  I  remember  that  old  Sir  Hudson  Lowe,  who 
was  a  great  fidget,  was  very  much  afraid  of  some- 
thing of  this  sort.  The  Prince  had  taken  the  army 
before  Enghien,  and  Lowe  came  to  me,  saying,  *  I 
really  think  he  is  trying  to  bring  on  a  battle  before 
the  Duke  arrives!'" 


CHAPTER  XV. 

WATERLOO. 

THE  52nd  Regiment  had  received  orders  to  sail  for 
America,  and  had  twice  put  to  sea  and  been  frus- 
trated by  contrary  winds  when  the  news  of 
Napoleon's  escape  from  Elba  and  the  renewal  of 
the  war  caused  its  hasty  recall.  The  regiment 
sailed  from  Plymouth  on  27th  March,  1815  and 
reached  Brussels  on  4th  April. 

William  Leeke,  who  joined  the  52nd  as  an  ensign 
on  nth  May,  tells  us  that  he  found  it  at  Lessines. 
A  few  days  later  Sir  John  Colborne,  after  sending 
his  wife  home  from  Brussels,  joined,  and  took  com- 
mand of  the  regiment.  Having  mentioned  that 
Colborne  advised  him  to  provide  himself  with  a 
horse,  Leeke  adds :  "  Sir  John  Colborne  always 
strongly  advocated  the  importance  of  infantry 
officers,  when  on  active  service,  having  riding- 
horses,  and  used  to  say  that  if,  from  insufficiency  of 
income  they  found  it  difficult  to  manage  this,  still  they 
should  stint  themselves  in  wine  and  in  everything 
else  in  order  to  keep  a  horse,  if  possible.  As 
mounted  officers  they  were  more  useful  under  very 
many  circumstances ;  they  were  less  tired  at  the 
end  of  a  day's  march  and  more  ready  for  any 


1815.]  NEW  CALL   TO  ARMS.  215 

duty  which  might  be  required  of  them;  they  could 
be  more  effective  in  bringing  up  stragglers  on  a  long 
and  weary  march ;  some  of  them  might  be  usefully 
employed  when  extra  staff-officers  were  required.  I 
think  on  the  long  march  of  upwards  of  50  miles 
from  Quevres-au-camp  to  Waterloo  all  but  two  of 
the  officers  of  the  52nd  were  mounted."* 

The  52nd  now  formed  part  of  Adam's  Brigade  of 
Clinton's  Division.  This  division  was  cantoned  in 
June  about  Quevres-au-camp. 

It  must  have  been  late  on  the  i5th  June  when, 
as  Colborne  told  the  tale,  "  orders  suddenly  came 
for  us  to  move  in  consequence  of  Napoleon's 
advance.  Night  was  coming  on,  and  I  observed, 
'  I'll  undertake  to  say,  from  my  experience,  that  if 
you  march  to-night,  considering  the  circumstances — 
a  strange  road,  darkness,  the  expectation  of  coming 
in  contact  with  the  enemy — you  won't  go  two  miles/ 
And  so  it  turned  out.  Our  division  did  not  march 
till  morning,  and  before  we  had  gone  three  miles  we 
came  up  with  stragglers  and  regiments  halted,  and 
passed  several  divisions  in  great  confusion." 

The  52nd  halted  at  midnight  near  Braine-le- 
Comte  in  torrents  of  rain.  At  2  a.m.  on  the  i7th 
the  regiment  again  fell  in  and  reached  Nivelles 
about  7.  After  remaining  there  about  four  hours 
it  moved  off  slowly,  in  company  with  other  troops, 
towards  Waterloo,  the  pace  being  due  to  the  weari- 
ness produced  by  the  previous  marching  and  the 
fact  that,  by  Colborne's  order,  each  man  carried  120 
rounds  of  ball  cartridge,  60  rounds  of  it  in  the  knap- 

*  Lord  Seaton's  Regiment  at  Waterloo,  I.,  p.  7. 


2l6  CAMPAIGN  OF   WATERLOO.  [Cn.  XV. 

sack ;  a  precaution  of  which  the  wisdom  was  seen 
in  the  battle. 

Leeke  writes :  "  About  midway  between  Nivelles 
and  Hougomont  the  52nd  halted  for  rather  more 
than  two  hours.  I  heard  Sir  John  Colborne  asking 
if  any  of  the  officers  could  lend  him  the  cape  of  a 
boat  cloak  as  he  wished  to  lie  down  for  a  couple  of 
hours  and  get  some  sleep.  I  had  a  very  large  boat- 
cloak  with  a  cape  and  hood  to  it.  I  unhooked  the 
cape  and  hood  and  handed  them  to  him.  He  wore 
them  over  his  uniform  during  the  whole  of  the  Battle 
of  Waterloo."* 

At  about  half  past  seven  p.m.  Adam's  Brigade, 
consisting  of  the  52nd  and  ;ist  regiments,  the  2nd 
Battalion  and  part  of  the  3rd  Battalion  95th  Regi- 
ment was  posted  on  the  high  ground  immediately 
to  the  eastward  of  Merbe  Braine,  its  particular  place 
in  the  position  in  which  the  Duke  of  Wellington 
intended  to  fight  next  day.  Here  it  passed  the 
night.  Colborne  writes  of  this  night :  "  I  recollect 
after  the  long  march  I  was  so  tired  that  I  threw 
myself  on  the  ground  in  my  cloak  and  was  sound 
asleep  almost  directly.  I  just  heard  someone  say, 
*  Let  him  sleep !  let  him  sleep ! '  I  suppose  they 
had  been  going  to  wake  me  about  some  trifle  or 
other."  But  according  to  a  story  told  by  Lord 
Albemarle,  Colborne  did  not  spend  the  whole  night 
thus  in  the  open. 

Lord  Albemarle  tells  how  he  himself  (then  Ensign 
Keppel),  in  the  pouring  rain  of  the  night  of  the 
1 7th,  wearied  out  with  marching,  threw  himself  on 

*  I,  P.  13- 


1 8 is.]  BEFORE  THE  BATTLE.  21? 

the  bare  hillside  and  slept  soundly  till  2  o'clock, 
when  his  servant  woke  him  and  led  him  to  a  cottage 
in  the  hamlet  of  Merbe  Braine.  "  Here  fragments  of 
chairs,  tables,  window-frames  and  doors  were  heaped 
into  the  chimney-place.  Around  the  fire  so  made 
were  three  men  seated  on  chairs  and  drying  their 
clothes.  Not  a  word  was  spoken,  but  room  was 
made  for  me.  I  followed  their  example.  At  day- 
break my  fellow-occupants  of  the  hut  resumed  their 
uniforms.  With  the  appearance  of  one  of  them  I 
was  particularly  struck — a  fine,  soldierlike-looking 
man,  considerably  over  six  feet  in  height.  This 
was  Colonel  Sir  John  Colborne."* 

At  twenty  past  eleven  on  the  i8th  the  ball  was 
opened.  The  52nd  were  now  formed  in  open 
column  on  the  ground  of  the  bivouac.  In  common 
with  the  rest  of  Clinton's  Division  and  the  Bruns- 
wick contingent,  they  were  at  first  kept  in  reserve 
in  second  line  nearly  on  the  right  of  the  British 
army.  The  farm  of  Hougomont  in  front  of  the 
extreme  right  of  the  British  position  was  occupied 
by  part  of  Byng's  Brigade  of  Guards  and  some 
Nassau  troops,  and  the  ridge  from  thence  half-way 
to  the  Charleroi  Road  (the  centre  of  the  position)  by 
the  rest  of  Cooke's  ist  British  Division  of  Guards, 
viz.,  Maitland's  Brigade  and  some  companies  of 
Byng's  Brigade. 

As  to  the  battlefield,  Colborne  said  afterwards  in 
conversation : 

"  Some  days  before  the  battle  of  Waterloo,  the 

*  Fifty  Years  of  my  Life  (3rd  Ed.),  p.  139.  My  attention  was  kindly 
drawn  to  the  above  story  by  Field-Marshal  Lord  Wolseley,  who 
informed  me  that  he  had  often  heard  it  from  Lord  Albemarle's  lips. 


2l8  CAMPAIGN  OF  WATERLOO.  [Cn.  XV. 

1 4th,  I  think,  the  Duke  of  Wellington  was  on  the 
field,  and  fixed  on  that  place  as  the  one  on  which 
the  battle,  he  thought,  could  be  fought.  He  was 
asked  if  any  entrenchments  should  be  cast  up.  He 
said,  '  No,  of  course  not ;  that  would  show  them 
where  we  mean  to  fight.'  At  the  time,  many  were 
of  opinion  that  we  should  march  into  France. 

"  I  remember  hearing  old  Picton  say  just  before  the 
battle,  '  I  never  saw  a  worse  position  taken  up  by 
any  army.  I  have  just  galloped  from  left  to  right.' 
He  went  on  to  talk  of  the  expected  Gazette  in  very 
high  spirits.  '  Some  friends  of  mine,5  he  said, 
1  asked  me  to  write  to  them,  but  I  said,  "  Won't  the 
Gazette  do  for  you? "  He  was  killed  a  few  hours 
after." 

It  is  convenient  to  insert  here  one  or  two  more 
stories  which  Colborne  told  late  in  life  in  connexion 
with  the  battle  or  with  some  of  its  heroes. 

"  Captain  Whinyates*  took  great  pride  in  his 
2nd  Rocket  Troop,  but  just  before  the  battle  of 
iWaterloo  the  Duke  thought  it  would  be  more 
advantageous  to  do  away  with  it  and  use  the  horses 
for  guns.  Sir  George  Wood  told  me  that  he  remon- 
strated with  the  Duke,  and  said,  *  It  will  break  the 
young  man's  heart,  Sir,  if  you  do  that.'  The  Duke 
answered  pettishly,  '  Confound  his  heart.'  How- 
ever, a  fortnight  after  he  said  to  Sir  G.  Wood,  '  Well, 
how  is  the  young  man's  heart?'  '  He  bears  it 
remarkably  well,'  answered  Sir  G.  WTood.  '  Then 


*  Colonel  Whinyates  tells  me  that  the  Duke  eventually  let  the 
Troop  take  800  rockets  into  action  with  six  6-pr.  guns,  and  the 
rockets  were  used  with  good  effect. 


1815.]  PICTON  AND  ANGLESEY.  219 

tell  him/  said  the  Duke,  '  that  it  shall  not  be  the 
worse  for  him/ 

"  Lord  Anglesey  was  a  capital  officer.  I  have 
had  several  opportunities  of  admiring  his  sagacity 
and  coolness.  I  remember  once  before  a  battle 
his  coming  down  with  the  greatest  coolness,  twist- 
ing his  moustache,  and  saying,  '  The  enemy  appear 
small,  but  I  think  there  are  more  behind.3  And 
another  time,  '  Our  lads  are  ready  for  the  charge, 
but  I  think  they  had  better  march  fonvard  first ' — all 
with  the  greatest  sangfroid  imaginable.  There 
could  be  no  comparison  between  him  and  Murat, 
because  Murat  had  always  far  more  troops  under  his 
command. 

"  Old  Alava  was  highly  amused  once  at  Brussels 
at  hearing  a  discussion  between  Lord  Anglesey  and 
Vivian  about  their  dress.  Vivian  came  to  consult  his 
master  about  what  dress  he  should  wear  at  a  levee, 
and  they  were  talking  about  it  just  like  ladies.  '  Oh, 
we  must  put  on  our  yellow  boots  and  pelisses/  Old 
Alava  came  away  laughing,  '  Well,  I  never  should 
have  supposed  that  those  two  fellows  had  anything 
in  their  heads/  I  recollect  poor  Sir  John  Moore 
getting  into  a  scrape  once  for  saying,  when  asked  if 
the  hussars  were  to  wear  their  pelisses, '  Oh,  yes,  and 
their  muffs,  too/ ' 

The  concluding  hours  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo 
were  the  most  glorious  in  Colborne's  life.  All  that 
he  had  learnt  hitherto,  his  quickness  of  eye,  his 
rapidity  of  judgment,  his  instant  resource,  his  daring 
acceptance  of  responsibility,  now  contributed  their 
part  to  defeat  Napoleon's  last  mighty  effort,  and 
wrest,  for  England  and  her  allies,  the  hard-fought 


220  CAMPAIGN  OF   WATERLOO.  [Cn.  XV. 

victory.  We  may  leave  for  a  moment  any  discus- 
sion of  the  part  played  in  the  last  scene  of  Waterloo 
by  other  troops.  If  all  that  they  claim  be  conceded 
to  them,  Colborne's  glory  is  hardly  the  less. 

We  will  therefore  give  an  account  of  the  part 
played  by  Colborne  in  the  battle,  based  on  accounts 
furnished  by  himself,*  and  by  Captain  W.  C.  Yonge, 
of  the  52nd,f  and  by  Mr.  Leeke,  of  the  52nd,J  who 
were  both  connected  with  him  by  marriage. 

The  52nd  moved  from  its  original  position  near 
Merbe  Braine  soon  after  3  o'clock,  or  four  hours 
after  the  action  commenced,  and  advanced  with  the 
other  regiments  of  the  brigade  to  the  right  centre  of 
the  front  line.  Here  the  brigade  formed  squares, 
taking  the  place  of  the  Brunswick  Light  Infantry 
Battalions,  which,  in  close  columns,  repeatedly 
charged  by  cavalry  and  pierced  through  by  showers 
of  cannon  shot,  had  suffered  severely. 

At  the  moment  of  the  arrival  of  the  brigade 
nothing  could  be  more  disastrous  than  the  appear- 
ance of  this  part  of  the  position,  the  ground  so 
thickly  strewed  with  these  poor  mangled  Bruns- 
wickers  and  the  long  line  of  British  guns,  as  far  as 
the  eye  could  reach,  every  one  of  them  silenced, 
overpowered  by  the  number  and  greater  weight  of 
metal  of  the  French  artillery,  the  gun  carriages, 
many  of  them,  cut  to  pieces  by  the  shot,  and  the 
gunners  either  killed  or  driven  to  seek  the  shelter 
of  the  squares  from  the  cavalry,  who  careered  among 
them  unmolested.  Between  the  great  attacks  the 

*  See  Appendix  II. 

j-  Memoir  of  Lord  Section's  Services,  privately  printed,  1853. 
J  Lord  Seaton's  Regiment  at  Waterloo,  1866. 


1 8 is-]          THE  FIFTY-SECOND  IN  THE  BATTLE.  221 

fight  still  smouldered  about  the  wood  and  orchard 
of  Hougomont,  and,  apparently  for  the  support  of 
the  troops  engaged  there,  after  a  halt  of  about  half 
an  hour  on  the  summit  of  the  ridge,  the  brigade, 
advancing  down  the  slope  of  the  hill,  took  post  in 
the  plain  to  the  left  of  the  enclosures,  the  7ist  in 
battalion  square  next  the  wood,  the  52nd  in  squares 
of  wings  to  their  left,  and  the  95th  in  echelon  further 
to  the  left  and  rear. 

Here  the  brigade  remained  for  an  hour  or  two. 
Two  of  the  enemy's  guns  were  on  a  high  bank  or 
ridge  in  front  of  the  52nd  at  about  200  yards'  distance, 
though  only  to  be  seen  by  the  mounted  officers,  and 
these  guns  and  a  howitzer  fired  constantly  on  the 
squares.  The  right  and  front  faces  of  the  52nd 
meanwhile  opened  a  fire  obliquely  on  some  French 
Cuirassiers  who  were  making  a  movement  towards 
the  rear  of  Hougomont,  towards  the  7ist,  behind 
which  regiment  the  remainder  of  Clinton's  Division 
was  posted.  These  Cuirassiers  continually  menaced 
the  52nd.  Leeke  says  that  when  they  attempted 
to  charge  it  came  as  a  relief,  because  at  those  times 
the  French  cannonading  stopped. 

While  the  regiment  was  in  squares  and  being 
cannonaded  an  incident  occurred  which  we  can  give 
in  Colborne's  own  words :  "  A  shell  came  close  to  a 
corner  of  a  column  of  the  52nd,  followed  by  a  ball 
which  passed  exactly  over  the  whole  column,  who 
instantly  bobbed  their  heads. *  In  the  excitement 

*  Capt.  Yonge,  in  hearing  the  story,  interpolated  at  this  point, 
"  Perhaps  you  did  not  see  the  cause  of  the  men's  ducking  their  heads. 
A  sergeant  had  a  ball  pass  between  his  legs,  cutting  a  piece  out  of  each 
of  them,  and  he  cried  out  pretty  loud.  That  had  an  effect  on  some 
who  had  never  been  in  action  before." 


222  CAMPAIGN  OF   WATERLOO.  [Cn.  XV. 

of  the  moment,  more  to  encourage  the  men  than 
anything  else,  I  called  out,  '  For  shame !  for  shame ! 
That  must  be  the  2nd  Battalion,  I  am  sure/  (They 
were  recruits.)  In  an  instant  every  man's  head 
went  as  straight  as  an  arrow.*1  But  a  report  got 
about  that  I  had  addressed  myself  particularly  to  a 
young  man  named  Scott,  an  officer  who  had  just 
joined;  and  at  Paris  I  was  asked  the  question  by 
some  officers.  I  assured  them  there  was  no  foun- 
dation for  the  report.  I  had  observed  young  Scott 
behaving  particularly  well  and  charging  up  the  hill, 
seemingly  in  remarkably  good  spirits.  I  said, 
indeed,  that  I  was  sorry  I  had  made  the  remark 
at  all.  This  young  Scott  afterwards  left  the 
army  and  went  to  Cambridge,  where  he  wrote  a 
very  pretty  prize  poem  entitled  *  The  Battle  of 
Waterloo.5 

"  However,  my  exhortation  to  the  men  had  its 
effect.  Soon  afterwards  Charles  Beckwith  came 
riding  over  to  me  and  said,  '  Well,  I  hope  now  you 
are  satisfied.'  There  was  a  galling  fire  pouring 
down  on  us  and  the  other  regiments  were  rather 
quaking  and  the  52nd  were  standing  as  firm  as 
possible.  Beckwith  said,  '  What  do  you  think  I've 
just  heard  Lord  Uxbridge  say?  "  I've  charged  at  the 
head  of  every  cavalry  regiment,  and  they  all  want 
spurs"  Beckwith  was  in  the  Quartermaster- 
General's  department.  On  his  way  back,  poor 
fellow,  he  lost  his  leg  by  a  cannon-ball — about  three- 


*  One  who   had    heard    Lord    Seaton    tell  the    story    gives    the 

conclusion  thus  :  "  '  Then '  he  would  say  and  the  narration  was 

completed  by  the  drawing  up  of  his  noble   head  into  its   grandest 
military  bearing."     Christian  Remembrancer,  October,  1867. 


i8is.]  THE  FIFTY-SECOND  RETIRED.  223 

quarters  of  an  hour,  I  suppose,  before  the  battle  was 


over."* 


The  Duke  of  Wellington  now  sent  orders  to  Sir 
John  Colborne  by  Colonel  Hervey  to  withdraw  the 
regiment  up  the  hill.  Colborne  desired  Colonel 
Hervey  to  tell  the  Duke,  if  the  order  had  been  given 
from  the  vicinity  of  the  enemy's  guns,  that  the  52nd 
was  protected  by  the  ground  in  front.  Colonel 
Hervey  promised  to  convey  this  message. 

However,  half  an  hour  later,  seeing  the  Nassau 
Regiment  running  in  disorder  out  of  the  wood  of 
Hougomont,  and  supposing  that  Hougomont 
would  be  abandoned  and  the  flank  of  the  52nd 
exposed,  Colborne  began  to  retire  the  regiment 
through  Colonel  Gold's  guns  to  the  cross-road  on 
the  ridge.  The  7ist  fell  back  at  the  same  time. 

As  the  regiment  was  retiring,  under  a  murderous 
cannonade,  with  Colborne  riding  in  its  rear,  a  colonel 
of  the  French  Cuirassiers  galloped  out  of  the  French 
ranks,  holloaing  repeatedly,  "  Vive  le  Roi  ! "  and 
riding  up  to  Sir  John,  said,  "  Ce  coquin  Napoleon 


*  Colborne  went  on  to  speak  of  Charles  Beckwith  and  his  family  as 
follows  :  "  After  that  he  went  to  England.  Later  he  became  interested 
in  the  Vaudois,  and  he  has  been  among  them  part  of  every  year  since. 
The  Beckwiths  have  been  a  great  army  family.  There  was  a  grand- 
father who  was  employed  in  the  army  with  Prince  Ferdinand  at  the 
time  of  the  battle  of  Minden,  and  Prince  Ferdinand  wrote  home  that 
the  Commissary  General  should  have  been  the  Commander,  and  the 
Commander  the  Commissary  General.  I  don't  know  who  the  Com- 
mander was.  There  were  several  uncles — there  was  one  who  took 
several  little  paltry  islands  in  the  West  Indies,  and  used  to  say,  '  Lord 
Wellington  gallops,  but  I  trot.'  I  suppose  he  meant  that  he  would 
get  up  to  him  some  time.  He  was  never  in  the  Peninsula.  He  made 
a  great  fortune  in  the  West  Indies,  and  when  he  died  he  left  it  all  to 
Colonel  Charles  Beckwith,  who  very  nobly,  I  think,  divided  it  amongst 
his  brothers  and  sisters.  Then  there  was  his  brother,  General 
Beckwith,  a  very  funny  fellow,  who  was  employed  in  the  Peninsula  and 
who  died  in  the  East  Indies." 


224  CAMPAIGN  OF   WATERLOO.  [Cn.  XV. 

est  la  avec  les  Gardes.  Voila  Vattaque  qui  se  fait." 
Colborne  looked  through  his  glass  at  the  spot  indi- 
cated by  the  officer  and,  it  is  said,  saw  Napoleon  for 
the  only  time  in  his  life.  He  was  in  his  greatcoat, 
with  his  hands  behind  his  back,  walking  backwards 
and  forwards  in  front  of  the  position  while  dense 
French  columns  were  in  full  march  on  the  plateau 
of  La  Haie  Sainte,  near  the  farm. 

Meanwhile  the  52nd  had  been  halted  on  the 
summit  of  the  hill.  Colonel  Gold's  guns  in  front 
of  them  on  the  cross-road  were  silent ;  there  was 
scarcely  any  firing  except  in  the  rear  of  La  Haie 
Sainte  and  on  our  left  centre. 

Sir  John  Colborne's  anxious  attention  was  given 
to  a  column  rapidly  advancing,  in  agreement  with  the 
warning  of  the  French  colonel,  to  a  point  somewhat 
to  the  left  of  the  52nd.  He  could  see  no  prepar- 
ations to  resist  the  attack  and  was  alarmed  lest  the 
British  line  should  be  pierced.  The  only  remedy 
appeared  to  be  to  attack  the  column  in  the  Hank. 

Accordingly — without  any  orders  from  his 
superior  officer — he  took  upon  himself  the  bold 
measure  of  advancing  the  52nd  and  wheeling  its 
whole  line  on  its  left  as  a  pivot,  as  if  it  had  been  a 
single  company,  so  as  to  bring  it  nearly  at  right 
angles  to  its  previous  formation  and  facing  directly 
on  the  line  of  march  of  the  attacking  columns. 

Leeke  says :  "  As  we  passed  over  .  .  .  the 
crest,  we  plainly  saw  about  300  or  400  yards  from 
us  in  the  direction  of  La  Belle  Alliance.  .  .  two 
long  columns  ...  of  about  equal  length  advancing 
...  in  the  direction  of  Maitland's  Brigade  of 
Guards,  stationed  on  our  left.  The  whole  number 


1815.]          COLBORNE' S  FLANKING  MOVEMENT.  22$ 

.  .  .  appeared  to  us  to  amount  to  about  10,000  men." 
(Colborne  puts  the  number  at  6,000  or  7,000.) 
"  There  was  a  small  interval  of  apparently  not 
more  than  twenty  paces  between  the  first  and  second 
column ;  from  the  left  centre  of  our  line  we  did  not 
at  any  time  see  through  this  interval."5*  (Colborne 
used  to  say,  however,  "  .We  could  see  daylight 
between  them.")t 

The  52nd  having  been  thus  placed  in  two  lines 
nearly  parallel  with  the  moving  columns  of  the 
Imperial  Guard,  Colborne  ordered  a  strong  company 
to  skirmish  in  front.  At  this  moment  Sir  Frederick 
Adam,  commanding  the  brigade,  rode  up  and 
inquired  what  Colborne  intended  to  do.  He  replied, 
''  To  make  that  column  feel  our  fire."  Adam 
approved,  ordered  Colborne  to  move  on,  and  rode 
off  to  the  7 ist  to  order  that  regiment  to  follow.  The 
Duke  at  the  same  moment  had  sent  Colonel  Percy 
to  order  the  52nd  to  advance,  but  his  order  had  been 
anticipated  by  Colborne. 

The  company  of  skirmishers  having  been  ordered 
to  advance  without  any  support  except  from  the 
battalion  and  to  fire  into  the  French  column  at  any 
distance,  the  52nd — formed  in  two  lines  of  half  com- 
panies— after  giving  three  cheers,  followed,  passing 
along  the  front  of  Maitland's  Brigade  of  Guards, 

*  P.  43- 

f  According  to  the  important  memorandum  by  General  Petit  in  the 
Morrison  Collection,  London,  the  main  attack  was  made  by  the 
following  troops  of  the  Old  Guard,  in  squares  of  battalions  in  Echelon, 
the  right  battalion  leading — ist  Battalion  3rd  Grenadiers,  4th  Grena- 
diers, 4th  Chasseurs,  ist  Battalion  3rd  Chasseurs,  2nd  Battalion 
3rd  Chasseurs  (total  about  3,675  men).  He  says  that  the 
2nd  Battalions  2nd  Grenadiers  and  2nd  Chasseurs  (total  about  1,250 
men)  were  despatched  after  the  main  column,  but  apparently  not  as 
part  of  the  same  attack. 

I 


226  CAMPAIGN  OF   WATERLOO.  [Cn.  XV. 

who  were  stationary  and  not  firing.  Four  com- 
panies of  the  2nd  Battalion  95th  were  on  the  left  of 
the  52nd,  the  ;ist  and  the  rest  of  the  division  a  little 
behind.  As  soon  as  the  French  column  felt  the  fire 
of  the  skirmishing  party  a  considerable  part  of  it 
halted,  and,  facing  to  their  left  towards  the  52nd, 
opened  a  very  sharp  fire  on  the  skirmishers  and  on 
the  battalion. 

The  52nd  advanced  till  they  found  themselves 
protected  by  the  hill  from  the  fire  of  the  Imperial 
Guard.  The  two  right-hand  companies  having  been 
thrown  into  some  disorder,  Colborne  called  a  halt  to 
rectify  the  line.  He  then  ordered  the  bugles  to 
sound  the  advance  and  the  whole  line  charged. 
'*  The  Imperial  Guard,  without  waiting  for  the 
charge,  broke,  and  rushing  in  confusion  obliquely 
to  the  rear,  involved  in  their  disorder  the  other 
troops  in  echelon*  to  their  right,  suffering  immense 
loss  from  the  running  fire  of  the  52nd  at  point-blank 
distance.  The  7ist,  too,  opened  fire  on  the  retreat- 
ing multitude,  which  to  these  regiments  standing  on 
the  higher  ground  showed,  as  it  crowded  the  valley 
towards  La  Haie  Sainte  without  a  vestige  of  ranks 
remaining,  like  the  vast  wreck  of  a  great  army. 
Never  was  disorganisation  more  sudden  or  com- 
plete." 

Wellington,  seeing  it,  ordered  the  general  advance 
of  the  whole  line,  which,  with  the  arrival  of  the  Prus- 
sians, effected  the  victory.  But  we  return  to  the 
story  of  Adam's  Brigade. 

*  So  Captain  Yonge,  meaning"  "  in  echelon  to  their  right  and  rear.'* 
But  according  to  Mr.  Ropes  the  front  column  was  to  the  right. 


1815.]  ADVANCE  OF  ADAM'S  BRIGADE. 

The  two  regiments  and  the  four  companies  of  the 
95th,  bringing  up  their  left  shoulders  still  in  line, 
followed  the,  routed  Guard  at  double-quick. 

Suddenly  a  body  of  British  cavalry  (the  23rd 
Light  Dragoons)  was  seen  approaching  the  left  com- 
pany of  the  52nd  at  full  gallop.  They  were  at  first 
mistaken  for  French  and  fired  upon,  but  being 
recognized,  they  were  allowed  to  pass  through. 
Sir  John  Colborne's  horse  was  wounded  and  the 
mistake  led  to  a  brief  halt,  during  which  the  Duke  .of 
Wellington  came  up  and  said,  "  Go  on,  go  on !  "* 

After  becoming  disengaged  from  the  cavalry  the 
52nd  found  that  some  guns  on  the  right  towards  La 
Belle  Alliance  were  firing  grape  into  the  front  of  the 
regiment  and  making  some  gaps  in  the  line.  Sir 
John  Colborne  was  on  foot.  Both  he  and  Colonel 
Rowan  had  had  their  horses  shot,  and  though  they 
had  jumped  on  the  horses  of  an  abandoned  French 
gun  and  called  out  to  be  "  cut  out,"  they  had  had,  after 
all,  to  dismount  and  follow  the  regiment  in  its  rapid 
advance  unmounted.  Seeing  the  effect  of  the  guns, 
Colborne  shouted,  "  Where  are  those  guns  ?  They 
are  destroying  the  regiment."  Lieutenant  Gawler 
told  him  their  position  and  was  directed  to  take  the 
right  section  and  drive  them  in.  He  did  so,  after- 
wards halting  for  the  regiment,  which  had  now 
brought  its  left  shoulder  rather  more  forward,  to 
come  up. 

Sir   John    Colborne    and    Colonel   Rowan    soon 

*  I  follow  Siborne  and  Leeke  in  putting  this  incursion  of  the  23rd 
Dragoons  after  the  rout  of  the  French  column.  Colborne,  who  is 
followed  by  Yonge,  seems  sometimes  to  put  it  before :  apparently  not 
considering  that  any  rout  of  the  complete  character  described  by 
Yonge  took  place  till  the  last  body  of  French  were  dispersed. 

I  2 


228  CAMPAIGN  OF   WATERLOO.  [Cn.  XV. 

found  plenty  of  horses  with  empty  saddles  and  were 
once  more  mounted. 

Near  the  Charleroi  road  three  squares  of  the 
Guard*  remained  formed  and  fired  on  the  52nd  and 
7 1  st,  but  as  soon  as  these  regiments  began  to  ascend 
the  hill  the  squares  ceased  firing,  faced  to  the  rear 
as  if  by  word  of  command,  and  were  soon  out  of 
sight — to  which  movement  some,  cannon  shot 
passing  from  the  rear  over  the  heads  of  the  two 
regiments,  and  giving  them  the  first  intimation  of  the 
approach  of  the  Prussians,  was  doubtless,  as  it  is 
said,  an  additional  inducement. 

At  500  or  600  yards  beyond  La  Haie  Sainte  the 
52nd  came  out  on  the  Charleroi  road,  having  in  their 
rapid  advance  left  behind  a  confused  mass  of  guns, 
tumbrils  and  several  hundreds  of  the  enemy  who 
became  prisoners. 

Sir  John  ordered  the  52nd  to  "  pass  the  road,"  and 
having  passed  to  form  line  and  wheel  to  the  right. 
The  52nd  then  moved  on  in  line,  keeping  their  right 
on  the  road,  and  passing  La  Belle  Alliance,  were 
joined  by  skirmishers  belonging  to  Billow's  corps  of 
Prussians,  which  shortly  after  that  came  obliquely 
from  the  left.  No  part  of  Sir  H.  Clinton's  Division 
but  the  52nd  crossed  the  Charleroi  road,  the  rest 
having  struck  to  the  right  towards  Rossomme.  At 
nightfall  the  52nd  halted  and  were  shortly  afterwards 
passed  by  Billow's  Corps  in  column,  going  in  pursuit 
of  the  routed  army. 


*  According'to  Houssaye,  these  consisted  of  the  2nd  Battalions  of 
the  1st  Chasseurs,  2nd  Grenadiers  and  2nd  Chasseurs.  Petit  seems 
to  put  only  two  battalions  here,  the  2nd  Battalions  of  the  ist  Chasseurs 
and  3rd  Grenadiers. 


1815.]  COLBORNE'S  MOVEMENT.  22$ 

Colborne's  first  care  next  morning  was  to  send  back 
a  strong  party  of  the  52nd  to  remove  the  wounded 
of  the  regiment,  an  attention  which  was  not  bestowed 
on  those  of  the  army  generally,  a  large  portion  of 
them  remaining  on  the  field  the  second  day  after  the 
battle. 

Captain  Yonge  thus  comments  on  the  story  which 
has  been  told : 

"  The  action  which  has  been  related  is  for  several 
reasons  worthy  of  particular  notice.  First — the 
wheeling  of  a  battalion  in  line,  though  under  such 
circumstances  the  only  practicable  mode  of  changing 
front,  was  altogether  unprecedented;  just  one  of 
those  promptings  of  inspiration  that  mark  the  mind 
of  a  great  general.  Executed  amid  a  continual 
roar  of  artillery  that  rendered  words  of  command 
inaudible,  trusting  chiefly  to  the  further  companies 
that  they  would  be  guided  by  the  touch  to  their 
inward  flank,  it  could  hardly  have  been  ventured  at 
all  but  for  the  previous  precaution  of  the  com- 
manding officer,  who,  when  the  order  was  given  by 
the  Duke  that  all  the  regiments  in  the  centre  should 
form  four  deep,  rather  than  loosen  his  files  by  that 
formation,  had  preferred  to  double  his  line  by  placing 
one  wing  closed  up  in  rear  of  the  other;  another 
instance  to  show  how  the  knowledge  of  details  and 
constant  attention  to  them  are  essential  in  order  to 
enable  an  officer  to  apply  his  men  to  the  best  pur- 
pose. Second. — That  owing  to  the  skill  with  which 
the  movement  was  made,  seizing  the  very  acme  of 
time,  never,  perhaps,  was  more  signal  service  done 
by  a  body  of  troops  so  disproportionate  in  number 
to  the  force  attacked;  that  force  being  composed 


230  CAMPAIGN  OF   WATERLOO.  [Cn.  XV. 

of  the  elite  of  the  enemy's  army,  the  most  veteran 
troops  in  Europe.  A  line  on  the  flank  of  a  column 
exhibits  in  the  highest  degree  the  triumph  of  skill 
over  numbers.  The  column  has  only  the  alternative 
of  flight  or  destruction.  Third. — That  this  adven- 
turous movement  was  undertaken,  upon  his  sole 
responsibility,  by  the  commanding  officer  of  a  single 
battalion,  and  that  from  the  first  onset  of  the  52nd, 
that  regiment  and  the  7ist  proceeded  to  the  close  of 
the  day  without  receiving  orders  from  any  general 
officer,  whether  of  brigade  or  division,  the  7ist  con- 
forming to  the  movements  of  the  52nd.  Fourth. — 
That  the  successful  charge  and  immediate  pursuit 
of  the  broken  column  carried  Adam's  Brigade  far 
ahead  of  the  rest  of  the  army,  constituting  them,  as 
it  were,  an  advanced  guard  to  the  main  body  of  the 
British  army." 

And  Captain  Yonge's  insistence  on  the  importance 
of  Colborne's  bold  movement  is  echoed  by  General 
Sir  James  Shaw-Kennedy,  in  spite  of  his  adopting 
Siborne's  theory  of  the  two  attacks  of  the  Imperial 
Guard : 

"  It  is  perhaps  impossible  to  point  out  in 
history  any  other  instance  in  which  so  small 
a  force  as  that  with  which  Colborne  acted  [at 
^Waterloo]  had  so  powerful  an  influence  on 
the  result  of  a  great  battle  in  which  the  numbers 
engaged  on  each  side  were  so  large."  He  adds : 
"  The  discipline  of  the  52nd  Regiment  was  at  all 
times  admirable;  and  Colborne  caused  the  move- 
ments on  this  occasion  to  be  made  with  a  precision 
which  ensured  coolness,  gave  security  against  all 
attack,  and  rendered  both  the  firing  and  the  advance 


1815.]  COLBORNE'S  MOVEMENT.  231 

in    line    of   the   battalion    of   the    most   formidable 
character."* 

And  in  a  private  letter,  dated  "  Bath,  I5th  May, 
1864,"  the  same  eminent  writer  speaks  still  more 
strongly : 

"  If  you  wish  to  know  the  two  most  brilliant  events 
of  Lord  Seaton's  life,  you  must  become  fully  acquainted 
with  how  he  conducted  the  52nd  Regiment  at  the  battle 
of  Orthes,  and  how  he  commanded  and  led  the  regiment 
in  his  most  brilliant  and  successful  attack  on  the  French 
Guards  at  Waterloo.  Having  read  a  good  deal  of  military 
history,  I  don't  think  that  I  impose  upon  myself  a  for- 
midable task  when  I  say  that  no  man  can  point  out  to  me 
any  instance,  either  in  ancient  or  modern  history,  of  a 
single  battalion  so  influencing  the  result  of  a  great  general 
action  as  the  result  of  the  Battle  of  Waterloo  was  in- 
fluenced by  the  attack  of  the  52nd  Regiment  on  the 
Imperial  Guard,  of  which  it  defeated  first  four  bat- 
talions,t  and  afterwards  three  other  battalions ;  and  Col- 
borne  did  almost  all  this  from  his  own  impulse  and  on  his 
own  responsibility.  Napier  was  a  witness  of  what  was 
done  at  Orthes ;  /  of  what  took  place  at  Waterloo." 

Colonel  Gawler,  who  took  part  in  the  movement, 
writes :  "  The  flank  attack  on  the  Moyenne  Garde 
was  really  a  most  important  and  hazardous  measure, 
and  to  the  enemy  most  destructive  in  its  conse- 
quences. In  itself,  abstractedly,  it  was  a  more 
brilliant  thing  than  either  the  storming  of  the  Pass 
of  Vera  or  the  turning  of  the  crisis  at  Orthes,  for 
both  of  which  Sir  John  Colborne  and  the  52nd 

*  Notes  on  the  Battle  of  Waterloo  (1865),  p.  147. 

t  The  writer  follows  Siborne,  who  maintains  that  the  leading  column 
of  the  Imperial  Guard  was  defeated  by  Maitland's  Guards  and  that 
Colborne's  movement  was  directed  against  a  second  column  con- 
sisting of  four  battalions. 


232  CAMPAIGN  OF  WATERLOO.  [Cn.  XV. 

Regiment  obtained  especial  credit.  I  was  engaged 
in  all,  and  speak  as  an  eye-witness."* 

Colonel  Gawler  was  the  means  of  publishing!  an 
interesting  French  testimony  to  the  effect  of  Col- 
borne's  movement  contained  in  a  letter  addressed  to 
him  by  Colonel  Brotherton  on  2nd  August,  1833. 
Colonel  Brotherton  states  that  having  met  a  French 
officer  who  had  been  with  the  Imperial  Guard  in 
the  attack  he  had  himself  adverted  to  the  singular 
coincidence  of  the  Imperial  Guard  encountering  our 
British  Guards  at  such  a  crisis.  "  Upon  which  he 
[the  French  officer]  observed,  without  seeming  in 
the  least  to  detract  from  the  merit  of  the  troops 
which  the  column  had  to  encounter  in  its  front,  who, 
he  said,  showed  '  tres  bonne  contenance?  that  I  was 
wrong  ...  in  supposing  the  attack  was  solely 
repulsed  by  the  troops  opposed  to  it  in  front ;  '  for/ 
added  he,  '  nous  fumes  principal ement  repousses 
par  une  attaque  de  flanc  tres  vive  qui  nous 
e  eras  a? '  We  may  add  the  testimony  of  a  young 
Engineer  officer,  contained  in  a  letter  written  two 
days  after  the  battle.  "  An  attack,"  he  says,  "  was 
made  by  the  Imperial  Guards  and  reserve.  For 
some  time  the  combatants  were  enveloped  in  the 
smoke,  and  the  event  of  the  day  was  in  suspense. 
The  column,  however,  was  taken  in  flank  and 
broken.  Assailed  on  all  sides  it  became  a  flight."}: 

Chesney,§  while  giving  the  Guards  a  great  part 

*  Unpublished  letter  to  Captain  Siborne,  May  I5th,  1843. 
f  United  Service  Journal,  1833. 

\  Letters  of  an    Officer  of  the  Corps  of  Royal  Engineers  (John 
Sperling),  1872,  p.  133. 

§  Waterloo  Lectures,  p.  215. 


1815.]  COLBORNE'S  MOVEMENT.  233 

of  the  credit  of  repulsing  the  Imperial  Guard, 
continues : 

"  Enough  remains  for  that  famous  regiment, 
already  high  in  the  roll  of  history,  whose  splendid 
flank  attack  and  steady  pursuit,  with  the  final  over- 
throw of  the  intact  battalions  which  it  met  at  the 
foot  of  the  hill,  prove  that  neither  Colborne  nor  his 
men  were  over-praised  in  the  glowing  pages  of  the 
Peninsular  War.  The  Dutch  have  assigned  much 
of  the  credit  here  to  Chasse's  Division,  which 
opportunely  reinforced  the  line  about  the  time  of 
the  assault,  but  the  proof  is  undeniable  from  the 
testimony  of  numerous  eye-witnesses,  that  Colborne, 
keeping  steadily  in  advance  of  the  rest  of  the  Anglo- 
allied  infantry,  defeated  the  only  battalions  left 
unbroken  of  the  Guard."* 

It  was  long  before  the  achievement  of  Adam's 
Brigade  obtained  recognition. 

The  Duke  of  Wellington's  despatch  of  iQth  June 
said  nothing  as  to  the  manner  in  which  Napoleon's 
last  attack  was  defeated.  Nothing  could  be  vaguer 
than  its  language : 

"  About  seven  in  the  evening  .  .  .  the  enemy  made  a 
desperate  effort  with  cavalry  and  infantry,  supported  by 
the  fire  of  artillery,  to  force  our  left  centre,  near  the  farm 
of  La  Haye  Sainte,  which,  after  a  severe  contest,  was 
defeated ;  and  having  observed  that  the  troops  retired 
from  this  attack  in  great  confusion  ...  I  ...  advanced 
the  whole  line  of  infantry,  supported  by  the  cavalry 
and  artillery.  The  attack  succeeded  .  .  .  the  enemy  fled." 

Unfortunately,  when  he  came  to  praise  his  troops, 

*  The  two  battalions  of  the   1st  Grenadiers,  according  to  Petit, 
were  still  standing. 


234  CAMPAIGN  OF   WATERLOO.  [Cn.  XV. 

the  Duke  used  words  which  were  capable  of  mis- 
interpretation : 

"  The  division  of  Guards,  under  Lieutenant-General 
Cooke,  Major-General  Maitland  and  Major-General  Byng, 
set  an  example  which  was  followed  by  all." 

These  words  apparently  refer  to  the  fact  that  the 
first  French  attack  of  the  day — on  Hougomont — 
was  repelled  by  the  Guards,  and  do  not  mean  that 
the  British  Guards  defeated  the  Imperial  Guards 
at  the  close  of  the  action — Cooke  having  then  left 
the  field. 

Yet — though  Colborne  was  too  much  engaged 
to  know  anything  about  it  at  the  time — the  3rd 
Battalion  of  Maitland's  Brigade  of  Guards  were 
undoubtedly  engaged,  either  with  the  head  of  the 
column  which  Colborne  assailed  in  the  flank,  with 
some  column  in  echelon  with  it  to  its  right,  according 
to  Mr.  Ropes'  theory,  or  with  a  body  of  massed 
skirmishers,  according  to  Mr.  Leeke's.  And  from 
this  basis  of  fact,  or  a  misunderstanding  of  the 
Duke's  words,  it  was  quickly  accepted  that  the 
attack  of  the  Imperial  Guard  had  been  repelled  by 
the  British  Guards,  and  by  them  alone. 

Lord  Bathurst,  Foreign  Minister  and  Minister  of 
War,  speaking  on  the  battle  in  the  House  of  Lords 
on  June  23rd,  used  these  words: 

'  Towards  the  close  of  the  day  Bonaparte  himself, 
at  the  head  of  his  Guards,  made  a  desperate  charge 
upon  the  British  Guards,  and  the  British  Guards 
instantly  overthrew  the  French?* 

No  word  of  Colborne's  wheeling  movement,  of 

*  Times,  24th  June,  1815. 


1 8 15-]  THE  MOVEMENT  IGNORED.  235 

the  flank  fire,  of  the  triumphant  charge  for  800  yards 
of  Adam's  Brigade ! 

And  the  Gazette  of  29th  July  contained  the 
announcement : 

"  His  Royal  Highness  has  been  pleased  to 
approve  of  the  ist  Regiment  of  Foot  Guards  being 
made  a  regiment  of  Grenadiers,  and  styled  '  the  i  st, 
or  Grenadier,  Regiment  of  Foot  Guards/  in  com- 
memoration of  their  having  defeated  the  Grenadiers 
of  the  French  Imperial  Guard  upon  this  memorable 


occasion." 


Colborne,  who  believed,  rightly  or  wrongly,  that 
he  had  had  a  main  hand  in  deciding  the  battle,  on 
reading  the  Duke's  despatch  and  this  announcement 
at  Paris,  saw,  with  bitterness,  that  he  had  been 
ignored  and  the  praise  which  should  have  come  to 
him  and  to  the  52nd  was  given  to  others.  Till  that 
time,  he  says,  he  had  heard  nothing  of  the  charge  of 
the  Guards. 

Even  under  his  sense  of  wrong,  he  uttered  no 
complaint.  His  attitude  is  well  seen  in  a  story  told 
to  Lady  Montgomery-Moore  by  Sir  Charles  Rowan. 
When  the  officers  of  the  52nd  were  once  discussing 
the  battle  at  Paris,  and  blaming  the  Duke,  Sir  John, 
overhearing  them,  said  quietly  and  emphatically, 
"  For  shame,  gentlemen !  One  would  think  you 
forgot  that  the  52nd  had  ever  been  in  battle  before !  " 
From  that  day  the  matter  was  never  mentioned ;  it 
became  a  point  of  honour  to  take  it  as  the  Colonel 
did. 

For  many  years  Colborne  refrained  from  reading 
accounts  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo.  He  was  a  busy 
man,  and  he  says  they  roused  many  painful  recollec- 


236  CAMPAIGN  OF  WATERLOO.  [Cn.  XV. 

tions.  Perhaps  on  this  account  he  paid  too  little 
attention  to  the  claim  of  the  Guards  to  have  repulsed 
a  column  of  the  Imperial  Guard.  The  memoranda 
he  eventually  wrote  on  the  part  played  by  himself 
and  his  regiment  in  the  battle  (or- rather,  by  his  regi- 
ment, for  he  scrupulously  kept  himself  in  the 
background)  were  inspired  by  the  publication,  or 
intended  publication,  of  three  works  by  other 
men: — Gawler's  Crisis  and  Close  of  the  Action  at 
Waterloo,  Siborne's  Waterloo,  and  Moorsom's 
History  of  the  $2nd  Regiment* 

But  the  strong  belief  he  held  throughout  that  the 
52nd,  "  by  stopping  the  progress  of  that  column, 
made  the  great  charge  of  the  day,"  throws  into 
brighter  relief  the  proud  self-repression  with  which 
he  refused  to  claim  that  credit  for  himself  which  he 
believed  he  deserved,  and  the  generosity  with  which 
he  ever  excused  the  defects  in  the  Duke's  despatch, 
deprecated  the  attaching  of  importance  to  the 
impressions  of  subordinate  officers,  and  eulogized 
the  Duke's  generalship  alike  at  Waterloo  as  in  the 
Peninsula.  "  Never,"  he  writes,  "  did  any  com- 
mander gain  a  victory  more  by  his  personal  exer- 
tions and  by  his  prompt  presence  at  points  where 
the  efforts  of  the  enemy  had  nearly  succeeded." 
"  Despatches  are  written  in  haste,  and  it  is  impossible 
for  a  general  to  do  justice  to  his  army."  "  Every 
officer  being  intent  on  some  particular  object,  with 
a  distinct  part  to  perform,  his  eye  is  confined  to  a 
small  angle." 

This  was  the  tone  of  all  Colborne's  references  to 
Waterloo. 

*  See  these  Memoranda,  Appendix  II. 


I8I5-]  COLBORNE'S  SELF-SUPPRESSION.  237 

Miss  Charlotte  Yonge  writes  of  him :  "  I  heard 
him  myself  only  excusing  the  Duke  by  saying 
nobody  knew  how  difficult  it  is  to  write  a  despatch 
after  a  battle,  and  that  the  Duke  was  distressed  by 
the  sufferings  of  his  wounded  staff-officer  in  the 
house  and  room  with  him.  Moreover,  that  there 
had  been  a  messenger  sent  after  himself,  who  had 
failed  to  find  him  as  he  was  looking  after  his 
wounded,  or  probably  there  would  have  been  no 
such  omission.  That  entire  absence  of  self- 
assertion  has  always  seemed  to  me  one  of  the  most 
striking  signs  of  a  really  great  nature  I  ever  saw. 
.  .  .  Indeed,  I  always  remember  him  and  Mr. 
Keble  as  the  two  most  humble  men  I  ever  knew."* 

The  following  letter  to  Miss  Fanny  Bargus  was 
written  by  Colborne  immediately  after  the  battle. 
Its  reference  to  the  part  played  by  the  52nd  is 
disappointingly  meagre.  No  doubt  Colborne 
described  the  battle  more  fully  to  his  wife,  but  his 
letters  to  her  are  not  preserved,  having  been  burnt, 
as  is  said,  at  the  time  of  the  rebellion  in  Canada. 

"  Nivelles, 

"  i  gth  June,  1815. 

"  My  dear  Fanny, — You  will  be  anxious  to  hear  of  us 
after  the  most  severe  conflict  I  have  ever  witnessed,  and  I 
think  it  will  be  the  most  important  in  the  result  William 
Leeke  is  very  well.  Our  infantry  behaved  nobly,  and  the 
52nd  as  usual. 

"  I  have  only  time  to  write  you  these  few  lines.  You 
will  be  surprized  at  the  Gazette;  we  have  lost  some  of 
our  most  valuable  officers.  My  kind  regards  to  your 
mother  and  Maria. — Your  affectionate  brother, 

"  Miss  Bargus,  "  J.   COLBORNE. 

"118,  Sloane-street,  Chelsea,  London." 

*  Monthly  Packet,  1888,  Christmas  Number,  p.  vii. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

MARCH   TO    PARIS.     A   LONG    LEAVE.     WITH   THE 

52ND     IN     ENGLAND.      LIEUTENANT-GOVERNORSHIP 

OF  GUERNSEY,  1821-1828. 

SIR  F.  ADAM  having  been  wounded  at  Waterloo,  Sir 
John  Colborne  now  commanded  the  brigade. 

On  iQth  June  the  52nd  marched  from  Maison  du 
Roi  to  Nivelles,  where  they  enjoyed  a  wash  for  the 
first  time  for  three  days — on  the  2Oth  to  Binche— 
on  the  2ist  they  entered  France  and  marched  to 
Bavay,  on  the  22nd  to  Le  Cateau  Cambresis,  where 
they  remained  till  the  25th. 

Leeke  tells  us  that  at  this  time  his  boots  were  very 
dilapidated,  and  Sir  John  Colborne,  noticing  it, 
made  him  a  present  of  a  new  pair  of  his  own. 
Marching  by  Joucour,  Lauchy,  Roye,  Clermont, 
they  reached  La  Chapelle  on  the  3Oth,  where  Sir 
John  Colborne  and  other  officers  were  quartered  in 
the  Chateau  of  Marshal  Moncey  and  for  the  first 
time  for  a  fortnight  undressed  and  slept  in  a  bed. 

On  the  ist  July  they  first  saw  Paris,  and  once 
more  met  some  French  soldiers,  some  skirmishers 
having  been  sent  out  from  St.  Denis.  Sir  John 
Colborne  sent  down  a  party  of  the  /ist,  who  drove 


1815.]  MARCH  TO  PARIS.  239 

them   off.     On   the    2nd   the    52nd   were   alone   at 
Argenteuil  on  the  Seine. 

On  the  3rd  July  the  French,  under  Davoust, 
twice  attacked  the  Prussians,  but  were  beaten  and 
pursued  almost  to  the  walls  of  Paris.  "  On  the  same 
day  a  Convention  was  signed,  and  in  the  afternoon 
the  52nd  crossed  the  Seine  and  proceeded  to  the 
bridge  of  Neuilly,  which  Sir  John  Colborne  had 
received  orders  to  cross,  but  from  which  the  French 
refused  to  retire.  The  two  front  companies  of  the 
52nd  were  advanced  a  short  distance  in  front  of  the 
column  with  fixed  bayonets.  Sir  John  coolly  took 
out  his  watch  and  allowed  five  minutes  to  the  French 
commander  in  which  to  give  up  the  bridge  or  have 
it  stormed ;  in  two  or  three  minutes  it  was  given  up. 
The  village  of  Neuilly  was  occupied,  and  the  52nd 
passed  the  night  in  the  walled  graveyard."* 

Lord  Seaton  gives  the  following  account  of  this 
occurrence : 

"  I  had  been  ordered  to  take  a  brigade  across  the 
bridge  of  Neuilly  and  put  them  on  the  other  side 
towards  the  Bois  de  Boulogne.  Some  staff  officers, 
Rowan  and  others,  were  standing  on  the  bridge.  A 
French  officer  on  the  other  side  said  we  should  not 
pass  and  the  staff  officers  supported  him,  but  I  said 
I  should  see  to  that,  and  went  on  the  bridge,  while 
the  column  continued  to  advance.  The  French 
officer  now  began  calling  out, '  Stop  the  column ;  you 
cannot  and  you  shall  not  pass ! '  I  really  began  to 
have  some  doubts  whether  he  was  not  going  to  blow 
up  the  bridge.  However,  I  went  on,  and  the  column 

*  Moorsom,  p.  262 


240  MARCH  TO  PARIS.  [Cn.  XVI. 

after  me.  It  was  rather  a  rash  thing,  but  I  was 
determined  to  go  over,  as  I  had  my  orders  to  post 
my  brigade  on  that  side.  So  while  the  French 
officer  went  on  vociferating,  *  Vous  ne  passerez 
pas! '  I  marched  them  across  and  right  through  the 
embrasure.  On  the  other  side  we  found  a  troop  of 
dragoons.  Very  fine-looking  fellows  they  were,  but 
all  rather  drunk.  Their  officer  also  came  up  in  a 
tremendous  rage  and  asked,  '  Qu'allez-vous  faire  ? 
]Allez-vous  a  Paris  ce  soir  ? '  and  all  his  dragoons 
began  galloping  round  us  and  covering  us  with  dust. 
However,  I  marched  my  men  straight  on,  and  posted 
them  and  ordered  them  to  lie  down,  and  there  we 
stayed  all  night,  with  our  sentries  and  those  of  the 
French  close  together.  Then  I  rode  a  little  further 
to  see  the  town.  I  met  an  old  Frenchman,  who  said 
to  me,  '  You  had  better  not  go  any  further,  there  is 
a  whole  body  of  dragoons  round  the  corner,  Us 
sont  si  enrages'  So,  on  hearing  that,  I  galloped 
back  as  fast  as  I  could.  The  soldiers  were  partly  in 
a  sort  of  garden  with  a  wall  round  it.  I  remember 
Charley  Rowan  saying  to  me  next  morning,  '  Well, 
I  never  spent  such  a  night  and  did  not  think  of 
closing  my  eyes  the  whole  time.' 

"  I  do  not  know  how  it  was.  I  suppose  the 
French  officer  had  his  orders  to  keep  the  bridge  and 
I  had  mine  to  cross  it.  He  could  not  have  defended 
it  with  his  small  force,  but  a  little  way  from  us  there 
must  have  been  80,000  men.  They  were  under 
Davoust,  I  think.  Napoleon  was  then  on  his  way  to 
Cherbourg,  I  suppose." 

On  the  4th  July  the  French  army  quitted  Paris. 
The  52nd  proceeded  to  the  Bois  de  Boulogne,  where 


1815.]  ENCAMPED  IN  PARIS.  241 

they  stayed  till  the  7th,  when  General  Adam's  Bri- 
gade (the  52nd,  ;ist,  2nd  and  3rd  Battalions  95th) 
had  the  honour  of  entering  Paris.  They  were  the 
only  troops  which  occupied  the  city ;  the  rest  of  the 
army  remained  in  the  Bois  de  Boulogne.  The 
brigade  was  encamped  in  the  Champs  Elysees,  the 
52nd  being  to  the  left  of  the  road  leading  towards 
the  Seine.  Two  companies  and  the  quarter-guard 
of  the  52nd  were  close  to  the  garden  wall  of  the 
Duke  of  Wellington's  house  and  to  the  Place  Louis 
Quinze,  now  the  Place  de  la  Concorde,  the  remainder 
100  yards  further  away. 

General  Sir  Alexander  Montgomery-Moore  writes 
that  Lord  Seaton  pointed  out  to  him  in  Paris  in 
1857  the  spot  where  his  tent  stood,*  and  said  the 
Duke  of  Wellington  came  and  stood  on  the  little 
dwarf  wall  and  called  out,  "  Here,  Colborne,  here 
are  two  things  for  you,"  handing  him  the  orders  of 
Maria  Theresa  of  Austria  and  St.  George  of  Russia.t 
"  I  took  them,"  remarked  Lord  Seaton  once,  "  saying, 
c  They  do  not  give  me  the  least  pleasure/  but  an 
old  colonel  who  was  sitting  by  me  said,  *  Colborne, 
it  is  my  belief  you  care  for  them  just  as  much  as 
other  people/ 

*  He  had  also  a  billet  in  the  town.     See  Leeke,  I.,  p.  158. 

f  His  appointment  to  the  4th  Class  of  the  Order  of  St.  George  is 
dated  "Paris,  iQth  August,  1815,"  that  as  Knight  of  the  Order  of 
Maria  Theresa,  "  Paris,  2nd  August,  1815."  The  statutes  of  the  latter 
order  (whose  centenary  on  i8th  June,  1857,  Colborne,  then  Lord 
Seaton,  attended  at  Vienna)  are  interesting:  "All  officers  of  all 
ranks  may  be  admitted  into  this  order  for  bravery  in  action  only.  It 
is  an  order  of  valour,  and  neither  birth,  rank,  meritorious  or  long 
service,  or  even  wounds  are  of  themselves  sufficient  qualification. 
The  candidate  must  describe  the  action,  and  prove  his  part  in  it, 
when  the  Chapter  may  recommend  the  Sovereign  to  appoint  him  to 
any  class  of  the  order  which  he  may  deserve :  an  ensign  might  by 
bravery  become  at  once  a  Grand  Cross  of  the  Order*' 


242  IN  PARIS.  [Cn.  XVI. 

"  When  I  went  to  thank  Sir  George  Murray  for  the 
orders  the  latter  said,  '  Well,  I  am  glad  you  are 
pleased,  for  Colonel  Lygon  has  just  been  here  to 
return  the  Cross  of  the  Second  Class  of  the  Order  of 
St.  Vladimir,  as  he  says  it  would  be  degrading  to  the 
commanding  officer  of  the  Life  Guards  to  wear 
what  every  officer  of  the  Russian  army  is  entitled 
to  after  two  years/  When  the  Duke  heard  of  this, 
all  he  said  was,  '  Won't  Colonel  Lygon  accept  it  ? 
Well  then,  give  it  to  Colonel  Somebody-else,  who 
will.' " 

Adam's  Brigade  remained  in  the  Champs  Elysees 
till  the  2nd  November. 

Lord  Seaton  said :  "  I  had  the  superintendence 
of  the  British  camp,  which  extended  from  the  Place 
de  la  Concorde  to  the  Tuileries,  immediately  under 
the  Duke  of  Wellington's  quarters.  I  took  the 
greatest  pains  to  have  it  kept  neat  and  clean,  and 
succeeded  so  well  that  the  Duke  once  took  some 
officers  to  look  at  it,  and  leaning  over  the  wall  that 
divided  it  off  from  his  house,  said,  '  This  is  the 
sweetest  camp  I  have  ever  known,  and  I  have 
known  a  good  many/ 

"At  Paris  I  used  sometimes  to  have  30  men  or 
so  marched  out  early  in  the  day  for  about  10  miles 
as  a  punishment,  but  I  do  not  think  now  that  it  is  a 
good  thing  to  do." 

Mr.  Leeke  writes :  "  Sir  John  Colborne  took  the 
52nd  several  times  to  the  Champ-de-Mars  which, 
was  a  very  extensive  and  good  exercising  ground. 
There  we  first  practised  the  half-face  movement  in 
column,  which  I  think  was  taken  up  from  the  Prus- 
sians, and  was  afterwards  found  to  be  a  most  useful 


1815.]  JUSTICE  AND  MERCY.  243 

movement.  One  day  we  came  across  the  Emperor 
of  Russia  and  his  staff  in  the  Champ-de-Mars,  and 
Sir  John  very  neatly  threw  the  regiment  into  close 
column  just  as  the  Emperor  was  arriving  in  front 
of  the  flank  company  and  saluted  him  with  covered 
arms.  As  the  Emperor  was  merely  riding  across 
the  Champ-de-Mars,  and  as  we  were  only  there  for 
drill,  the  salute  with  carried  arms  in  close  column 
was  the  only  available  method  of  showing  him  any 
attention." 

Mr.  Leeke  also  tells  a  story  of  a  52nd  soldier  being 
condemned  to  be  shot  for  insubordination  towards 
an  officer  of  another  regiment :  "  I  saw  an  interview 
between  the  Duke  and  Sir  John  Colborne,  which 
I  had  reason  to  believe  was  connected  with  this 
man's  execution.  The  Duke  had  come  into  our 
camp  from  his  garden  door,  and  as  Colborne  almost 
immediately  joined  him  I  fancy  the  interview  had 
been  arranged  before.  The  Duke,  who  generally 
appeared  to  be  a  person  of  a  very  quiet  demeanour, 
seemed  on  this  occasion  to  speak  with  some  con- 
siderable earnestness,  and  Colborne,  who  was  most 
anxious,  as  we  all  were,  that  the  man's  life  should  be 
spared,  was  equally  energetic.  The  conversation 
did  not  last  more  than  seven  or  eight  minutes,  and  I 
did  not  learn  the  result  until  the  order  for  the 
execution  appeared  in  orders."  Next  day,  when  all 
was  ready  for  the  execution,  "  an  aide-de-camp,  the 
bearer  of  a  reprieve,  rode  into  the  square.  I  think 
it  was  an  order  from  the  Duke  granting  the  man  a 
pardon,  and  stating  that  it  was  partly  in  consideration 
of  the  high  character  of  the  regiment  to  which  he 


244  IN  PARIS.  [Cn.  XVI. 

belonged  that  the  Duke  was  induced  to  take  this 
course."* 

The  following  stories  told  by  Lord  Seaton  relate 
to  this  time : 

"  Hardinge  was  attached  to  Blucher  on  the  march 
to  Paris,  and  has  frequently  told  me  that  Blucher 
used  to  say  every  night,  'Well,  I  shall  be  sure  to 
get  Bonaparte  somewhere  when  we  get  to  Paris ;  if 
so,  I  shall  take  him  directly  to  Vincennes  and  shoot 
him  in  the  very  place  he  shot  d'Enghien.' 

"  Blucher  gave  Hardinge  Louis  XVI 1 1  /s  own 
copy  of  the  Memoirs  of  Madame  de  la  Roche- 
jacquelein,  which  Napoleon  had  taken  with  him  to 
read  on  the  campaign,  and  which  had  been  found 
in  his  carriage. 

"  Once  at  dinner  at  Paris  the  Duke  was  giving  a 
description  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo,  when  Sir  F. 
Adam  asked  him  across  the  table,  *  Pray,  what  would 
your  Grace  have  done  if  the  French  Guards  had  not 
been  dispersed  ? '  '  Oh,'  said  the  Duke,  '  I  should 
have  retired  to  the  Bois  de  Soignies  and  given  battle 
again  the  next  morning/  *  But  if  you  could  not 
have  done  that  ? '  said  Adam,  pressing  him.  '  It 
never  could  have  been  so  bad  as  that,  you  know,' 
said  the  Duke  hastily,  and  got  up  and  called 
for  coffee,  rather  ruffled,  I  think,  at  the  question 
being  put. 

"  When  the  Venetian  horses  were  taken  down 
from  the  Arc  du  Carrousel  I  dressed  in  plain  clothes 
and  went  into  the  Place  du  Carrousel  to  hear  what 
the  people  said.  They  did  not  seem  to  mind  it  at 
all.  They  said,  '  Ma  foi,  Us  ont  beaucoup  voyage' 

*  Leeke,  I.,  pp.  162,  170. 


i3i5-]  BLUCHER  AND  NEY.  245 

and  that  sort  of  thing,  but  not  as  if  they  were  angry ; 
and  when  the  Griffin  was  taken,  they  said  they  were 
glad  to  say  good-bye  to  that  *  grande  tete  laide' 
Six  or  seven  thousand  of  our  soldiers  were  parading 
about  as  there  had  been  some  fear  of  a  disturbance, 
but  it  all  passed  off  very  quietly.  It  was  the 
Austrians  who  were  taking  the  things  away,  but  as 
we  were  the  only  troops  then  in  Paris  we  got  all  the 
odium,  though  we  were  the  only  people  who  were 
to  gain  nothing. 

"  I  remember  hearing  a  Frenchman  say  that  he 
had  been  to  the  Louvre  every  day  of  the  year  when 
all  the  pictures  and  statuary  were  there,  just  to  look 
at  two  or  three  at  a  time. 

"  It  was  said  that  the  Duke  wished  to  intercede 
for  Ney  with  Louis  XVIII.,  but  the  King  guessed 
his  intention  and  talked  to  him  the  whole  evening 
so  as  to  leave  him  no  opportunity.  A  Royalist 
said  to  me,  '  If  Ney  is  not  executed  it  will 
be  impossible  for  us  to  remain  in  Paris.'  The 
following  story  is  told  of  Ney's  treason  in 
1814.  It  had  been  announced  that  Ney  would 
inspect  his  troops  one  morning.  When  he 
rode  to  where  they  were  drawn  up,  he  raised  his 
hat  and  cried,  '  Vive  VEmpereur! '  His  aide-de- 
camp said,  '  You  mistake.  You  mean  "  Vive  le 
Roi" '  *  No  mistake,  Sir,'  he  replied,  *  Vive 
VEmpereur! ' 

"  On  one  occasion  the  Duke  de  Chartres  had 
been  fired  at,  the  ball  passing  through  his  carriage, 
and  the  assailant  was  condemned  to  die.  The 
Duke,  when  pressed  to  save  the  man's  life,  said  to 
me,  '  I  will  never  intercede  for  an  assassin.' 


246  IN  PARIS.  [Cn.  XVL 

"  It  seems  only  a  short  time  since  old  Lowe  came 
proudly  into  my  tent  at  Paris  and  showing  me 
the  letter  which  gave  him  the  offer  of  going  to  St. 
Helena.  He  said  then  that  he  was  quite  deter- 
mined not  to  accept  it,  but  they  afterwards  made 
it  ,£1,200  a  year,  and  he  thought  it  was  too  good 
a  thing  for  a  poor  man  to  refuse. 

"  Sir  Hudson  Lowe  always  hesitated  in  his  replies, 
a  thing  the  Duke  of  Wellington  could  not  endure. 
On  one  occasion  the  Duke  said,  '  Where  does  that 
road  lead  to,  Sir  Hudson?'  Sir  Hudson  began 
drawing  his  plans  from  his  pocket  before  answering. 
The  Duke,  putting  his  hand  to  his  mouth,  turned 
round  to  an  officer  with  him,  saying, '  D — d  old  fool ! ' 

Another   officer,    General  ,   knew   the    Duke's 

ways  so  well  that,  whether  he  was  sure  of  a  thing  or 
not,  he  always  answered  directly.  For  instance,  if 
the  Duke  asked,  '  How  many  rounds  of  ammunition 
have  we? '  he  answered  immediately,  '  Four  hundred 
and  twenty.'  On  a  friend  remonstrating,  *  How 
could  you  say  that,  when  you  could  not  possibly 
know?'  he  would  answer,  'Oh,  I  knew  it  must  be 
thereabouts,  and  if  I  am  wrong  I  can  tell  him 
afterwards.' ' 

On  2nd  November  the  brigade,  now  once  more 
commanded  by  Sir  F.  Adam,  moved  from  Paris  to 
Versailles,  and  in  the  middle  of  December  to  St. 
Germain.  Sir  John  Colborne  now  obtained  a  long 
leave  of  absence. 

Rejoining  his  wife  at  Yealmpton  on  4th  January, 
1816,  he  saw  for  the  first  time  his  child  James 
(afterwards  second  Lord  Seaton),  who  had  been 
born  on  the  8th  September  preceding. 


i8i5-8.]  A   LONG  LEAVE.  247 

Accompanied  by  Lady  Colborne,  her  brother 
James,  and  the  baby,  Sir  John  left  England  on  23rd 
June  for  a  long  tour  on  the  Continent. 

After  visiting  the  chief  towns  of  Holland  they 
passed  into  Germany,  reaching  Dresden  on  27th 
July,  where  they  stayed  a  month,  during  which  all 
except  the  baby  took  lessons  in  German.  At  the 
close,  as  Mr.  James  Yonge  writes,  "  Colonel 
Colborne  paid  the  master  double  his  demand  (36 
dollars),  which  affected  him  almost  to  the  shedding 
of  tears."  From  the  4th  to  the  9th  September  they 
were  at  Berlin,  whence  they  proceeded  through 
Dresden  and  Saxon  Switzerland  to  Vienna,  whence 
Mr.  James  Yonge  returned  to  England. 

Sir  John  and  Lady  Colborne,  after  staying  three 
months  at  Baden,  entered  Italy  early  in  February, 
and  proceeded  by  Venice  to  Rome,  where  they 
stayed  from  the  26th  till  the  loth  March,  1817.  On 
the  1 4th  they  arrived  at  Florence,  where,  on  the 
22nd  April,  their  second  son,  Francis,  was  born. 
They  left  Florence  on  23rd  June  and  proceeded 
through  the  Tyrol  into  Switzerland,  passing  the 
summer  at  Zurich,  from  which  centre  Sir  John  made 
a  two  months'  tour  alone.  Leaving  Zurich  on  i8th 
October  they  made  their  way  to  Mannheim  (8th 
November)  and  stayed  there  till  the  loth  March, 
1818,  when  they  moved  towards  France.  Spending 
the  first  fortnight  of  April  in  Paris,  Sir  John  dined 
with  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  General  Murray  and 
Sir  Andrew  Barnard.  The  party  landed  at  Dover 
on  1 7th  April  and  reached  Yealmpton  on  the  26th. 
On  the  1 8th  May  Sir  John  Colborne  left  his  wife, 
then  about  to  give  birth  to  a  daughter,  in  order  to 


248       WITH  THE  FIFTY-SECOND  AT  ST.  OMER.  [Cn.  XVI. 

rejoin  his  regiment  in  France.  It  was  the  last  year 
of  the  occupation,  and  Colonel  Colborne  resumed 
the  command  of  the  52nd  at  St.  Omer. 

Leeke  tells  that  Sir  John's  establishment  of 
horses  being  incomplete,  he  bought  a  horse  of 
Leeke,  which,  the  first  day  he  appeared  on  parade, 
bolted  and  carried  him  to  his  quarters  a  mile  and  a 
half  away,  Sir  John  having  an  imperfect  command 
of  a  horse  owing  to  the  results  of  the  wound  in  his 
right  shoulder  received  at  Ciudad  Rodrigo. 

In  the  middle  of  August  the  52nd  marched  to 
Valenciennes.  On  the  23rd  October  the  army  was 
reviewed  by  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  the  King  of 
Prussia,  &c.,  and  a  month  later  was  withdrawn  from 
France.  Mr.  Leeke  quotes  from  Colonel  Hall  an 
account  of  the  surrender  of  Valenciennes  (22nd 
November  ?)  to  its  natural  possessors :  "  The  autho- 
rities wished  to  embody  some  of  the  National  Guards 
to  receive  over  the  place,  but  Colborne  would  allow 
no  Frenchman  in  arms  until  we  had  quitted  it.  The 
regiment  marched  out  and  halted  on  the  glacis, 
leaving  the  main  guard  in  the  Grande  Place.  When 
the  citadel  had  been  given  over  to  the  civil  authorities 
the  town  was  also  formally  surrendered." 

The  52nd  Regiment  embarked  at  Calais  on  the 
28th  November  and  landed  at  Ramsgate  next  day. 

The  headquarters  of  the  regiment  was  now 
Chester,  till  in  the  summer  of  1819  it  was  moved  to 
iWeedon,  the  military  authorities  being  greatly 
exercised  about  the  disturbed  state  of  the  manu- 
facturing districts.  In  the  spring  of  1820  the 
regiment  moved  to  Lichfield  and  in  the  summer  to 
Hull.  Lady  Colborne  remained  in  the  south,  first 


1818-25.]        LIEUT.-GOVERNOR   OF  GUERNSEY.  249 

at  Yealmpton,  and  from  the  ;th  October,  1819,  at 
Livermead  House,  Torquay,  her  husband  paying 
her  various  visits  of  several  months  together.  On 
Christmas  Day,  1819,  a  third  son  was  born  to  him. 

In  July,  1821,  Sir  John  and  Lady  Colborne  went 
to  London  for  the  coronation  of  King  George  IV., 
in  which  Sir  John  had  a  place  as  King's  aide-de- 
camp. During  this  visit  he  received  the  post  of 
Lieutenant-Governor  of  Guernsey,  for  which  he  had 
expressed  a  desire. 

Sir  John  and  Lady  Colborne  arrived  in  Guernsey 
on  ist  September  and  took  possession  of  their  new 
home,  Government  House.  Soon  after  Sir  John's 
appointment  an  inhabitant  of  the  island,  Mr.  George 
Le  Boutillier,  framed  a  project  for  the  reform  of  the 
ancient  grammar  school  called  Elizabeth  College, 
which  was  then  in  a  state  of  decay.  He  submitted 
his  scheme  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  as  he 
himself  writes,  "  the  matter  could  not  have  been 
placed  in  better  hands."  In  October  Sir  John 
Colborne  took  the  matter  up  vigorously,  and  effected 
a  considerable  improvement  in  the  state  of  the 
school.  But,  being  still  dissatisfied,  in  December, 
1823  he  resolved  to  institute  an  inquiry.  A  com- 
mission was  appointed,  whose  report  was  in  the  main 
accepted  by  the  States,  and  on  the  nth  October, 
1824,  the  school  was  reopened  with  a  new  head- 
master,  when  Sir  John  Colborne's  two  sons,  James 
and  Francis,  were  entered  first  and  second  on  the 
roll,  in  recognition  of  the  disinterested  activity  he 
had  shown. 

On  the  6th  January,  1825,  a  plan  for  the  regulation 
of  Elizabeth  College  was  transmitted  to  the  States 


250  IN  GUERNSEY.  [Cn.  XVI. 

by  the  Bailiff  with  the  following  introductory 
words : 

''  The  benefit  .  .  .  which  I  anticipate  must 
be  attributed  solely  to  Sir  John  Colborne.  It  is  in 
this  benefit  itself  that  he  can  -find  the  only  recom- 
pense, the  only  praise  worthy  of  him.  In  all  that  is 
proposed,  nothing  but  entire  disinterestedness  is  to 
be  perceived.  There  is  nothing  for  himself,  but 
everything  for  the  country  which  he  governs ;  he  is 
a  father  who,  not  knowing  the  time  he  may  remain 
among  his  children,  prepares  for  them  the  noblest 
inheritance  it  is  possible  for  him  to  leave  them."* 

The  States  accordingly  determined  to  erect  new 
buildings  for  the  school,  perhaps  on  a  too  palatial 
scale.  The  foundation  stone  was  laid  by  Sir  John 
Colborne  on  iQth  October,  1826.  The  college  was 
finished  and  opened  in  1829,  among  its  scholarships 
being  one  of  £20,  tenable  for  four  years,  given  by 
Sir  John  in  perpetuity  for  the  best  classical  scholar. 
But  ere  this  Sir  John  and  Lady  Colborne  had  left 
the  island,  taking  with  them  the  respect  and  esteem 
of  the  whole  community. 

On  the  25th  May,  1825,  Sir  John  Colborne  had 
attained  to  the  rank  of  major-general,  and  terminated 
his  connexion  with  the  52nd,  whom  he  had  so  often 
led  to  victory. 

Other  events  of  more  domestic  interest  had 
occurred  to  him  during  his  stay.  Two  sons  and  three 
daughters  (one  destined  only  to  live  a  year)  had  been 
born  to  him  in  Guernsey,  and  his  all  but  sister,  Miss 
Fanny  Bargus,  had  been  married,  on  25th  October, 
1822,  in  England,  to  an  old  officer  of  the  52nd, 

*  Jacob,  Annals  of  Guernsey,  p.  363. 


1825-7.]  COLBORNE  AND   W.  NAPIER.  251 

Captain  William  Crawley  Yonge,  brother  of  his  own 
brother-in-law,  the  Reverend  Duke  Yonge,  a 
marriage  which  was  to  give  birth  to  the  well-known 
writer,  Miss  Charlotte  M.  Yonge. 

Sir  John  had  been  greatly  consulted  during  these 
years  by  his  old  friend  Colonel  William  Napier,  then 
embarking  on  his  History  of  the  Peninsular  War. 
Colborne,  like  Napier,  revered  the  memory  of  Sir 
John  Moore  as  a  man  and  was  indignant  at  the 
attacks  made  on  his  military  reputation,  and  he  was 
ready  to  assist  Napier  to  the  utmost  in  vindicating 
the  general's  character.  But  the  tone  of  Napier's 
letters  to  Colborne^  shows  that  the  historian  regarded 
Colborne  not  only  as  a  loyal  friend  of  Sir  John 
Moore,  but  as  a  man  of  consummate  military  judg- 
ment. And  there  is  other  evidence  to  show  that,  if 
a  great  war  had  broken  out  within  thirty  years  of 
Waterloo,  Colborne  would  have  been  looked  to  by 
soldiers  as  predestinated  for  a  very  high,  if  not  the 
supreme,  command.  The  country  enjoyed  peace, 
but  one  part  of  the  price  it  paid  for  it  was  that  it 
never  became  fully  aware  of  the  genius  and  noble 
character  of  John  Colborne. 

In  1827  he  had  narrowly  missed  obtaining  an 
appointment  of  great  importance.  He  says  : 

"  During  Canning's  Ministry  there  was  a  scheme 
to  make  different  arrangements  at  the  War  Office. 
The  office  of  Commander-in-Chief  was  to  be 
abolished,  Lord  Palmerston  was  to  be  Minister 
for  War,  and  I  was  offered  the  post  of  Military 
Secretary  to  the  Minister,  as  a  position  equal  to  that 
of  Commander-in-Chief  in  all  but  the  name.  I 

*  See  English  Historical  Review,  July,  1903. 


252  IN  GUERNSEY.  [Cn.  XVL 

doubted  at  first  about  accepting  it,  but  Sir  James 
Kempt,  whom  I  consulted,  said,  '  If  you  refuse  this 
you  will  deserve  never  to  have  any  good  fortune 
again.'  I  wrote  to  accept  it,  but  within  two  days 
Canning  died  [8th  August,  1827],  and  the  whole 
plan  was  changed,  and  with  it,  probably,  my  whole 
career."* 

The  following  letter  from  William  Moore  shows 
that  another  friend  besides  Sir  James  Kempt  had 
urged  Colborne  to  accept  the  position : 

"123,  Mount-street, 

"2Qth  July,  182;. 

"  In  a  conversation  I  had  with  Sir  H.  Torrens  yester- 
day, he  mentioned  incidentally  that  you  had  been  offered 
the  situation  of  D[eputy?]  -Secretary-at-War,  which  you 
had  half  declined  He  seemed  to  regret  this  very  much, 
and  said,  '  There  is  no  man  in  the  army  so  fit  for  it,  or 
who  would  fill  it  better.  It  is  madness  in  a  man  with  a 
rising  family  to  refuse  it,  and  I  trust  we  shall  see  him  yet 
succeed  Taylor.'  I  trust  you  will  not  be  offended  at  my 
reporting  this  conversation,  which  was,  as  you  see,  familiar, 
in  order  that  you  may  be  fully  satisfied  that,  however 
diffident  you  may  be  to  succeed  Sir  Herbert,  others 
entertain  great  confidence  in  you.  I  mentioned  this  to 
Anderson  ...  he  is  strongly  of  opinion  that  you  ought  to 
take  what  is  offered  Prenez  tou jours  is  the  maxim  of 
modern  times. 

"  I  am  anxious  to  see  the  next  Edinburgh  Review,  my 
uncle  having  communicated  to  me  in  confidence  your 

*  It  would  seem  from  the  following  extract  of  a  letter  of  Sir  William 
Napier's  that  it  was  expected  that  Lord  Goderich,  Canning's  successor 
as  Premier,  would  appoint  Colborne  Military  Secretary:  "  Lord 
Goderich  is  to  be  Premier.  If  the  Duke  does  not  come  in,  Colborne 
is  to  succeed  Sir  Herbert  Taylor :  this  is  excellent."  Life  of  Sir  W. 
Napier,  I.,  p.  370. 

•\  The  article,  of  which  part  was  given  above  (pp.  100-108),  seems 
not  to  have  been  published.  Other  extracts  will  be  found,  p.  396. 


1827-8.]     LIEUT. -GOVERN  OR  OF  UPPER  CANADA.  253 

intention  to  vindicate  the  General.f  I  hurled  away 
Southey's  rascally  book  in  indignation.  I  am  very 
desirous  to  see  Napier's  book. — Yours  most  sincerely, 

"WM.  MOORE." 

The  cause  of  Colborne's  leaving  Guernsey  was  a 
different  one.  On  the  I7th  July,  1828,  when  on  a 
visit  to  England  he  was  offered  the  Governorship  of 
Trinidad.  He  proceeded  to  London,  and  having 
declined  Trinidad,  accepted  the  Lieutenant- 
Governorship  of  Upper  Canada. 

The  respect  and  affection  which  he  and  Lady 
Colborne*  had  acquired  during  their  residence  in 
Guernsey  were  marked  by  a  presentation  of  plate 
made  to  him  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  island. 


*  Described  by  Miss  C.  M.  Yonge  as  "the  brightest,  most  playful 
and  lively  of  creatures."     Miss  Coleridge's  Charlotte  M,  Yonge,  p.  20. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

UPPER  CANADA,   1828-1836. 

ON  the  I4th  August,  1828,  Sir  John  Colborne  was 
gazetted  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Upper  Canada,  in 
succession  to  Sir  Peregrine  Maitland.  He  reached 
York  (now  Toronto),  his  seat  of  government,  on  3rd 
November,  and  assumed  next  day  the  office  which 
he  was  to  hold  till  January,  1836,  under  six  Colonial 
Ministers. 

The  government  of  Upper  Canada  at  the  time 
of  Sir  John  Colborne's  arrival  was  causing  great 
dissatisfaction,  the  popular  Assembly  being  only 
able  to  legislate  with  the  assent  of  a  legislative 
council  whose  constitution  was  exclusive,  and  the 
executive  being  in  no  way  responsible  to  the  elected 
representatives  of  the  people.  Immediately  before 
this  date  an  opposition  journalist  named  Collins  had 
been  heavily  punished  for  a  libel  on  the  Attorney- 
General,  and  a  judge  who  had  made  himself, 
legitimately  or  otherwise,  a  popular  hero,  had  been 
removed  from  office.  A  new  Assembly,  ardent  for 
reforms,  had  just  been  elected. 

Colborne's  first  task  was  to  deal  with  a  petition 
pressing  for  Collins'  release.  He  claimed  time  for 
consideration,  and  after  three  weeks  replied  by  a 
refusal.  The  reply  was  unpopular,  but  Kingsford 


1 828.]  POLITICAL  STRIFE.  255 

excuses  it  on  the  ground  that,  as  a  newcomer  to  the 
colony,  Colborne  was  acting  on  the  advice  of  his 
entourage. 

On  the  8th  January  the  new  parliament  met,  and 
soon  afterwards  it  also  addressed  Colborne  in  favour 
of  the  remission  of  the  sentence.  The  spirit  of  the 
soldier  breathed  in  his  answer.  With  all  courtesy 
he  regretted  that  the  House  should  have  made  an 
application  with  which  his  obligation  to  support  the 
laws  forbade  him  to  comply.  For  this  repeated 
refusal,  though  supported  by  the  opinion  of  the 
judge  who  had  tried  the  case,  Colborne  was  burnt 
in  effigy  at  Hamilton.  The  House  now  voted  an 
address  to  the  King,  praying  for  the  royal  clemency 
on  behalf  of  Collins.  The  prayer  was  granted. 
Kingsford  suggests  that  it  had  Colborne's  support, 
and  points  out  that  the  rest  of  Colborne's  administra- 
tion was  marked  by  an  absence  of  prosecutions  for 
libel. 

The  new  parliament  went,  however,  beyond  the 
redressing  of  private  wrongs.  By  37  votes  to  i  it 
claimed  to  be  recognised  as  the  responsible  adviser 
of  the  Crown,  and  protested  against  the  then 
advisers  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor.  A  month 
later,  in  reply  to  a  letter  of  Sir  George  Murray,  the 
Colonial  Secretary,  Colborne  himself  showed  his  dis- 
approval of  the  existing  state  of  things  in  which  the 
legislative  council  was  the  echo  of  the  executive 
members.  He  did  not,  however,  venture  to  advo- 
cate the  view  of  the  House,  the  view  taken  by  Lord 
Durham  afterwards  in  that  famous  report  which  has 
been  the  eirenicon  of  modern  Canada,  that  the 
executive  should  hold  office  by  the  will  of  the 


256  UPPER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XVIJ. 

popular  Assembly.  It  does  not  diminish  Colborne's 
other  notable  qualities  if  it  cannot  be  claimed  for 
him  that  he  was  a  bold  political  innovator.  When 
the  Assembly,  on  its  meeting  again  in  January,  1830, 
reiterated  its  demands,  Colborne  was  content  to 
reply,  "  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Assembly,  I 
return  you  my  thanks  for  your  address." 

On  the  3Oth  June,  1829,  Sir  John  and  Lady 
Colborne  lost  by  death  their  little  son  John 
Saumarez,  born  in  Guernsey  three  years  before. 
The  loss  was  the  more  afflicting  as  it  occurred  when 
Sir  John  was  away  from  home.  He  was  a  most 
tender  father,  but,  as  his  friends  knew,  he  was 
possessed  of  a  rare  Christian  fortitude  and  would 
never  allow  the  most  poignant  private  sorrow  to 
interfere  with  his  performance  of  public  duty.  It 
is  striking  to  note  the  almost  identical  terms  in  which 
two  of  the  closest  of  them,  Sir  Graham  Moore,  Sir 
John's  brother,  and  Sir  George  Napier,  Colborne's 
comrade  in  the  52nd,  expressed  themselves  on  this 
point  in  their  letters  of  condolence.  The  former 
wrote,  on  ist  February,  1830:  *  You  have  more 
internal  resource  than  any  man  I  know  to  submit 
with  resignation  to  the  will  of  Providence,  but  I  am 
aware  of  what  you  must  have  suffered  " ;  Sir  George 
Napier,  on  i7th  June,  1830:  "  My  heart  bleeds  for 
you,  my  dear  friend.  Was  it  not  that  I  know  your 
mind  to  be  the  strongest  man  ever  possessed,  I 
should  dread  the  effects  of  this  blow,  coming  on  you 
in  the  sudden,  terrible  manner  it  did."  Before  these 
letters  were  received  another  son  had  been  born 
(i4th  February,  1830)  to  take  the  place  of  the  child 
that  had  gone. 


1829-30.]  UPPER  CANADA    COLLEGE.  257 

The  death  of  George  IV.  on  26th  June,  1830,  led 
to  the  election  of  a  new  parliament  less  hostile 
to  the  established  state  of  things.  The  change 
of  feeling  in  the  electorate  was  possibly  due  to  Sir 
John  Colborne's  having  evinced  a  more  liberal  spirit 
than  his  predecessor,  Sir  Peregrine  Maitland. 

Even  where  he  had  differed  from  the  previous 
Assembly,  he  had  shown  moderation  and  treated  its 
views  with  respect.  He  had  again,  as  in  Guernsey, 
shown  his  zeal  for  education.  Within  a  few  months 
of  his  arrival  he  had  founded  Upper  Canada  College, 
which  had  been  opened  in  January,  1830,  with  a 
select  staff  of  masters.  His  special  object  in 
founding  the  college  is  set  forth  by  Bishop  Bethune  : 

"  On  the  subject  of  the  university  [King's 
College]  he  did  not  dissent  from  the  justice  and 
expediency  of  appropriating  the  endowment  by 
which  it  was  to  be  maintained ;  nor  did  he  appear 
to  desire  that  the  charter  should  be  more  open  than 
it  was."  [The  professors  were  required  to  sign  the 
39  Articles,  the  Bishop  was  to  be  visitor  and  the 
Archdeacon  of  York  (Toronto)  ex-officio  president. 
These  provisions  were  largely  disliked  in  the  colony, 
and  were  afterwards  modified.]  "  But  he  differed 
from  many  as  to  the  expediency  of  pressing  the 
immediate  establishment  of  the  highest  seat  of 
learning;  when,  as  he  contended,  the  means  pro- 
vided for  an  essential  preliminary  education  were  so 
very  unsatisfactory.  None  of  our  grammar  schools 
at  the  time  enjoyed  a  very  high  reputation ;  and  he 
considered  that  steps  should  at  once  be  adopted  for 
elevating  the  standard  of  education,  and  so  ensuring 
qualified  pupils  for  the  curriculum  of  a  university. 

K 


258  UPPER  CANADA.  [Cn.  XVII. 

This  led  to  the  establishment  of  Upper  Canada 
College;  at  first,  more  pointedly  to  designate  its 
object,  called  Minor  College;  and  this  institution 
he  got  into  operation  in  a  marvellously  short  period 
after  its  first  inception.  In  one  year,  indeed,  after 
his  arrival  in  Canada  all  the  arrangements  for  its 
practical  working  were  made  and  the  staff  of  masters 
on  the  spot."* 

The  new  Assembly  being  of  a  different  character 
to  the  old  one,  Colborne  had  no  opening  for  pressing 
the  question  of  responsible  government,  even  if  he 
was  himself  convinced  of  its  desirability.  The 
minority  in  the  House,  under  the  lead  of  Mr. 
Mackenzie,  still  eagerly  urged  it.  In  retaliation,  the 
majority  declared  Mr.  Mackenzie,  who  was  a 
journalist,  to  be  guilty  of  libel,  and  on  i2th 
December  expelled  him  from  the  House.  This 
act,  however  violent,  was  one,  as  Kingsford  argues, 
with  which  it  was  impossible  for  Sir  John  Colborne 
to  interfere.  It  created,  however,  a  great  sense  of 
the  danger  which  awaited  political  opposition  to  the 
executive.  Nine  hundred  and  thirty  petitions  in  the 
course  of  the  proceedings  begged  the  Lieutenant- 
Governor  to  appeal  to  the  constituencies.  He 
replied  with  characteristic  reserve :  "  Gentlemen,  I 
have  received  the  petition  of  the  inhabitants." 
Mackenzie  was  re-elected  for  his  constituency,  York, 
and  again  expelled  on  a  new  charge  of  libel.  He 
was  elected  a  third  time,  but  the  House  had  already 
adjourned,  after  voting  an  address  to  the  Governor 
for  its  own  dissolution.  A  violent  party  campaign 

*  Memoir  of  Bishop  Strachan  (1870),  p.  131. 


1830-3.]  W.  L.  MACKENZIE.  259 

was  entered  upon  by  both  sides,  after  which  Mr. 
Mackenzie  sailed  for  England  to  gain  the  support 
of  the  home  authorities.  He  stayed  there  a  year 
and  a  half,  being  once  more  elected  for  York  in  his 
absence.  In  England  he  was  allowed  to  present  a 
memoir  to  the  Colonial  Secretary,  Lord  Goderich, 
who,  in  consequence  of  the  facts  brought  before  him, 
wrote  a  despatch  to  Sir  John  Colborne.  This  was 
not  received  till  after  the  new  session  had  opened  on 
3ist  October,  1832,  when  Mackenzie  was  once  more 
expelled  and  once  more  re-elected.  But  the  Home 
Government  had  recognized  the  justice  of  some  of 
the  grievances  which  Mackenzie  had  urged.  It 
condemned  the  conduct  of  the  Attorney-General  and 
Solicitor-General  in  supporting  the  expulsions,  and 
by  a  despatch  of  6th  March,  1833,  dismissed  both 
from  office.  The  Solicitor-General  was,  however, 
soon  afterwards  reinstated  by  a  new  Colonial 
Secretary,  Mr.  Stanley. 

On  Mackenzie's  return  to  Canada  he  endeavoured 
to  take  his  seat  in  the  Assembly  at  the  opening  of 
its  fourth  session  on  igth  October,  1833.  He  was 
not  allowed  to  do  sOj  a  new  writ  was  issued  and  he 
was  elected  once  more,  Mackenzie's  electors 
unanimously  passing  a  resolution  calling  for  an 
inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  Sir  John  Colborne  for 
having  interfered  with  their  constitutional  rights. 
However,  the  House  expelled  him  for  the  fourth 
time.  In  reply  to  the  representations  of  Mackenzie's 
friends,  the  Lieutenant-Governor  declared  that  the 
decisions  of  the  House  of  Assembly  had  not  been 
influenced  by  the  executive,  and  he  suggested  that 
Mr..  Mackenzie  should  offer  some  reparation.  He 

K  2 


260  UPPER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XVII. 

allowed  him  to  take  the  oath  to  himself,  after  which 
Mackenzie  took  his  seat  in  the  House.  In  a  debate 
which  ensued  Colborne's  conduct  was  violently 
assailed  by  the  anti-reform  paper,  the  strongest 
testimony  to  his  rectitude  and  impartiality. 

On  the  prorogation  of  the  House  on  6th  March, 
1834,  the  town  of  York  ceased  to  be,  being  incor- 
porated as  the  city  of  Toronto.  Mr.  Mackenzie 
became  the  first  mayor.  But,  having  resolved  to 
follow  the  lead  of  Papineau  in  Lower  Canada,  and 
having  published  in  his  paper  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Hume,  which  spoke  of  Canada's  shortly  obtaining 
"independence  and  freedom  from  the  baneful 
domination  of  the  Mother  Country,"  he  was  defeated 
at  the  next  municipal  election. 

Early  in  1835  Sir  John  heard  of  his  appointment 
to  the  colonelcy  of  the  94th  Regiment.  He  now 
again  showed  his  interest  in  education  by  proposing 
the  establishment  of  a  medical  college.  This 
proposal,  however,  was  not  adopted. 

His  attachment  to  the  Church  of  England  no 
doubt  made  the  last  act  of  his  administration  a 
pleasant  one — the  assigning  of  reserve  lands  for  the 
endowment  of  forty-four  rectories.  He  did  this 
with  the  sanction  of  his  legislative  council  and  in 
compliance  with  an  injunction  of  the  Colonial 
Secretary  of  1832,  but  it  was  the  cause  of  a  long 
controversy,  being  in  contradiction  of  a  vote  passed 
in  the  Assembly  that  the  reserve  lands  should  be 
withdrawn  from  ecclesiastical  objects  and  appro- 
priated to  "  purposes  of  ordinary  education  and 
general  improvement."  Colborne's  position  is  thus 
put  by  Bishop  Bethune : 


1 834-5.]  COLBORNE  RESIGNS  OFFICE.  261 

"  His  favourite  idea  in  regard  to  the  establishment 
of  the  Church  was  to  mark  out  parishes  where  there 
was  a  sufficient  population  and  appropriate  to  each 
a  suitable  endowment  in  land,  assigning  to  their 
respective  incumbents  besides  a  small  stipend  in 
money,  derived  from  the  general  proceeds  of  the 
reserves.  In  regard  to  the  residue  of  this  property, 
he  was  disposed  for  any  compromise  that  could 
bring  peace  to  the  public  mind,  without  too  great  a 
sacrifice  of  what  might  be  deemed  vested  interests."* 

In  the  session  of  1835  Mr.  Mackenzie  had  moved 
for  a  select  commission  on  grievances,  the  result  of 
which  was  a  report  advocating  the  establishment  of 
an  executive  government  responsible  to  public 
opinion.  The  report,  though  it  only  received  the 
sanction  of  the  House  on  6th  February,  1836,  had 
previously  made  a  considerable  impression  in 
England,  and  Lord  Glenelg,  Colonial  Secretary, 
determined  to  replace  Sir  John  Colborne  by  a  new 
lieutenant-governor  authorized  to  introduce  some 
modifications  into  the  established  system.  Some 
weeks,  however,  before  Colborne  received  his 
despatch  of  recall  he  had  himself  resigned  his  office 
owing  to  his  irritation  at  the  strictures  passed  on 
him  in  a  series  of  despatches  by  Lord  Glenelg. 
Colborne's  letter  of  resignation  contains  his  defence. 

"2nd  December,  1835. 

"  In  my  despatch  of  the  i6th  September  I  adverted  to 
the  state  of  excitement  in  which  I  found  the  Province  in 
1828.  The  subsequent  favourable  change  which  took 
place  I  attribute  chiefly  to  the  course  I  pursued,  to  my 

*  Memoir  of  Bishop  Strachan,  p.  131. 


262  UPPER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XVII. 

unceasing  exertion  in  the  essential  duties  of  a  governor 
and  zeal  in  promoting  the  important  interests  of  the 
colony.  I  may  mention  the  establishment  of  a  seminary, 
which  annually  confers  on  the  Province  the  greatest 
benefits,  from  the  liberal  and  extensive  education  which  it 
affords  to  the  sons  of  the  colonists — the  improvement  of 
roads  and  commercial  communications  in  every  district, 
the  distributing  emigrants  in  sections  of  the  Province 
where  their  influence  has  already  effected  a  salutary 
change,  the  construction  of  buildings  in  which  the  public 
offices  are  concentrated  and  the  business  of  the  Province 
conveniently  transacted,  instead  of  their  being  held  in 
the  private  residences  of  heads  of  departments ;  the 
arrangements  which  have  been  so  favourably  received  to 
secure  to  the  ministers  of  the  six  principal  religious  per- 
suasions the  means  of  extending  religious  instruction,  and 
the  establishing  of  schools  under  the  Superintendent  of 
the  Indians  for  the  civilization  of  all  the  tribes  in  Upper 
Canada.  In  the  accomplishing  of  several  of  these  under- 
takings, I  may  observe  that  I  incurred  a  considerable 
pecuniary  risk.  These  acts,  together  with  my  daily 
intercourse  with  persons  desirous  of  an  audience  and  the 
enlarging  the  commissions  of  the  peace  without  respect 
to  the  politics  of  individuals,  convinced  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Province  that  I  took  a  great  interest  in  the  pros- 
perity of  the  Colony,  and  produced  the  most  advantageous 
results.  A  mischievous  and  factious  Assembly  lost  the 
confidence  of  their  constituents,  and  at  the  new  election 
a  well-composed  House  was  returned,  by  whose  zealous 
co-operation  the  prosperity  of  the  country  has  been 
rapidly  advanced,  and  the  Civil  List  was  permanently 
settled ;  in  proposing  which  measure,  Lord  Ripon  notified 
to  me  that  if  the  Civil  List  could  be  satisfactorily  arranged 
'  it  would  be  deemed  by  his  Majesty  one  of  the  happiest 
events  of  his  reign/  and  when  it  passed  the  Legislature 
my  exertions  were  acknowledged  and  my  conduct  in  this 
perplexing  affair  entirely  approved  of  by  the  King.  The 
encouragement  I  have  shown  to  all  classes  of  emigrants, 


x835.]  COLBORNE'S  DEFENCE.  263 

and  my  daily  occupation  in  their  interests,  I  am  convinced, 
increased  the  flow  of  emigration  to  the  Province." 

Sir  John  replied  to  the  charge  that  he  had  been 
remiss  in  his  correspondence  with  the  Colonial 
Office,  remarking  among  other  things  : 

"Since  the  1st  January,  75  despatches  have  been 
written  by  me,  1,332  letters  have  been  prepared  from  my 
notes,  and  3,295  petitions  have  been  disposed  of  by  me, 
many  of  which  passed  under  my  notice  several  times." 

Delays  had  often  been  due  to  the  conduct  of 
officers  whose  services  were  not  altogether  at  his 
disposal — the  officers  who  had  generally  been  the 
cause  of  the  delay  had  been  appointed  from  home, 
"  I  think,  without  sufficiently  reflecting  on  the 
difficulties  which  must  arise  from  their  inexperience." 

He  concludes : 

"  Judging  °f  your  views  from  the  whole  tenor  of  this 
despatch,  I  can  arrive  only  at  the  conclusion  that  you  are 
desirous  that  I  should  relinquish  the  government  of  this 
Province.  Had  this  been  distinctly  intimated  to  me,  I 
assure  your  lordship  that  you  would  have  found  me  quite 
ready  to  resign  a  laborious  post  without  reluctance,  which 
I  have  consented  to  retain  under  the  persuasion  that  my 
exertions  were  useful  to  the  Province  and  advantageous  to 
his  Majesty's  Government. 

"  I  have  now,  however,  but  to  request  that  you  will  sub- 
mit to  the  King  my  wish  to  retire  from  this  colony,  and  to 
explain  to  his  Majesty  that  I  have  been  compelled,  at  this 
most  important  crisis  of  the  affairs  of  Canada,  to  adopt 
this  course  solely  and  exclusively  on  account  of  your  des- 
patch and  of  the  unmerited  treatment  which  I  consider  I 
have  received  from  your  lordship.  In  closing  this  com- 
munication, I  deem  it  a  fit  occasion  to  record  my  opinion 
that  at  no  period  has  there  been  in  the  Province  a  Party 
attached  to  the  Mother  Country  so  powerful  as  at  the 
present  moment,  a  Party  that  is  increasing,  and  cannot  fail 


264  UPPER  CANADA.  [Cn.  XVII. 

to  continue  to  increase,  by  attending  to  their  interests. 
If  a  different  feeling  should  take  place  among  this  class, 
and  a  serious  crisis  be  not  far  distant  in  the  Lower  Pro- 
vince, the  inclination  to  separate  will  be  first  observed  in 
the  conduct  of  the  friends  of  the  Monarchy,  and  the  disas- 
ter traced  to  neglect,  timid  counsels,  and  the  fatal  error 
into  which  many  persons  have  fallen,  of  supposing  that 
this  Province  must  eventually  become  a  portion  of  the 
United  States." 

Sir  Francis  Head,  Colborne's  successor,  arrived 
unexpectedly  in  Canada  in  January,  and  Sir  John 
Colborne  and  his  family  were  called  upon  to  leave 
their  home  at  the  shortest  possible  notice  in  the 
height  of  a  Canadian  winter.  This  indignity  called 
forth  the  sympathy  of  all  classes,  and  addresses  of 
regret  at  the  recall  poured  in  from  all  parts  of  Upper 
Canada  and  all  classes  of  the  population.  The 
following  is  only  one  of  several  presented  by  the 
different  Indian  tribes  of  the  Province : 

"  To  Major-General  Sir  John  Colborne,  K.C.B. 

"  Our  Father, — We,  the  Chippewa  and  Potagunasee 
Indians  settled  at  Coldwater  and  the  narrows  of  Lake 
Simcoe,  have  heard  with  great  sorrow  that  you  are  going 
to  quit  this  country  and  return  to  the  country  of  our  Great 
Father  across  the  Great  Lake. 

"  We  shall  never  forget  that  under  your  care  we  have 
been  brought  to  a  greater  knowledge  of  the  Christian 
religion,  and  we  shall  always  remember,  in  our  prayers 
to  the  Great  Spirit,  to  ask  for  His  blessing  on  you, 

"  Not  satisfied  with  giving  us  this  great  good,  you  have 
also  given  us  land  to  cultivate,  on  which  you  have  built  us 
mills.  You  have  given  us  houses  to  shelter  us,  and  have 
provided  us  with  oxen  and  cows  and  all  things  necessary 
for  cultivating  our  farms,  so  that,  instead  of  being  in  the 
poor,  and  often  starving,  condition  in  which  you  found  us, 
we  are  now  well  clothed  and  have  abundance  of  food. 


1836.]  AN  ADDRESS  OF  FAREWELL.  265 

"  You  have  also  built  schools,  and  sent  us  masters  to 
teach  our  children  to  read  and  write. 

"  Although  we  have  sometimes  neglected  these  good 
things,  and  have  not  been  so  attentive  to  your  wishes  as 
we  now  feel  that  we  ought  to  have  been,  we  know  that  you 
have  always  overlooked  this  neglect  as  a  father  would 
that  of  a  child,  and  we  have  at  length  become  convinced 
of  doing  all  things  that  you  have  told  us. 

"  And  now  that  you  are  leaving  us  and  are  going  to  see 
our  Great  Father,  the  King,  we  ask  of  you  to  speak  kindly 
of  us  to  him.  Say  that  we  are  thankful  for  being  placed 
under  his  care,  that  we  hope  that  we  and  our  children  for 
ever  may  remain  dutiful  and  obedient  to  him,  our  Great 
English  Father,  and  that  we  promise  to  do  all  things  that 
he  may  wish. 

"  We  would  ask  him  to  continue  to  us  the  kindness  he 
has  always  shown  towards  his  Red  Children,  and  we  ask, 
in  the  name  of  our  brethren  further  west  and  north  of  us, 
who  are  now  destitute  of  the  good  things  you  have  given 
us,  and  are  more  miserable  than  we  even  were,  that  our 
Great  Father  would  extend  his  strong  arm  and  provide 
them,  as  he  has  done  us,  with  the  means  of  becoming  like 
his  White  Children,  that  they  may  worship  the  same  God, 
learn  the  same  language,  and  have  the  same  means  of 
obtaining  food  that  is  known  to  our  Great  Father  and  his 
White  Children. 

"  We  shake  you  firmly  by  the  hand.  We  pray  that  your 
voyage  across  the  Great  Salt  Lake  may  be  a  prosperous 
one,  and  that  you  and  your  family  may  always  live  happy. 


JOHN  AISINCE, 
JOHN  JONES, 
YELLOW  HEAD, 
BIG  SHILLING, 
NAINEKISHKUNG, 
KATEKEQUA, 
NAISHKAIOSAY. 


"  Coldwater, 

"3rd  February,  1836." 


(A  mark 

of  an 
animal, 

&c., 

attached 
to  each 
name.) 


266  UPPER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XVII. 

Kingsford  thus  sums  up  the  history  of  Colborne's 
administration  of  Upper  Canada: 

"  Colborne  left  behind  him  no  memories  of 
prosecution  for  libel  or  of  the  slightest  instance  of 
individual  wrong.  His  duty  was  to  administer  the 
government  according  to  his  instructions.  For  the 
greater  part  of  the  time  he  laboured  under  the 
disadvantage  of  having  his  principal  law  officer  in 
Mr.  Boulton.  ...  On  the  opposition  side, 
Mackenzie's  unceasing  agitation  and  his  restless- 
ness gave  a  direction  to  legislative  life  which  led 
only  to  disquiet  and  confusion.  .  .  . 

:<  When  Sir  John  Colborne  left  Toronto  [26th 
January,  1836]  he  received  the  highest  marks  of 
public  esteem  and  respect.  He  was  accompanied 
for  a  few  miles  by  a  vast  concourse  of  people  who 
vied  with  each  other  in  testifying  the  sense  they 
entertained  of  his  amiable  character  and  high  moral 
worth.  Upwards  of  200  sleighs  were  present, 
headed  by  those  of  the  mayor  and  corporation. 
Several  parties  were  on  horseback  with  a  large  con- 
course of  persons  on  foot.  They  passed  some 
distance  beyond  the  turnpike  when  they  drew  up  on 
each  side  of  the  road,  leaving  an  open  space  for 
the  Lieutenant-Governor  to  pass  through.  He 
advanced  very  slowly,  and  everyone  uncovered  as 
he  passed  between  the  lines. 

"  Never  before  did  we  witness  so  much  feeling 
with  so  little  show,"  adds  the  record.  "  Both  Sir 
John  and  Lady  Colborne  were  visibly  affected ; 
equally  so  the  spectators,  many  of  whom  were  moved 
to  tears  as  they  gazed  for  the  last  time  on  those  they 
held  in  such  respect  and  regard."* 

*  Kingsford,  X.,  pp.  338,  339. 


1836.]  COLBORNE'S  GOVERNMENT.  267 

Mr.  Walter  Henry,  who,  though  then  surgeon  to 
Sir  John  Colborne's  old  regiment,  the  66th,  first  met 
him  in  Upper  Canada  in  1833,  speaks  of  him  in 
equally  high  terms : 

"  His  attention  to  public  business,  the  devotion  of 
his  whole  time  and  all  his  powers  to  the  improvement 
of  Upper  Canada,  his  exertions  in  encouraging 
emigration  and  assisting  and  locating  emigrants,  were 
so  conspicuous  and  unremitting  that  they  could  not 
be  denied  by  his  most  virulent  political  enemies. 
His  affability,  hospitality  and  private  virtues,  and  the 
wide-spreading  charity  of  his  excellent  wife,  though 
devoid  of  all  ostentation,  were  necessarily  well 
known  in  a  small  society  like  that  of  Toronto,  and 
the  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  in  the  Province 
was  signally  demonstrated  by  the  universal  tribute 
of  respect  paid  to  him  all  along  the  road  when 
leaving  his  government.  In  fact,  his  journey,  con- 
trary, I  believe,  to  his  own  wish,  had  more  the 
character  of  a  triumphal  procession  than  the  quiet 
progress  of  a  displaced  governor.  .  .  .  When 
we  first  dined  at  Government  House  we  were  struck 
by  the  strong  resemblance  he  bore  to  the  Duke  of 
Wellington,  and  there  is  also  a  great  similarity  in 
mind  and  disposition  as  well  as  the  lineaments  of  the 
face.  In  one  particular  they  appear  to  harmonize 
perfectly — namely,  great  simplicity  of  character  and 
an  utter  dislike  of  show  and  ostentation.  I  believe 
there  never  was  a  soldier  of  more  perfect  moral 
character  than  Sir  John  Colborne.  He  is  truly  sans 
peur  et  sans  reproche"* 

*  Events  of  a  Military  Life,  II.,  pp.  214,  215. 


268  UPPER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XVII. 

Some  idea  of  the  high  moral  and  intellectual 
standard  which  Colborne  ever  set  before  himself  and 
others  may  be  gained  from  the  following  paper  which 
he  wrote  in  December,  1835  : 

"  Memoranda  for  James,  on  leaving  Toronto. 

"  I  must  commence  my  memoranda  by  intreating  you 
never  to  let  a  morning  pass,  nor  a  night,  without  prayer 
and  reading  some  parts  of  the  Old  or  New  Testament 
Not  slothful  in  business,  fervent  in  spirit,  serving  the 
Lord.  This,  condensed  well,  has  much  in  it,  and  will  lead 
to  the  study  of  Christ  and  study  of  yourself,  which  is 
the  wisest  preparative  for  all  that  may  happen  to  us. 

"  Recollect,  that  as  you  have  chosen  your  profession, 
you  must  endeavour  to  acquire  a  perfect  knowledge  of 
every  part  of  it,  beginning  with  the  minute  details.  The 
first  elements  of  the  drill,  company's  drill,  and  the  manoeu- 
vres as  explained  in  the  King's  regulations ;  and  all  the 
financial  orders  and  the  mode  of  conducting  the  interior 
ceconomy  of  a  regiment  are  easily  comprehended  and 
learnt  You  should  endeavour  to  make  yourself  also  a 
good  engineer  and  artillerist,  and  also  fit  for  the  Quarter- 
master-General's  department  All  this  you  can  readily 
accomplish  (by  proceeding  gradually)  with  your  know- 
ledge of  mathematics. 

"  Classics. 

"  Having  proceeded  lately  so  far  in  Greek  literature,  1 
should  recommend  your  not  relaxing  in  your  efforts  to 
obtain  a  critical  knowledge  of  the  Greek  language.  Go 
on  with  Herodotus,  Demosthenes,  and  the  plays  of  So- 
phocles, &c.,  and  do  not  neglect  the  Latin  historians  and 
poets  till  you  have  studied  them  all  patiently.  Keep  a 
journal  of  what  you  read. 

"  Mathematics. 

"Pursue  some  regular  course,  and  fix  immediately  on 
some  science  for  your  favourite  one,  which  will  bring  into 
exercise  what  you  have  acquired.  Drawing  is  an  art 


1 835.]  PATERNAL  ADVICE.  269 

which  you  should  also  cultivate  ;  '  the  universal  neglect  of 
which  forms  one  of  the  most  singular  defects  in  scientific 
education.'  It  is  indispensable  in  any  branch  of  natural 
history,  and  in  any  practical  science  it  is  difficult  to  pro- 
ceed without  it.  Military  drawing  is  absolutely  necessary. 

"  I  should  recommend  you  to  improve  your  style  by 
double  translations.  Study  Murray's  Grammar  diligently, 
Blair  s  Lecture,  James  on  Rhetoric.  Get  well  acquainted 
with  English  history  and  with  all  war  historians.  Devote 
a  certain  time  to  the  reading  of  periodicals,  the  best  articles 
in  the  Quarterly  Review,  Edinburgh  and  Blackwood. 

"  A  knowledge  of  the  French  language  is  not  only 
necessary  for  every  gentleman,  but  an  officer  cannot  even 
be  sent  to  an  outpost  without  it. 

"  Keep  your  accounts  regularly,  and  balance  them  every 
week  or  month.  You  must  enter  every  item  for  which  you 
incur  expense.  Never  run  in  debt 

"  You  may  draw  on  me  for  £80  per  annum  from  the 
time  you  join  your  regiment,  drawing  it  quarterly  or  half- 
yearly,  as  you  may  require  it.  Should  you  require  more 
I  shall  be  glad  to  assist  you. 

"  The  Paymaster  will  inform  you  in  what  manner  the 
officers  generally  draw  their  pay. 

"  Write  to  us  often,  at  least  once  a  week." 

A  sentence  at  the  end  of  the  letter  receives  an 
interesting  illustration  from  the  following  letter 
addressed  to  Colborne  by  Sir  George  Napier,  dated 
"  Casa  Galletti,  Pisa,  2ist  September,  1833": 

"  I  have  told  [my  sons]  I  never  will  refuse  their  applica- 
tion when  they  make  one  for  a  little  money,  and  as  long 
as  they  make  me  their  confidant  in  everything,  and  write 
at  once  to  me  whatever  scrape  they  may  get  into,  I  shall 
do  everything  in  my  power  to  relieve  them.  I  know  you 
will  approve  of  this,  because  I  recollect  how  angry  you 

were  with  a  friend  for  protesting  poor  H 's  bill,  and 

you  told  me  at  the  time,  whenever  I  had  sons,  never  to  do 


270  UPPER  CANADA.  [Cn.  XVII. 

such  a  thing,  or  I  should  run  the  risk  of  losing  their  affec- 
tions by  being  the  cause  of  their  disgrace  in  having  a  bill 
returned  upon  their  hands,  besides  the  very  great  chance 
of  a  high-spirited  young  man's  feelings  being  so  completely 
overset  by  it  that  he  would  become  reckless  of  his  con- 
duct, and  plunge  at  once  into  dissipation  and  dishonour. 
I  have  never  from  that  hour,  my  dear  Colborne,  forgot 
all  you  said,  nor  how  extremely  vexed  and  angry  you  were 
about  the  whole  circumstances,  and  your  letter  to  Mr.  M., 
which  you  read  to  me.  By  it  I  have  been  guided  in  my 
conduct  to  my  sons,  and  I  trust  ever  shall  be,  for  your 
opinion  and  advice  will  ever  be  a  law  to  me  upon  such 
matters,  looking  upon  you,  as  I  do,  with  the  strongest 
affection  of  a  brother  and  the  respect  for  your  character 
of  a  son.  Would  to  God  it  was  my  lot  to  be  nearer  to 
you,  that  I  might  enjoy  the  society  of  the  dearest  friend 
I  have  on  earth !  " 

Sir  John  passed  from  Upper  Canada  to  Montreal, 
where  he  arrived  on  ist  February.  At  Montreal,  as 
at  every  point  on  his  route,  he  was  welcomed  with 
the  warmest  acclamations  of  the  British  population. 
He  stayed  there  till  the  igth  May,  when  he 
proceeded  to  New  York  in  order  to  embark  for 
England. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

COMMANDER  OE  THE  FORCES  IN  UPPER  AND  LOWER 
CANADA,  1836.     REBELLION  OF  1837. 

SIR  JOHN  COLBORNE  was  on  the  point  of  sailing  for 
England  when  he  received  a  despatch  from  Lord 
Glenelg,  dated  I4th  April,  in  reply  to  his  of  the 
2nd  December.  While  maintaining  his  position 
that  Sir  John  Colborne  had  been  remiss  in  supplying 
him  with  information,  Lord  Glenelg  disowned  any 
desire  to  impeach  his  character: 

"  It  is  satisfactory  to  me  to  recollect  that  I  have  not 
preferred  any  charge  by  which  your  character  as  a  man  of 
honour  and  integrity,  or  your  uprightness  in  the  fulfilment 
of  your  high  trust,  or  even  the  habitual  discretion  with 
which  it  was  discharged  could  in  the  least  degree  be  im- 
pugned or  brought  into  question." 

He  concluded  his  despatch  by  offering  Sir  John 
Colborne  the  command  of  the  forces  in  Upper  and 
Lower  Canada.  He  added : 

"  There  is  no  officer  to  whom  his  Majesty  would  commit 
that  important  service  with  more  entire  satisfaction. 
Whether  you  avail  yourself  or  not  of  his  Majesty's 
gracious  intentions,  it  may  perhaps  be  not  displeasing  to 
you  to  receive  as  it  is  to  me  very  grateful  to  make  this 
proposal.  A  copy  of  this  letter  will  be  transmitted  to  Sir 
F.  Head,  to  be  recorded  among  the  archives  of  his  Govern- 


272  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cur.  XVIII. 

ment,  and  it  will  there  remain  as  a  proof  that  his  Majesty's 
confidence  in  your  zeal  for  the  public  service,  and  in  the 
wisdom  and  firmness  with  which  you  would  act  in  any 
emergency,  are  unshaken  and  undiminished." 

Colborne  frankly  accepted  the  appointment  offered 
him,  though  by  no  means  eager  to  remain  longer  in 
Canada.  In  a  letter  to  his  sister,  Mrs.  Duke  Yonge, 
dated  "  New  York,  3oth  May,"  he  says : 

"  You  cannot  imagine  how  much  I  am  grieved  and 
disappointed  at  my  contemplated  return  to  Canada.  I 
had  set  my  heart  on  seeing  you  all  very  soon,  and  on 
walking  from  Tor  Point  to  Antony  with  my  old  legs  as 
stout  as  in  olden  times.  .  .  .  Elizabeth  is  quite  well, 
but  as  disappointed  as  I  am  at  this  countermarch  we  are 
about  to  make." 

Writing  two  days  earlier  to  Sir  H.  Taylor, 
Colborne  thus  refers  to  what  had  passed : 

*'*  Lord  Glenelg  has  certainly  entered  fairly  into  my  case, 
and  I  must  confess,  has  said  as  much  to  put  me  in  good 
humour  in  reference  to  our  correspondence  as  a  Minister 
of  the  Crown  would  acknowledge  after  the  strong  terms 
used  in  some  of  my  despatches." 

But  he  animadverted  on  the  discourteous  manner 
in  which  he  had  been  superseded: 

"  If  Lord  Glenelg  supposed  that  the  hasty  and  indelicate 
manner  in  which  my  successor  was  to  assume  the  govern- 
ment would  gratify  any  respectable  person  in  the  colony, 
he  was  much  deceived.  The  most  furious  Radicals  con- 
demned the  summary  proceeding,  and  with  reference  to 
my  acknowledged  laborious  life  of  seven  years,  called  the 
Ministers  a  '  heartless  set'  I  had  scarcely  received  a 
letter  from  Lord  Glenelg,  stating  that  I  was  to  be  speedily 
relieved,  when  I  heard  that  my  successor,  not  only  had 
been  appointed,  but  that  he  was  within  forty  miles  of 


1836.]  COMMANDER   OF  THE  FORCES.  273 

Toronto.  It  was  generally  known,  I  suppose,  at  home 
that  I  had  a  large  family,  and  that  a  Canadian  winter  is 
not  a  pleasant  season  to  move  or  to  pass  the  Atlantic,  and 
that  almost  every  Governor  would  require  a  few  weeks' 
notice  to  prepare  for  his  departure,  and  that  my  sudden 
removal,  with  the  thermometer  27°  below  zero,  could  not 
but  have  the  worst  effect  in  a  political  sense.  I  was  much 
amused  and  gratified  by  hearing  the  conversation  of  one 
of  the  most  violent  of  my  political  opponents  when  he 
saw  an  address  to  me  on  my  departure  placed  in  a  public 
room  for  signatures.  This  gentleman  said,  on  looking 
over  the  address,  '  I'll  sign  with  great  pleasure,  for 
although  I  am  not  one  of  his  admirers,  and  have  no  reason 
to  be  satisfied  with  his  conduct,  I  will  declare  that  if  this 
Province  had  been  his  own  estate,  Sir  John  Colborne  could 
not  have  taken  more  care  of  it' 

"  In  passing  over  Lake  Champlain  and  descending  the 
Hudson  last  week  I  felt  myself  free  from  all  kind  of  care, 
and  delighted  with  everything  I  saw  and  anticipated  on 
my  route  homewards,  and  with  this  notion,  that  I  had 
shaken  off  a  great  weight,  no  schoolboy  could  have  en- 
joyed himself  more  than  I  did  on  finding  myself,  for  the 
first  time  in  my  life,  liberated,  and  completely  out  of  har- 
ness. I  should  at  once  have  declined  the  appointment 
offered  me,  had  I  consulted  my  own  inclinations.  .  .  . 
But  there  are  some  circumstances  which  have  determined 
me  to  accept  the  command  which  has  been  offered  to  me 
with  apparent  sincerity,  and  accompanied  with  many  ex- 
pressions and  terms  which  are  honourable  to  Lord  Glenelg. 
and  undoubtedly  ought  to  be  gratifying  to  me.  I  have 
also,  I  am  sure,  to  thank  his  Majesty  chiefly  for  the 
arrangements  which  have  been  projected  in  my  favour. 

"  I  may  be  useful  at  this  important  crisis,  for  Ministers 
must  tack  about,  and  many  think  that  the  Constitutional- 
ists will  in  several  instances  be  guided  by  my  advice.  .  .  . 

"  I  received  Sir  F.  Head,  of  course,  in  a  way  that 
gave  him  every  reason  to  be  satisfied,  and  furnished  him 
with  such  an  outline  of  the  carte  du  'pays  as  I  judged 


274  LOWER  CANADA.  [Cn.  XVIII. 

would    be    of    service    to    him    in    mounting    his    North 
American  steed." 

After  visiting  Washington  and  other  cities  of  the 
United  States  Colborne  reached  Montreal  on  3Oth 
June,  and  next  day  assumed  the  command. 

As  Kingsford  writes :  "  Sir  John  Colborne  was  at 
that  time  60  [really  58]  years  of  age,  in  the  height  of 
his  reputation.  His  presence  gave  confidence  to 
the  British  population  determined  to  sustain  the 
constitution  and  to  resist  the  violence  of  the  partisans 
of  the  Assembly  [of  Lower  Canada],  daily  increasing 
in  virulence.  It  was  equally  welcome  to  those 
French-Canadians  who  disapproved  the  refusal  by 
Mr.  Papineau  of  all  compromise,  and  driven  to  the 
choice  of  sustaining  his  pretensions  or  siding  with 
the  Government,  declared  themselves  supporters  of 
British  connexion.  It  is  no  exaggeration  to  say 
that  the  moral  influence  of  the  presence  of  Sir  John 
Colborne  was  equal  to  that  of  the  arrival  of  10,000 
disciplined  troops,  and  it  will  be  seen  that  his  senti- 
ments of  mercy  and  conciliation  were  fully  equal  to 
his  courage  and  conduct  in  the  field.  .  .  .  The 
epitaph  of  his  career  in  Canada  is  written  in  the  acts 
he  performed."* 

Sir  H.  Taylor,  in  a  letter  from  Windsor  Castle  of 
25th  October,  1836,  bearing  the  Royal  sign  manual, 
conveyed  to  Sir  John  Colborne  by  the  King's 
command  the  insignia  of  the  Grand  Cross  of  the 
Guelphic  Order.  In  a  private  letter  of  the  same 
time  he  stated  that  the  King  "  has  uniformly 
supported  you,  and  manifested  his  favourable 

*  Kingsford,  X.,  pp.  3,  4. 


1836.]  THE  G.   C.  H.  275 

opinions  and  approbation  of  your  conduct."      He 
added : 

"  I  have  always  agreed  with  you  in  condemning  the 
sacrifice  of  those  who  are  placed  in  high  and  responsible 
situations  abroad,  and  who  discharge  their  duty  honestly, 
zealously  and  correctly,  to  popular  clamour,  prejudice  and 
the  encouragement  which  both  receive  from  a  certain  party 
at  home.  .  .  .  You  stand  in  a  proud  situation,  and  I 
suspect  that  you  do  not  regret  a  change  which  has  relieved 
you  from  the  necessity  of  engaging  in  endless  controversy, 
and  has  again  returned  your  duties  to  that  of  a  profession 
which  is  happily  free  from  the  tracasseries  which  attach  to 
civil  employ.  .  .  .  Before  your  letter  reached  me  I  had 
received  one  from  Sir  Francis  Head,  in  which  he  men- 
tioned, in  terms  of  the  warmest  acknowledgment,  the  kind 
and  liberal  manner  in  which  you  received  and  acted  towards 
him.  I  read  your  letter  to  the  King,  and  I  showed  it  to 
our  friend,  Lord  Fitzroy  Somerset,  but  it  was  not  com- 
municated to  any  other  person." 

Lady  Colborne,  in  communicating  the  above  to 
her  brother,  Mr.  John  Yonge,  of  Puslinch,  spoke 
of  the  general  pleasure  with  which  Sir  John's 
assumption  of  the  command  was  received  in  Canada, 
and  added: 

"  The  letters  gratify  him  as  much  or  more  than  the 
order  itself.  I  cannot  but  deeply  share  his  gratification, 
because  I  know  the  spirit  in  which  these  distinctions  are 
received ;  they  do  not  puff  up  with  worldly  pride,  but 
are  received  with  humility  and  gratitude  as  honourable 
testimony  of  the  King's  approval  of  his  having  always 
strived  to  do  his  duty.  .  .  . 

"...  Sir  John  is  so  well,  and  never  now  takes  the 
slightest  cold,  and  I  am  sure  for  two  years  before  he  was 
always  appearing  to  have  one ;  he  was  renewing  it  every 
week  at  least.  He  has  gained  very  much  in  appearance. 
Indeed,  he  is  as  well  as  it  is  possible  to  be,  except  a  little 


276  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XVIII. 

expectoration  almost  without  cough,  and  a  feeling  of  weak- 
ness in  the  chest  if  he  talks  much  or  is  harassed  at  all  in 
mind" 

Colborne  became  Commander  of  the  Forces  at  a 
critical  period  in  the  history  of  Canada.  The 
constitutional  strife  which  we  have  seen  going  on  in 
Upper  Canada  had  raged  still  more  violently  in  the 
Lower  Province,  where  three-quarters  of  the  popu- 
lation were  of  French  origin,  and  the  conciliatory 
policy  pursued  by  the  Governor-General,  Lord 
Gosford,  had  been  utterly  ineffectual.  Since 
October,  1832,  the  Assembly  had  refused  to  vote 
any  provision  for  the  expenses  of  the  administration, 
and  by  April,  1837,  tne  sum  °f  ,£142,160  145.  6d. 
was  due.  The  reforming  party,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Mr.  Papineau,  a  French-Canadian  of 
extraordinary  personal  ascendency,  clamoured  for 
an  elective  legislative  council,  while  the  more  hot- 
headed members,  Papineau  included,  secretly  desired 
a  Canadian  Republic  in  place  of  British  con- 
nexion. The  British  House  of  Commons  decided  in 
April,  1837,  that  it  was  inexpedient  to  make  the 
legislative  council  an  elective  and  responsible  body, 
although  its  constitution  might  be  improved.  It 
also  passed  the  following  "  8th  Resolution  "  :  "  That 
for  paying  the  arrears  due  for  the  charges  for  the 
administration  and  the  civil  service,  the  Governor- 
General  be  empowered  to  issue  from  the  revenues 
in  the  hands  of  the  Receiver-General  the  sums 
necessary  for  the  payment  of  the  before-mentioned 
sum  of  ,£142,160  145.  6d." 

In  consequence  of  the  policy  adopted  by  the 
House  of  Commons  violent  meetings  were  held  in 


1837.]         ACTION  OF  THE  HOME   GOVERNMENT.          277 

Canada  to  protest  against  the  right  of  the  Parliament 
of  England  to  legislate  for  the  internal  affairs  of 
the  colony.  These  demonstrations  were  met  by 
counter-demonstrations  of  the  British  minority,  who 
saw  in  the  proposal  to  make  the  legislative  council 
elective  the  threatened  extinction  of  their  political 
existence. 

Colborne  expressed  his  views  in  the  following 
letters  to  his  brother-in-law,  the  Reverend  John 
Yonge : 

"  Quebec, 

"22nd  May,  1837. 

"  I  have  almost  determined  to  return  to  England  next 
summer  if  affairs  in  the  Province  will  admit  of  my  giving 
up  my  command  consistently.  Ministers  have  brought 
forward  a  most  arbitrary  measure  under  the  plea  of  neces- 
sity, and  thus  strengthened  the  case  of  the  Radical  faction 
without  diminishing  their  power  of  embarrassing  the 
general  and  local  government.  ...  I  have  no  doubt 
that  the  Province  will  be  in  a  perpetual  state  of  excite- 
ment if  the  eighth  resolution  of  Lord  J.  Russell's  should 
be  carried  without  other  measures  to  aid  the  local  govern- 
ment. 

"  I  mean  to  sound  my  friends  at  home  as  to  the  pro- 
bability of  my  being  able  to  obtain  the  government  of 
the  Ionian  Islands.  If  I  should  be  employed  in  another 
climate  it  will  be  much  better  for  me  to  get  to  my  new 
station  next  year  than  to  remain  in  Canada  till  I  am  quite 
an  old  gentleman." 

Writing  a  few  weeks  later,  "  Quebec,  5th  June," 
he  says  that  he  thinks  embarrassments  are 
becoming  greater  as  the  measures  of  government 
are  developed : 

"  The  eighth  resolution,  of  seizing  money  which  does 
not  belong  to  us,  must  produce  further  coercion  on  the 


278  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XVIII. 

part  of  Ministers.  At  least,  if  Papineau  retains  his 
influence,  .  .  .  Lower  Canada  will,  in  fact,  have  no 
legislature.  I  have  received  instructions  to  send  for  a 
reinforcement  from  Nova  Scotia,  should  it  be  found  neces- 
sary to  place  our  grand  army  in  position.  This  proves  a 
little  suspicion  at  home  that  resistance  may  be  offered  on 
the  part  of  the  oppressed.  I,  however,  have  not  the  least 
apprehension  of  that  sort,  but  I  think  that  the  party  will 
continue  to  agitate,  and  will  be  quite  satisfied  to  keep  the 
question  of  oppression,  and  the  necessity  of  a  change  in 
the  constitution,  alive  from  session  to  session,  for  the 
benefit  of  Mr.  Roebuck*  and  his  men.  We  have  our  head- 
quarters here  for  a  few  weeks,  and  make  a  very  pretty 
display  with  three  regiments  and  the  corps  of  artillery  on 
the  Plains  of  Abraham  on  our  field  days.  I  believe  this 
exercise  has  done  the  regiments  some  good,  and  created  a 
sufficient  military  excitement  to  prevent  us  all  from  living 
the  lives  of  country  gentlemen." 


"  Quebec, 

"i  3th  July,   1837. 

"  My  dear  Yonge, — In  case  you  should  be  alarmed  at 
the  newspaper  reports  of  our  proceedings  in  this  Pro- 
vince during  the  progress  of  the  Coercion  Bill,  I  desired 
Elizabeth  to  state  the  actual  position  of  affairs.  You  may 
remain  quite  assured  that  all  the  uproar  will  go  off  in  the 
steam  of  the  House  of  Assembly.  Mr.  Papineau  has  been 
lately,  with  some  of  his  adherents,  on  a  tour  of  agitation, 
more  with  a  view  of  preparing  the  inhabitants  for  the  next 
general  election  than  with  any  expectation  that  the  people 
would  stir  for  him  beyond  giving  their  votes.  In  some 
counties  the  meetings  were  got  up  with  banners  and 
the  resolutions  agreed  to  were  of  a  very  seditious  char- 
acter, but  I  am  persuaded  the  whole  proceedings  are 
intended  for  Mr.  Roebuck  and  Mr.  Hume,  and  that  they 
will  produce  little  effect  here.  Lord  Gosford  has  sent  for 

*  Mr.  Roebuck  was  a  paid  agent  of  the  reforming  paper  in  Canada. 


1837.]  THE  REVOLUTIONISTS.  279 

a  regiment  from  Halifax  in  great  haste ;  a  measure  which 
will  cause  unnecessary  alarm,  and  probably  give  some 
advantage  to  the  Radicals.  We  have  quite  enough  force 
in  the  Province  for  any  duty  which  the  military  will  have 
to  perform.  At  the  general  election  there  may  be  a  dis- 
turbance at  Montreal,  where  the  parties  are  much  excited, 
but  beyond  an  election  riot  no  act  of  resistance  to  the  civil 
power  need  be  apprehended.  .  .  . 

"  The  Parliament  of  the  Province  is  to  meet  next  month. 
The  resolutions  are  to  be  notified,  and  if  the  House  of 
Assembly  does  not  behave  like  good  boys  and  vote  the 
supplies,  then  the  arbitrary  Imperial  Act  is  to  go  into 
operation.  This  timidity  on  the  part  of  the  Home  Govern- 
ment is  quite  absurd,  and  will  only  give  the  House  of 
Assembly  another  opportunity  of  abusing  the  Government 
and  rejecting  their  offers. 

"  Lord  Gosford  and  myself  are  not  likely  to  agree.  We 
have  already  had  some  skirmishing. 

"  \Ve  go  to  Sorel  on  Monday  next. — Yours  very 
sincerely, 

"J.   COLBORNE." 

The  reform  party  now  adopted  the  plan  of  refusing 
to  buy  British  manufactures  and  even  to  resort  to 
British  judges,  and  in  the  session  of  August,  1837, 
persisted  in  their  refusal  of  supplies.  On  the  26th 
August  the  Assembly  of  Lower  Canada  was 
dissolved.  It  never  met  again. 

Later  in  the  autumn  a  republican  association, 
called  "  Les  fits  de  liberte"  was  founded,  and  issued 
a  bold  manifesto. 

Kingsford*  quotes  a  letter  written  by  Sir  John 
Colborne  on  6th  October,  at  Sorel,  whither  he  had 
moved  from  Quebec  to  be  near  the  scene  of  any 
active  movement.  After  describing  the  disloyal 

*X.,p.3i. 


280  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XVIII. 

scenes  which  were  being  enacted  on  all  sides,  it 
concludes : 

"  The  game  which  Mr.  Papineau  is  playing  cannot  be 
mistaken,  and  we  must  be  prepared  to  expect  that  if  400 
or  500  persons  be  allowed  to  parade  the  streets  of  Mon- 
treal at  night,  singing  revolutionary  songs,  the  excited 
parties  will  come  into  collision." 

Nor  was  he  content  with  words.  "  At  once 
assuming  a  heavy  responsibility  he  directed  the 
fortifications  of  Quebec  to  be  repaired  and 
thoroughly  armed,  ordered  horses  to  be  purchased 
for  the  artillery,  magazines  of  provisions  and 
ammunition  to  be  established,  barracks  to  be  built, 
and  new  corps  of  loyal  men  to  be  raised.  He  sent 
for  troops  from  Upper  Canada  and  New  Brunswick, 
and  concentrated  the  small  force  he  had  in  hand 
at  Montreal  as  the  chief  -point  d'appui  of  his 
operations."* 

Lord  Gosford  continued  to  temporize  and  declined 
the  repeated  offer  of  a  royalist  rifle  corps,  but  the 
British  and  Irish  saw  more  clearly  the  necessity  for 
action  and  founded  a  powerful  society  called  the 
"  Doric  Club."  On  the  6th  November  this  club  and 
the  "  Sons  of  Liberty "  came  into  collision  at 
Montreal,  the  victory  remaining  with  the  loyalists, 
who  then  wrecked  the  office  of  a  revolutionary 
newspaper. 

Mr.  W.  Henry  writes  that  at  this  time  he  was  on 
a  professional  visit  to  the  family  of  Sir  John 
Colborne  at  Sorel,  and  for  several  days  that  he 
remained  hourly  reports  of  a  general  insurrection 
about  to  break  out  were  brought.  "  Nelson  at  this 

*  W.  Henry,  II.,  p.  280. 


1837.]  A  RIOT.  281 

time  was  fortifying  his  house  at  St.  Denis.  We 
had  constant  intelligence  of  his  proceedings  as  well 
as  what  was  going  on  in  other  quarters,  and  Sir  John 
only  awaited  his  staff  coming  up  from  Quebec  to 
move  to  Montreal.  When  the  despatch  was  brought 
containing  the  news  of  the  riot,  he  came  into  the 
drawing-room  with  the  letter  in  his  hand,  exclaiming, 
1  Well,  thank  God  there's  no  bloodshed,  though  the 
fight's  begun.  I  must  be  off  by  to-night's  boat.' ' 

On  the  9th  November  Sir  John  Colborne  estab- 
lished himself  at  Montreal,  and  from  that  date, 
owing  to  his  influence  on  affairs,  more  energy  was 
shown  by  the  executive.  On  the  I4th  November 
Lord  Gosford  asked  the  Home  Government  to 
relieve  him  of  his  office. 

The  following  letter  from  Lady  Colborne 
describes  the  situation  at  this  moment : 

"  Montreal, 

"  1 3th  November,  [183;]. 

"  The  whole  country  certainly  has,  to  the  surprise  of 
everyone,  apparently  changed  its  nature  in  the  short  space 
of  the  last  fortnight,  and  become  interested  in  a  revolution, 
by  the  chief  agitators  having  promised  them  to  do  away 
with  the  signorial  rights  and  give  them  the  deeds  of  their 
lands  and  abolish  tithes.  The  Quebec  district  at  present 
remains  quiet,  but  the  whole  of  that  of  Montreal  and  all 
the  counties  on  the  Richelieu,  TAcadie,  &c,  are  so  far  in 
a  state  of  revolt,  that  parties  of  200  and  300  go  about 
intimidating  the  loyal  inhabitants  and  obliging  them  to 
give  up  their  offices  and  join  them.  One  poor  magistrate 
or  other  officer  was  even  put  into  a  well  and  soused  before 
he  would,  but  at  length,  to  save  his  life,  did  so.  Their 
ultimate  object,  as  it  was  decidedly  believed  by  those  who 
fear  more  than  they  understand,  was  to  unite,  and  in 
great  force,  as  far  as  numbers  go,  to  attempt  to  do 


282  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XVIII. 

great  things.  Undoubtedly  the  supineness  of  Lord  Gos- 
ford  in  putting  a  stop,  whilst  he  had  it  in  his  power,  to 
treasonable  practices,  which  have  been  going  on  for 
months,  has  given  them  unbounded  encouragement,  but 
he  has  latterly  been  roused  and  frightened  into  a  late  com- 
pliance with  good  advice,  and  Sir  John  has  in  the  last 
month  worked  so  hard  to  be  prepared  in  every  way,  that 
he  has  altogether  not  the  slightest  fear  of  anything 
occurring  through  the  winter  beyond  petty  annoyances 
and  burnings,  &c,  in  the  country.  An  affray  took  place 
in  this  town  about  a  week  before  we  arrived,  between  the 
'  Sons  of  Liberty/  as  they  style  themselves,  and  '  The 
Doric  Club '  which  is  a  band  of  a  number  of  the  loyal 
members  who  have  for  some  time  been  organizing  among 
themselves  to  act  for  defence  on  any  emergency.  The 
'  Sons  of  Liberty '  met  in  defiance  of  a  proclamation  issued 
that  morning  from  Government,  and  therefore  the  Dorics 
turned  out  too.  Hard  blows  passed,  but  happily  not  a 
life  was  lost,  and  the  Sons  were  glad  to  retreat  in  quick 
time  when  the  military  were  all  out  and  ready  to  com- 
mence. Papineau  took  care  to  keep  within  his  house  but 
got  all  his  windows  broken,  and  they  destroyed  also  the 
Radical  press  of  the  Vindicator.  Since  then  everything 
has  been  perfectly  quiet,  and  I  firmly  believe  the  whole 
party  little  expected  such  vigorous  exertions  in  the  military 
way  as  they  now  see  Sir  John  has  made,  and  is  making, 
and  begin  to  tremble  and  wish  to  retrograde  a  little. 

"  It  does,  indeed,  seem  providential  that  not  a  week 
more  passed  before  Sir  John  became  so  fully  aware  of  the 
rapidity  with  which  disaffection  was  proceeding,  and  as 
astonishing,  the  rapidity  with  which  every  vulnerable 
point  has  been  strengthened,  and  he  seems  now  to  want 
nothing  to  be  perfectly  comfortable  but  the  arrival  of  the 
regiments  he  sent  off  express  for  to  Sir  Colin  Campbell, 
and  which  he  hopes  may  arrive  in  a  week.  This,  by 
strengthening  Montreal,  will  enable  him  to  give  more 
assistance  to  the  country,  which  he  will  not  do  at  the 
slightest  risk  to  Montreal,  that  being  the  main  point. 


IS37-]  THE  EVE  OF  AN  OUTBREAK.  283 

"  They  are  beginning  to  quarrel  a  little  with  Papineau, 
and  to  threaten  to  place  our  neighbour,  Dr.  Nelson,  about 
2O  miles  from  Sorel,  at  their  head.  Arrests  at  length  are 
to  be  made,  most  reluctantly  extracted  from  Lord  Gos- 
ford,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  a  few  of  the  leading  characters 
will  soon  be  safe  in  custody,  which  some  think  will  go 
very  far  towards  crushing  the  whole  thing.  The  Attorney- 
General  has  been  loudly  called  out  on  for  not  properly 
exerting  himself,  but  he  says  he  cannot  act  as  Lieutenant- 
Governor,  and  that  he  does  all  the  Governor  will  com- 
mission him  to  do.  ...  Every  public  officer  seems 
fearful  of  going  the  length  he  ought  from  fear  of  not  being 
supported  by  the  local  government  and  probably  given 
over  to  the  tender  mercies  of  a  Canadian  jury  for  their 
pains. 

"  Sir  John,  however,  seems  to  put  life  (I  should  only 
write  this  to  you)  into  them  all,  and  the  effect  of  his  pre- 
sence here  shows  itself  visibly.  He  had  everything  pre- 
pared to  support  the  civil  power  on  Sunday  last  if  the 
same  drilling  of  hundreds  took  place  which  had  gone  on 
for  many  previous  ones,  but  not  a  man  appeared. 

"  Sir  John  has  brought  all  the  military  from  Upper 
Canada,  and  Sir  F.  Head  is  glad  to  let  them  go,  and  thinks 
the  effect  will  be  good,  to  show  how  quiet  that  Province 
is.  Then  Sir  John  has  enlisted  all  the  pensioners  settled 
in  the  Province.  You  would  laugh  to  see  how  happy  the 
old  boys  seem  to  be  in  the  return  to  their  old  trade. 
Fifty  offered  to-day  alone,  and  one  from  the  52nd  said, 
'  The  last  battle  he  fought  was  under  Sir  John,  and  he 
hoped  the  next  would  be.'  He  has  stirred  up  Lord  Gos- 
ford  to  arm  the  Constitutionalists,  and  he  has  already 
nearly  ready  100  sleighs,  each  carrying  15  men,  because  the 
Canadians  boast  how  much  better  they  can  travel  in  the 
winter  than  soldiers,  and  snow-shoes  have  been  made  for 
all  the  troops.  Sir  John's  object  has  been,  and  he  thinks 
he  has,  or  shall  have,  quite  effected  it,  to  be  so  thoroughly 
prepared  for  anything  they  can  think  of,  that  people  shall 
not  only  be  perfectly  secure,  but  feel  themselves  to  be  so. 


284  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XVIIL 

"  Francis  is  put  in  orders  as  aide-de-camp,  and  will  join 
us  immediately.  He  has  now  been  in  the  army  more  than 
a  year.  He  will  have  much  to  do  in  the  writing  way,  and 
Sir  John  says  he  will  have  plenty  for  James,  too.  As  his 
regiment  [the  24th]  is  arrived  to-day  at  Montreal,  he  can 
still  be  acting  with  it. 

"  Sir  John  and  I  came  here  on  the  loth.  I  flatter  myself 
that  no  housemaids  could  have  worked  harder  than  Cor- 
delia and  I  have  since  we  came.  Now  all  is  ready,  and  I 
trust  we  shall  all  be  together  again  to-morrow.  It  is  no 
joke  having  to  move  all  our  furniture  from  Quebec  and 
Sorel,  but  our  house  is  very  comfortable. 

"  My  mother  would  have  enjoyed  our  trip  on  the  river. 
It  was  our  first  day's  snow,  and  all  looked  dismal  at  leav- 
ing pretty,  happy  Sorel,  with  all  the  party  in  it.  Just  after 
we  sailed  I  complained  of  the  fire  being  so  bad  and  the 
cabin  so  cold,  when  I  was  told  the  captain  would  not  allow 
more,  because  there  was  so  much  gunpowder  on  board, 
and  close  to  the  ladies'  cabin.  Of  course  I  was  well 
satisfied  to  remain  cold. 

"  I  feel  certain  that  by  the  time  this  reaches  you  all  will 
be  better.  A  most  respectable  man  from  one  of  the  news- 
papers told  Sir  John  this  morning  that,  violent  as  things 
were,  a  little  determination  such  as  was  now  going  on 
would  quickly  bring  them  to  their  senses.  They  are  a 
peaceable  and  quiet  race,  and  have  literally  been  coaxed 
into  this  state. 

"  So  little  had  warfare  been  expected  in  this  Province 
that  Sir  John,  when  first  we  came  from  Upper  Canada, 
found  all  military  concerns  were  out  of  order,  and  now 
finds  the  advantage  of  all  that  he  then  did,  anticipating 
that  things  in  time  would  come  to  this  pass  if  such  a  course 
of  policy  continued  to  be  pursued  by  the  Home  Govern- 
ment. When  last  spring  they  came  to  try  to  shut  the 
Quebec  gates,  which  had  not  been  closed  for  years,  they 
would  not  move,  and  it  cost  nearly  £100  to  make  them 
do  so. 

"  Sir  John  wrote  to  Lord  Gosford  and  told  him,  if  he  did 


74 


;-•:" 


\      ,    A  S  S  O  M  P  T  I  O  IN 


Rouse&P* 

&">*y 

T  IE     § 


IT 


LOWER  CANADA 


to  illustrate 
the 


.ASSOMPTION 


t  IT^    JonM  O  U  N  T^A 


r    T       rvS 

I £££fi0)ci&£v^pMHid 


P^«H«Hg>UMBi 

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:          ''•   ?: 

.    Mount  Johnson. 


\ 


TEiD          STJ^.         E§ 


OWER  CANADA 

to  illustrate 
the 

JELLIONS  or  1837  &  1838 

J/z&». 


Ours 


Chambly  Cantons. 

f  O  U  V  I  L  t;E 


ST-A.TJE 


LOWER  CANADA 


LLIONS  or  1837  &  1838 


73 


1837.]  MILITARY  MEASURES.  285 

not  do  so  and  so,  the  Province  would  be  lest  to  England. 
He  took  it  well,  and  is  so  frightened  that  he  does  now  seem 
inclined  to  follow  advice.  Of  course  this  to  yourselves." 

Various  officers  of  militia  having  been  intimidated 
into  resigning  their  commissions,  Colborne  issued  an 
order  on  i6th  November  that  these  resignations 
were  void,  and  that  such  officers  should  be  still  con- 
sidered as  holding  their  commissions.  Colborne's 
influence  was  felt  throughout  the  Province  and  the 
spirits  of  the  loyal  rose  higher. 

Warrants  had  been  issued  on  the  i6th  for  the 
arrest  of  the  principal  leaders  of  the  movement  of 
sedition,  but  two  of  them,  Damaray  and  Davignon, 
after  being  arrested  were  forcibly  rescued  and  the 
revolutionary  party  gained  new  courage. 

It  now  became  known  to  the  authorities  that 
large  numbers  of  the  neighbouring  habitants  were 
collected  at  Saint  Denis  and  at  Saint  Charles, 
beyond  the  Richelieu  Riven  It  was  determined 
that  Colonel  Wetherall  should  advance  by  Ch^mbly, 
and  that  Colonel  Gore,  leaving  Sorel,  should  first 
proceed  to  St.  Denis,  and  after  having  dispersed 
the  assemblage  there,  join  Wetherall  at  St.  Charles, 
six  miles  to  the  south.  At  St.  Denis  Gore  failed  in 
his  attack  on  a  house  occupied  by  insurgents  under 
Dr.  Nelson,  and  retired  without  success  to  Sorel. 

Papineau,  who  had  been  with  Nelson  the  day 
before,  on  the  news  of  Gore's  approach,  fled  to  the 
United  States.  At  St.  Denis,  on  the  23rd, 
Lieutenant  Weir,  32nd,  who  had  been  sent  with 
despatches,  was  captured  on  his  return  and  after- 
wards killed.  Colonel  Wetherall  successfully 
attacked  the  rebels  in  an  entrenched  position  at  St. 


286  LOWER  CANADA.  [Cn.  XVIII. 

Charles  on  the  25th,  and  with  the  fall  of  St.  Denis, 
on  ist  December,  the  rebellion  in  the  Richelieu 
counties  terminated. 

From  Lady  Colborne. 
"  Montreal, 

"29th  November,  1837. 

"  Assure  yourselves  that  Montreal  is  and  will  be  safe. 
Had  it  been  left  as  unquestionably  it  would  have  been 
but  for  Sir  John's  foresight  and  firmness  and  energy,  there 
is  no  knowing  what  might  not  have  happened. 

"  The  chiefs  of  all  this  desperate  mischief,  as  Papineau, 
Wolford  Nelson  and  their  '  General '  Brown,  to  about  the 
number  of  seven,  after  escaping  the  writs  of  arrest  out 
against  them,  collected  and  entrenched  themselves  in  the 
villages  of  St.  Denis,  16  miles  from  poor  dear  Sorel,  and 
St.  Charles,  9  miles  further  on  the  same  road ;   collected  a 
very  large  force  of  armed  men,  and  actively  made  that 
whole  line  of  country  on  the  Richelieu  in  a  complete  state 
of  open  revolt     Sir  John  determined  to  aid  the  magistrates 
in  seizing  them,  and  secretly  arranged  everything  for  an 
attack — part  of  the  24th  and  66th  Regiments,  with  one 
gun,  all  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Gore,  to  march  by 
Sorel,  and  the  Royal  Regiment  under  Colonel  Wetherall, 
and  two  guns,  round  by  Chambly.     Colonel  Gore  was  to 
attack  St.  Denis,  which  would,  it  was  thought,  not  detain 
him  an  hour,  take  the  arms  believed  to  be  hoarded  there, 
and  join  Colonel  Wetherall  at  St.  Charles,  the  stronghold, 
a?  they  thought,  of  the  rebels.     Oh,  such  a  night  as  the 
22nd  proved!       Most  tremendous  rain,  &c.       It  was  im- 
possible for  us  to  sleep  and  know  what  was  going  on. 
Colonel  Gore  arrived  at  St.  Denis  the  next  morning,  after 
such  a  march  as  had  exhausted  his   men,   and   to   their 
surprise,  instead  of  being  able  to  knock  down  the  house 
in  five  minutes,  they  stood  an  action  of  two  and  a  half 
hours,  and  then  were  obliged  to  retreat  with  the  loss  of 
their  gun,  8  killed  and  8  wounded,  including  a  Captain 
Markham,  of  the  32nd,  who  received  four  balls.     When 
he  found  they  were  about  to  retire,  he  contrived  not  to  be 


1837-]  ST.  DENIS  AND  ST.   CHARLES.  287 

left,  and  an  officer  and  sergeant  most  nobly  dashed  into  the 
house  where  he  was,  under  a  heavy  fire,  and  dragged  him 
out  Poor  man,  he  received  another  wound  as  they  took 
him  away,  and  so  did  the  sergeant. 

"  The  report  of  all  this  reached  us  long  before  anything 
official,  and  you  cannot  imagine  the  anxiety,  knowing  them 
all,  and  the  fear  they  might  not  get  back  safe.  I  shall 
never  forget  the  relief  of  hearing  on  Friday  night  Colonel 
Gore's  voice  on  our  stairs,  and  to  hear  that  they  were  all 
safe. 

"  Then  came  the  dreadful  anxiety  for  poor  Colonel 
Wetherall,  who  might  have  shared  the  same  fate ;  but 
happily,  he  prudently  thought,  the  weather  being  so 
dreadful,  it  would  be  useless  to  attack  with  exhausted 
men — waited — and  through  having  heard  of  Colonel 
Gore's  repulse,  was  a  little  doubtful  about  doing  it  without 
a  chance  of  his  assistance — did  attack,  and  completely 
routed  the  place,  and  the  good  that  it  is  believed  to  have 
done  is  immense  in  opening  the  eyes  of  the  poor,  deluded 
people,  who  are  led  on,  they  know  not  to  what,  by  a  few 
ambitious,  wicked  chiefs,  who  leave  them  the  instant  things 
go  badly.  They  all  took  refuge  in  St.  Denis  the  moment 
St.  Charles  was  attacked,  except  one,  the  proprietor  of  one 
of  the  most  Radical  papers,  who  was  killed,  and  120 
besides.  Only  two  of  the  Royal  Regiment  were  killed. 

"  A  most  melancholy  occurrence  took  place  in  the  cap- 
ture, by  treachery,  of  a  young  officer  of  the  32nd,  Mr. 
Weir,  and  there  is,  I  fear,  no  doubt  now  that  he  has  since 
been  killed  for  trying  to  make  his  escape. 

"  Colonel  Wetherall  will  return  to-morrow.  Everyone 
is  enthusiastic  and  overjoyed  at  his  success.  Another  and 
stronger  expedition  is  going  off  to-morrow,  I  believe 
against  St.  Denis.  If  successful,  the  whole  line  of  country 
is  reclaimed,  aad  our  communication  with  the  States  for 
provisions,  post,  &c." 


"[?  ist  December.] 
"  You  will  rejoice  to  hear  that  things  appear  to  go  well. 


288  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XVIII. 

The  expressions  of  loyalty  are  thickening  on  most  sides, 
and  the  demands  for  arms  for  volunteer  corps,  &c.,  are 
highly  satisfactory  to  Sir  John.  So  are  his  accounts  of 
the  expedition  sent  a  second  time  against  St.  Denis  in 
stronger  force.  An  express  arrived  about  an  hour  since 
saying  Colonel  Gore  had  taken  possession  of  it,  burnt  all 
the  houses  that  opposed  him  the  former  time,  was  just 
going  to  destroy  all  Nelson's  property,  had  recovered  the 
gun  they  lost  before  and  their  wounded  soldiers.  They 
also  sent  here  two  principal  traitors,  though,  alas!  not 
Papineau,  Nelson  or  Brown.  They  fled  on  the  approach 
of  the  troops.  Papineau  told  the  inhabitants  he  should  go 
to  the  States,  and  promised  them  to  return  soon  with  an 
army  of  10,000  men,  and  they  believe  it,  I  dare  say. 

"  Sir  John  says  he  hopes  to  have  the  country  quiet  in  a 
month ;  they  are  all  so  cowed  by  what  has  passed.  What 
would  you  have  felt  at  the  sight  that  passed  before  our 
house  on  Tuesday  last :  the  victorious  regiment  (Royals) 
on  its  return  from  St  Charles  with  the  cavalry,  &c,  bring- 
ing their  spoils  with  them,  a  high  pole  with  the  cap  of 
liberty,  a  placard  or  standard  dedicated  to  Papineau,  two 
guns  and  32  prisoners? 

"  The  victors  looked  sadly  worn  with  their  hard  three 
days'  work  and  the  fate  of  poor  Mr.  Weir,  of  the  32nd, 
who  has  certainly  been  murdered  since  they  took  him,  but 
they  were  most  enthusiastically  received  here. 

"  Two  poor  women  were  standing  close  to  our  gate 
when  all  the  cheering  was  going  on.  One  presently  saw 
the  soldier  she  was  looking  for,  who  just  stepped  aside  and 
shook  both  her  hands.  The  other  seemed  to  eye  every- 
one with  intense  anxiety,  but  all  passed  on  without  her 
finding  him ;  she  then  threw  her  apron  over  her  head  and 
went  off,  as  it  seemed,  in  despair.  Poor  things,  what 
misery  there  is  in  the  country,  and  what  have  not  rebel 
chiefs  to  answer  for! 

"  Do  not  allow  yourself  to  be  uneasy  about  us  personally. 
I  am  quite  convinced  that  Montreal  this  winter  is  as  safe 
as  Yealmpton. 


1837.]  RISING  AT  ST.  EUSTACHE.  289 

"  One  soldier  took  General  Brown's  coat  with  two 
epaulettes.  One  of  our  servants  knew  him  well  when  he 
kept  a  store  in  Montreal.  He  is  an  American.  Wolford 
Nelson  is  a  doctor,  and  often  used  to  come  to  Sorel  village. 

"  Many  things  occur  to  make  one  laugh.  Just  now  our 
washerwoman  came  to  hope  we  would  not  be  angry  if  she 
lost  our  clothes,  for  '  if  the  town  was  attacked  she  was  sure 
she  should  be  too  frightened  and  hurried  to  pick  them  all 
up/  and  she  had  slept  in  her  clothes  and  burnt  a  light  for 
two  nights  to  be  as  ready  as  she  could.  All  the  poor 
people  are  in  a  state  of  horrible  alarm,  for  they  think  that 
if  such  preparations  are  necessary  they  cannot  be  safe, 
instead  of  feeling  safe  in  consequence.  A  servant  who 
came  to  offer  the  day  after  I  came  here  and  was  to  call  in 
two  or  three  days  for  her  answer,  only  came  to-day  and 
said  she  had  never  left  her  room,  she  was  so  afraid  of 
going  into  the  streets. 

"  We  are  all  well,  Sir  John  bearing  all  fatigue,  &c., 
better  than  I  expected." 

But  the  news  of  Gore's  repulse  at  St.  Denis  had 
a  result  in  an  insurrection  in  St.  Eustache,  a  village 
in  the  county  of  the  Two  Mountains.  This  move- 
ment was  headed  by  a  Swiss  named  Girod  and  a 
Dr.  Chenier,  who  on  ist  December  seized  the 
convent  and  established  themselves  there  with  a 
three-pounder  gun.  On  the  I3th  December  Sir 
John  Colborne  in  person  marched  from  Montreal 
to  attack  the  stronghold.  He  had  delayed  his 
departure  till  he  could  take  the  field  with  a  force 
prepared  to  meet  the  formidable  numbers  of 
desperate  men  who  he  had  been  led  to  believe 
were  in  arms.  The  real  numbers  of  the  rebels  were 
about  800,  while  Sir  John  Colborne's  force  of  2,000 
men,  with  artillery,  was  equal  to  meeting  twenty 
times  as  many.  On  the  I4th  the  troops  crossed  the 

L 


290  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XVIII. 

River  of  a  Thousand  Islands  and  entered  the  village 
of  St.  Eustache,  where  the  insurgents  under  Chenier 
occupied  the  church,  the  convent,  the  presbytery, 
and  an  adjacent  house.  .When  the  attack  com- 
menced only  about  250  insurgents  had  stayed  to 
receive  it.  Girod  had  himself  fled.  In  an  hour 
the  insurgents  were  driven  from  their  position,  some 
seventy  of  them,  including  Chenier,  being  killed, 
and  the  village  was  in  flames. 

The  British  troops  next  morning  marched  against 
St.  Benoit.  Before  they  started  Sir  John  Colborne 
had  sent  a  message  demanding  that  the  arms  of  the 
insurgents  there  should  be  given  up,  and  threatening 
that,  if  a  single  shot  were  fired  from  the  village,  it 
would  be  abandoned  to  fire  and  pillage.  No 
opposition  was  encountered,  but  owing  to  the  rage 
of  the  loyal  population  the  village  was  set  on  fire 
and  for  the  most  part  consumed,  in  spite  of  all  efforts 
to  save  it. 

On  1 6th  December  the  column  returned  to 
Montreal,  where — as  on  its  march — it  was  received 
with  great  enthusiasm.  The  British  authorities  did 
not  relax  their  measures  of  defence  and  Montreal 
became  a  large  camp.  But  the  strength  of  the 
rebels  had  been  exaggerated.  They  had  formed 
but  an  insignificant  part  of  the  French-Canadian 
population,  and  their  effort  was  now  at  an  end. 

Hardly  so  much  was  known  when  Lady  Colborne 
wrote  the  following  letter  after  the  return  from 
St.  Benoit: 

"  Montreal, 

"  1 8th  December. 

"  How  happy  it  will   make   you,   my   dearest   mother, 


1 837.]  BURNING   OF  ST.  BENOIT.  291 

to  hear  that  my  dear  husband  and  Francis  and  all  are 
returned,  not  only  safe  and  sound,  but  the  former,  I  really 
think,  better  both  in  health  and  spirits  than  when  he  set 
off,  He  had  been  so  completely  shut  up,  and  so  over- 
whelmed with  writing,  talking  and  thinking,  that  the  being 
so  long  in  the  open  air  with  such  a  change  of  employment, 
and  the  relief  it  is  to  him  to  feel  that  the  revolt  is  almost 
entirely  put  down,  and  the  prosperous  way  things  are  now 
going  on  in  the  Upper  Province,  seems  quite  to  have 
cured  cough  and  anything,  and  I  shall  only  now  have  to 
fatten  him  a  little.  It  was  quite  astonishing,  no,  not 
astonishing,  but  lamentable  to  me,  to  find  how  much  flesh 
he  had  lost  since  we  left  the  happy,  and  as  we  then  felt, 
quiet,  Sorel. 

"  He  returned  with  his  staff  on  Saturday,  having  gone 
with  the  whole  force  on  from  St.  Eustache  to  the  Grand 
Brule  or  St.  Bennet,  where  they  were  received  by  the 
whole  of  the  inhabitants  who  remained  in  the  place 
(numbers,  with  the  chief,  having  fled  to  St.  Scolastique) 
with  white  flags  and  their  arms  on  the  ground,  as  well  as 
on  their  knees.  They  stayed  there  Friday  night,  the  staff 
with  Sir  John  in  the  house  of  the  chief,  first  taking  good 
care  to  see  that  they  had  not  filled  their  cellar  with  gun- 
powder. The  houses  of  the  principal  rebels  were  ordered 
to  be  fired  in  the  morning,  but  happily,  as  everyone  thinks 
(for  Sir  John  would  not  order  it),  partly  by  accident,  and 
partly  by  indignation  of  the  volunteers,  the  whole  was  in 
a  blaze  so  rapidly,  the  wind  being-  high,  that  they  had  some 
difficulty  in  escaping — the  smoke  so  thick  and  the  fires 
bursting  out  on  every  side,  they  were  afraid  they  should 
not  get  their  horses  on,  and  they  could  not  go  back. 

"  Part  of  the  forces  returned  yesterday  with  1 20 
prisoners ;  the  remainder  proceeded  on  to  St.  Scolastique, 
where  1,000  collected  with  white  flags  and  'vehement 
cheering  for  the  Queen.'  I  suppose  it  shared  the  same 
fate  as  St.  Bennet 

"  Poor  Sir  John !  I  cannot  fancy  anyone  placed  in  a 
more  difficult,  arduous  and  responsible  situation.  What  a 

L  2 


292  .       LOWER  CANADA.  [Cn.  XVIII 

blessing  it  is  to  feel  that  he  is  a  true  Christian  and  will 
act  according  to  his  conscience  without  attending  to  the 
violence  of  parties.  However  he  may  be  blamecTat  present 
by  those  whose  revenge,  I  do  think,  would  almost  lead 
them,  in  their  present  excited  state,  to  torture  every 
prisoner  to  death,  all  will  acknowledge  in  the  end  that  his 
judgment,  as  it  has  always  proved,  is  best.  Martial  law 
puts  everything  in  his  power,  and  I  do  believe  everyone 
almost  was  hoping  to  see  the  place  deluged  with  the  blood 
of  the  wretched  criminals.  Not  one  has  yet  been  sacri- 
ficed. All  of  whom  it  could  be  at  all  proved  they  had  been 
forced  to  take  up  arms  have  been  liberated,  and  after  the 
affair  is  quite  over  the  State  prisoners  will  have  a  fair  trial 
by  law. 

"  The  petitions  from  mothers,  wives,  &c.,  are  heart- 
rending. I  have  had  while  writing  to  read  and  have  a 
good  cry  over  a  letter  from  the  mother  of  Bouchette,  who 
was  taken  at  the  affair  of  Missisquoi,  and  for  whom  a 
reward  of  £500  was  offered  Wolford  Nelson  was  reported 
to  be  dead  yesterday,  but  he  had  only  taken  an  immense 
dose  of  opium,  and  is  recovered  again. 

"  Poor  Francis,  in  carrying  messages  as  aide-de-camp, 
had  many  shots  levelled  at  him.  All  seemed  quiet,  and 
they  could  hardly  tell  what  houses,  &c.,  were  guarded.  A 
Congreve  rocket  intended  for  the  town  wavered  in  the  air 
over  their  heads  and  then  fell  close  to  Sir  John  and  the 
whole  staff.  Had  it  burst,  as  it  ought  to  have  done,  it 
must  have  killed  10  or  12.  These  things  are  not  to  be 
talked  of,  you  know,  for  in  military  affairs  they  are  for  ever 
happening.* 


*  The  rocket  is  treated  from  the  humorous  side  by  Sir  Daniel 
Lysons,  who  was  present :  "  A  rather  amusing  incident  happened 
during  the  fight.  I  happened  to  ride  up  from  the  ice  to  report  to  the 
General  that  all  the  troops  were  safe  over,  just  as  he  ordered  the 
Rocket  Troop  to  come  into  action  and  fire  into  the  church  a  heavy 
rocket,  a  venerable  survivor  of  the  Peninsular  War.  The  Ordnance 
Department  imagined,  I  believe,  that  rockets  would  improve  like  port 
wine  by  keeping:  the  result  was  that  when  it  was  fired,  instead  of 
rising,  it  fell,  and  not  clearing  a  wooden  fence  in  front  of  the  troop, 


1837.]  RETURN  TO  MONTREAL.  293 

"  They  had  delightful  weather  the  whole  time,  for  though 
very  cold,  it  was  bright  and  beautiful,  and  moonlight 
Now  it  is  heavy  snow.  They  were  rather  alarmed  by  the 
ice  when  the  immense  weight  was  on  it — one  waggon  and 
four  horses  lost  It  was  half  a  mile  wide  where  they 
crossed,  and  it  bent  under  them,  and  it  was  reported  that 
the  rebels  had  cut  the  sides.  It  was  silly  for  their  own 
defence  that  they  did  not. 

"  Johnny  has  just  rushed  into  the  room  to  show  me  a 
large  white  flag  with  a  large  black  eagle  painted  on  it, 
and  an  inscription,  '  Free  as  air/  which  a  sergeant  has 
brought  him  home.  '  He  says  he  seized  it  in  battle,  mama, 
for  me.' 

"  Four  companies  of  the  24th  were  all  the  regular  troops 
we  had  in  Montreal.  Sir  John  has  armed  9,000  volunteers 
in  the  Province  since  we  first  came  to  Montreal. 

"  Since  I  finished  my  letter,  Girod,  the  leader  of  St. 
Eustache,  for  whom  £500  was  offered,  has  shot  himself. 
He  was  in  a  wood  and  saw  no  chance  of  escape.  Scott, 
another  £500  offered  for,  has  just  been  taken  in  Montreal. 
In  Chenier's  pocket,  after  he  was  killed,  was  found  a  plan 
for  attacking  the  bridge  at  St.  Martin's  over  which  they 
passed.  Sir  John  had  defended  it  for  some  days." 


broke  its  long  tail  short  off.  The  huge  head  went  whirling  and 
twirling,  whizzing  and  fizzing,  all  over  a  ploughed  field  in  the  most 
frightful  manner.  There  was  a  general  stampede— Headquarter  Staff, 
Rocket  Troop,  and  all,  took  flight."  Early  Reminiscences  (1896), 
p.  88. 


(     294     ) 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

CANADA,    1838-1839.      REBELLION   OF    1838.      SIR 
JOHN  COLBORNE  GOVERNOR-GENERAL. 

ON  1 3th  January,  1838,  it  was  known  in  Quebec 
that  Lord  Gosford's  resignation  had  been  accepted. 
On  the  20th  February  he  gave  over  his  authority  to 
Sir  John  Colborne  as  administrator. 

Kingsford  writes  of  Lord  Gosford :  "  There  are 
few  governors-general  with  less  claim  to  respect. 
.  .  .  He  had,  moreover,  the  misfortune  to  act 
with  a  weak  doctrinaire  Colonial  Secretary,  Lord 
Glenelg,  who  had  formed  theories  of  government 
entirely  irreconcilable  with  the  circumstances  of 
the  situation.  Fortunately,  as  a  deus  ex  machina, 
Sir  John  Colborne  stepped  upon  the  scene  with  the 
courage  to  act  upon  his  convictions  and  the  capacity 
to  penetrate  fact  and  circumstance.  He  judged  the 
situation  correctly,  and  was  deterred  by  no  timid 
sense  of  responsibility  in  the  performance  of  his  duty. 
He  saw  that  vigour  alone  could  save  the  province 
from  the  anarchy  that  was  threatening  it ;  he  met 
the  crisis  in  a  brave  spirit,  with  unfaltering  purpose, 
and  he  was  equally  actuated  by  mercy;  for,  to  the 
honour  of  the  British  Government,  there  was  not  a 
single  death-penalty  paid,  even  by  the  most  active  in 
the  rebellion  of  1837,  when  it  was  believed  that  the 
danger  was  past."* 

*  X.,  p.  104. 


1838.]  ARRIVAL   OF  LORD  DURHAM.  295 

At  the  end  of  January,  1838,  Lord  John  Russell 
informed  the  House  of  Commons  that  the  Ministry 
had  decided  to  suspend  the  constitution  of  Lower 
Canada  and  to  send  out  Lord  Durham  as  special 
commissioner,  with  authority,  in  concert  with  five 
of  his  council,  to  pass  the  necessary  ordinances.  He 
would  further  be  instructed  to  summon  three  mem- 
bers of  the  legislative  council  and  ten  of  the  House 
of  Assembly  of  each  Province  to  confer  on  the 
future  government  of  the  Province.  Lord  Durham 
left  England  on  24th  April. 

The  Act  suspending  the  constitution  reached 
Lower  Canada  in  February  and  was  proclaimed  on 
20th  March.  On  the  5th  April  Sir  John  Colborne 
published  the  names  of  the  special  council.  On  the 
1 2th  April  he  directed  the  militia  to  be  disembodied, 
and  on  the  27th  he  declared  the  reign  of  martial  law 
to  be  at  an  end.  On  the  2 9th  May  Lord  Durham 
landed  at  Quebec  "and  assumed  his  authority. 

In  spite  of  a  hauteur  which  made  him  rather 
unpopular  in  some  official  and  social  circles,  with 
the  great  mass  of  the  population  he  gained  at  once 
the  respect  due  to  his  energy  and  marked  statesman- 
like qualities.  Having  appointed  a  council  of  his 
own,  of  which  only  one  member  was  a  Canadian, 
he  proceeded  at  once  to  institute  a  searching  inquiry 
into  the  grievances  of  the  country.*  The  result 
appeared  the  following  January  in  that  famous 

*  Lord  Durham  had  Colborne's  support  in  these  measures. 
Colborne  wrote  on  3Oth  June  :  "  With  respect  to  my  own  communica- 
tions with  his  lordship,  and  to  the  conversations  which  I  have  had 
with  him,  they  have  been  entirely  satisfactory,  and  I  concur  with  him 
in  all  his  views  which  he  has  made  known  to  me."  Kingsford,  X., 
p.  124. 


296  LOWER  CANADA.  [Cn.  XIX. 

Report  which,  by  recommending  a  representative 
system  of  government,  safeguarded  by  the  union  of 
Upper  and  Lower  Canada,  terminated  a  long  period 
of  strife  and  opened  an  era  of  prosperity  and  content 
in  the  colony. 

On  the  5th  June  Sir  John  Colborne  arrived  at 
Montreal  from  Quebec  and  proceeded  on  a  military 
tour  of  inspection  to  Upper  Canada.  Everywhere 
in  his  old  Province  he  was  received  with  addresses 
of  congratulation.  On  his  departure  he  was 
escorted  to  his  steamboat  by  the  whole  population. 
On  his  return  to  Montreal  (i5th  June)  the  inhabitants 
presented  another  address. 

Major  Richardson  writes  pleasantly  of  some 
meetings  with  Sir  John  Colborne  about  this  time : 

"  Sir  John  was  a  frank  and  courteous  old  soldier, 
with  an  erect  and  military  carriage  and  an  unpre- 
tendingness  that  is  by  no  means  common  to  men 
conscious  of  being  high  in  the  public  favour.  I  was 
particularly  struck  with  the  general  expression  of 
his  strongly-marked  countenance,  which  greatly 
resembles  that  of  his  Grace  the  Duke  of  Wellington. 
In  figure,  however,  he  is  much  taller.  .  .  . 

"  Shortly  after  the  arrival  of  Sir  John  Colborne  in 
Quebec,  and  before  the  departure  of  Lord  Durham 
for  Upper  Canada,  a  review  of  the  troops  in  garrison, 
consisting  chiefly  of  the  Guards,  then  recently  arrived 
in  the  country,  took  place  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham. 
Sir  John  with  a  very  brilliant  staff  was  present  on 
the  ground  when  I  rode  up,  and  it  occurred  to  me 
that  he  was  viewing  with  deep  admiration  the  fine 
body  of  men  drawn  up  in  line  whom  it  had  never 
before  been  his  fortune  to  have  submitted  to  his 


1838.]  A  REVIEW  OF  THE   TROOPS. 

inspection."  .  .  .  Major  Richardson  goes  on  to 
relate  that,  when  the  review  was  over,  Sir  John, 
riding  off  the  field  in  advance  of  the  troops,  observed 
him  watching  them  defile  into  the  road.  "  He 
immediately  left  the  main  body  of  his  staff,  and 
trotting  his  horse  up  to  me,  asked,  with  an  exultation 
in  his  manner  I  had  never  previously  remarked, 
whether  I  had  ever  seen  a  more  splendid  body  of 
men  or  troops  who  went  through  their  evolutions  in 
a  more  steady  and  masterly  manner.  ...  I 
confess  I  was  at  the  time  somewhat  surprised  that 
so  old  and  distinguished  a  soldier  as  Sir  John 
Colborne  should  have  asked  the  opinion  of  one  whom 
it  was  a  good  deal  the  fashion  at  that  period  to  affect 
to  slight,  but  ...  I  was  at  no  loss  to  comprehend 
the  delicate  compliment  which  had  been  paid  to  me,, 
or  the  warm  and  soldierlike  feeling  which  had  drawn 
it  forth.  Although  the  delivery  of  Sir  John  was  at 
all  times  quick  and  impetuous,  his  manner,  while 
kind,  was  reserved ;  and  therefore  the  departure 
on  this  occasion  from  his  habit  conveyed  to  the 
troops  .  .  .  one  of  the  highest  tributes  of  praise  that 
could  have  been  rendered."* 

On  the  7th  July  Lord  Durham  left  Quebec  for 
Montreal  and  Western  Canada.  He  was  joined  at 
Queenston  on  the  i3th  by  Sir  John  Colborne, 
and  at  Niagara  met  the  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the 
Upper  Province,  Sir  George  Arthur.  After  visiting 
Buffalo  Lord  Durham  and  Colborne  returned  to 
Niagara,  where  they  held  a  review  of  the  troops  (a 
squadron  of  the  King's  Dragoon  Guards,  a  battery 

*  Eight  Years  in  Canada  (1847),  PP-  3^>  40. 


298  LOWER  CANADA.  [Cn.  XIX. 

of  artillery,  the  43rd  Regiment  and  a  detachment  of 
the  24th)  to  demonstrate  to  the  hostile  party  in  the 
United  States  that  the  Canadian  bank  of  the  river 
was  strongly  garrisoned. 

After  Lord  Durham's  arrival  Sir  John  Colborne 
saw  an  opportunity  of  resigning  his  command  at  a 
moment  of  tranquillity. 

Sir  John's  resignation  became  known  in  England, 
where  it  was  attributed  to  the  offence  he  had  taken 
at  some  insolent  treatment  on  the  part  of  Lord 
Durham.  This  his  brother-in-law,  Mr.  John  Yonge, 
contradicted  in  various  papers. 

Lady  Colborne  wrote  on  I4th  September  from 
Sorel : 

"  Sir  John  is  generally  of  opinion  that  it  is  much  better 
to  let  the  papers  fight  out  their  opinions  as  they  please, 
and  that  all  will  in  time  find  its  level.  Nor  does  he  wish 
to  have  too  positively  asserted  the  exact  causes  of  his 
giving  up  his  command.  .  .  .  He  by  no  means  desires 
it  should  in  future  be  thought  he  placed  full  confidence 
in  the  future  under  Lord  Durham's  administration.  He 
only,  as  far  as  it  went,  and  up  to  the  -period  of  his 
approving  his  measures,  gave  him  his  hearty  concurrence 
and  assistance,  but  he  very  soon  thought  him  a  person 
who  might  bring  on  the  greatest  difficulties.  But  I  am 
happy  to  tell  you  he  is  much  obliged  for  what  you  did 
both  as  to  motive  and  real  use. 

"  He  is  very  glad  the  extracts  [from  Sir  John's  letters] 
were  all  before  the  arrival  of  Lord  Durham. 

"  If  Lord  Durham  does  not  stop  in  time,  everything  must 
go  wrong — discontent  and  disgust  is  gaining  ground 
rapidly.  The  danger  is  that,  if  another  revolt  took  place, 
so  disgusted  are  the  loyal  that  their  exertions  would  be 
very  difficult  to  be  roused  in  the  same  way.  The  excite- 
ment occasioned  by  the  getting  off  of  the  murderers  of  Mr. 


1838.]  NOT  ALLOWED   TO  RESIGN.  299 

Weir  and  Chartrand  is  immense.  Only  fancy  the  im- 
pudence of  the  jury,  not  content  with  giving,  according  to 
form,  their  verdicts  by  their  foreman,  but  each  roaring  out, 
and  then  the  immense  crowd  in  the  town  to  rejoice  on 
their  leaving  the  prison,  and  then  both  jury  and  prisoners 
going  together  and  enjoying  a  public  dinner. 

"  It  is  said  that  Lord  Durham  is  becoming  more  and 
more  disgusted  and  annoyed  with  everything,  and  wishes 
he  had  never  come.  The  Attorney-General  says,  '  Depend 
on  it,  his  talent  is  much  over-rated.  If  they  would  but 
have  left  Sir  John,  all  would  have  gone  well,  but  it  is  not 
yet  irretrievable,  if  they  would  but  see  it  and  replace  him.' 
I  hope  this  will  never  be,  and  so  does  Sir  John,  I  am  sure. 
Sir  John  went  yesterday  to  Montreal  to  have  his  favourite 
review  of  the  troops.  I  have  taken  a  sergeant  into  the 
house  at  night.  Sir  John  offered  me  a  bugler  in  case  I 
wanted  the  whole  regiment 

"  Lord  Durham  is  constantly  laid  up  for  days  together, 
and  Mr.  Buller  as  bad." 

In  spite  of  his  resignation  of  his  command  Sir 
John  Colborne  was  destined  to  stay  in  Canada  for 
some  time  longer.  Lord  Glenelg,  writing  on  the 
7th  July,  gave  him  reason  to  expect  that  his  wish 
would  be  speedily  met,  but  on  the  i8th  August  he 
expressed  to  him  Her  Majesty's  desire  that  he  would 
consent  to  continue  at  his  post  on  account  of  the 
"  inconvenience,  and  even  injury,"  to  which  great 
national  interests  might  be  exposed  by  his  retire- 
ment at  that  time.  He  added  in  a  private  letter 
that  he  and  his  colleagues  looked  with  alarm  at  any 
transfer  of  the  command  to  other  hands  at  that  crisis. 
"  In  addition  to  your  well-known  military  qualifica- 
tions you  enjoy  the  confidence  of  all  persons  in  the 
Provinces  to  a  degree  to  which  it  is  clear  no  other 
could  attain.  I  need  not  explain  to  you  how  much 


300  LOWER  CANADA.  [Cn.  XIX. 

you  enjoy  that  of  the  Government."  Lord 
Glenelg's  appeal  was  supported  by  letters  from 
Lord  Hill  and  Lord  Fitzroy  Somerset,  and  Sir  John 
Colborne,  with  characteristic  patriotism,  consented 
to  stay. 

On  the  28th  September  Lord  Durham  resigned 
his  office,  piqued  at  the  refusal  of  the  home  Govern- 
ment to  support  an  ordinance  by  which  he  had 
banished  to  Bermuda  eight  leaders  in  the  late 
rebellion.  The  British  population  was  thrown  into 
consternation  at  the  threatened  loss  of  the  statesman 
who  seemed  born  to  be  the  saviour  of  the  country 
and  the  seeming  indifference  of  the  home  Govern- 
ment to  their  interests,  and  the  malcontents  were 
emboldened  to  new  efforts. 

Lady  Colborne  wrote  about  I4th  October: 

"  Sir  John  goes  to  Quebec  to-night  at  Lord  Durham's 
request,  who  leaves  it  on  the  2/th  to  go  through  the 
States  and  meet  our  dear  '  Inconstant '  on  the  Delaware 
River.  He  tells  me,  in  answer  to  my  inquiry  what  I  shall 
say  to  you,  '  Oh,  tell  him  we  are  in  a  shocking  mess  here, 
and  that  all  Lord  Durham's  fine  statement  of  the  peace 
and  heavenly  tranquillity  which  his  lordship  had  been  the 
means  of  bringing  about,  and  the  sort  of  thing  he  sets 
forth  is  all,  so  far,  humbug,  that  nothing  can  restore  it 
until  it  is  finally  settled  at  home  how  Canada  is  to  be 
permanently  governed/  Lord  Durham  will  make  a  great 
effort  to  turn  out  the  Ministry.  I  sent  you  his  proclama- 
tion two  days  since.  Severe  remarks  are  made  on  it  by 
some,  particularly  the  expressions  about  the  House  of 
Lords. 

"  We  shall  go  instantly  to  Montreal  when  he  is  clear  off 
and  happily  have  the  house,  furniture,  &c,  he  was  to  have 
occupied,  but  we  would  rather  have  had  the  berths  he  has 
taken  from  us  in  the  '  Inconstant/ 


1838.]  LORD  DURHAM  GOES  HOME.  301 

"We  have  had  Francis'  Colonel,  Lord  Charles  Welles- 
ley,  staying  two  days  with  us,  and  like  him  very  much. 
Quite  a  plain,  charming  kind  of  open  character ;  much 
more  the  sort  of  person  you  would  say  must  be  a  sailor 
than  a  soldier  and  the  Duke  of  Wellington's  son.  I  quite 
enjoy  the  example  he  sets  to  all  young  men.  He  came 
here  even  without  a  servant  (not  that  he  intended  staying), 
and  even  bringing  on  shore  his  little  portmanteau  himself, 
and  saddling  his  little  pony.  He  was  taken  prisoner  by 
the  patrol  the  first  night  he  joined,  and  when  he  said  he 
was  an  officer  of  the  I5th,  the  guard  of  the  I5th,  of  course, 
denied  it,  never  having  seen  him ;  so  he  was  sent  to  the 
guard-house.  He  says  Sir  John  is  so  ridiculously  like 
the  Duke,  he  could  at  first  hardly  help  laughing,  and 
thought  his  father  was  talking  to  him. 

"  Sir  George  Arthur  and  Mr.  Hagerman  have  spent  two 
days  with  us.  He  went  to  tell  Lord  Durham  he  would 
resign  rather  than  carry  his  general  amnesty  into  effect  in 
Upper  Canada ;  so  Lord  D.  has  come  into  his  views,  and 
they  are  to  go  to  Botany  Bay — no  deaths — 25,  I  believe. 
We  like  him  much." 

In  the  middle  of  October  the  signs  of  new  disturb- 
ances were  so  evident  that  Sir  John  Colborne  was 
entrusted  with  the  duty  of  defending  the  Province. 
He  called  out  the  volunteers  and  took  steps  to 
defend  the  frontier.  On  Lord  Durham's  departure 
for  England,  on  ist  November,  Colborne  was  once 
more  administrator  of  the  government.  A  revo- 
lutionary movement  at  once  began  in  the  counties 
on  the  Richelieu  River,  where,  at  different  spots, 
large  bodies  of  disaffected  habitants  assembled  with 
the  expectation  of  being  joined  by  sympathisers 
from  the  United  States.  In  an  affray  between  the 
insurgents  and  a  body  of  Indians  on  the  3rd  the 
attempt  of  the  former  to  seize  arms  and  ammunition 


302  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XIX. 

in  Caughnawaga  was  frustrated  and  70  of  them 
taken  as  prisoners  to  Montreal.  On  the  4th  a  panic 
raged  at  Montreal,  a  rising  having  taken  place  in 
the  district  of  the  city  south  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 

Sir  John  Colborne,  who  was  at  Sorel,  on  hearing 
of  the  rising  on  the  Richelieu,  left  on  the  3rd  for 
Montreal,  where  he  at  once  assembled  his  council 
and  proclaimed  martial  law. 

From  Lady  Colborne. 

"  Montreal, 

"  6th  November. 

"  So  thankful  to  be  arrived  here  only  so  exactly  in  time. 
Sir  John  is,  thank  God,  so  well,  and  in  good  spirits.  Oh> 
if  his  finger  did  but  ache  now,  what  should  we  do?  1 
trust  the  vigorous  measures  so  rapidly  effected  will 
frighten  them  from  more  formidable  attempts.  I  think 
Lord  Durham  must  now  be  pretty  well  convinced  that  he 
had  not  effected  all  he  fancied  of  Elysian  peace  and  quiet- 
ness. I  am  not  frightened ;  nothing  great  can  be  effected, 
and  I  am  used  to  -petty  horrors.  We  are  all  well  and  all 
together,  safe  arrived  from  Sorel.  The  cottage  had  been 
strongly  guarded ;  still  there  was  danger,  though  Sir  John 
was  not  aware  of  it." 

Four  thousand  insurgents  had  assembled  at 
Napierville,  15  miles  from  the  United  States 
boundary,  where,  on  the  4th,  Robert  Nelson  had 
been  proclaimed  President  of  the  Canadian 
Republic.  On  the  6th  they  marched  into  the 
United  States,  but  not  being  joined  by  new 
adherents,  as  they  had  hoped  to  be,  recrossed  the 
frontier  on  the  7th,  when  they  were  attacked  by  a 
British  force  and  routed,  leaving  n  dead  on  the 
ground. 


1838.]  THE  SECOND  REBELLION.  303 

Nelson,  who  had  stayed  at  Napierville,  left  on  the 
8th  with  about  1,000  men  and  attacked  a  small 
British  force  in  a  Methodist  church  at  Odelltown. 
After  meeting  with  a  determined  resistance  the  rebels 
retired,  leaving  50  dead. 

On  the  7th  and  8th  a  column  left  Montreal  under 
Lieutenant-General  Macdonell.  It  consisted  of 
some  squadrons  of  the  King's  Dragoon  Guards  and 
7th  Hussars,  the  Grenadier  Guards,  the  i5th,  24th, 
1 7th  and  73rd  Regiments,  and  two  batteries  of 
artillery.  On  reaching  Napierville  Macdonell 
found  the  insurgents  had  left  en  masse.  He  dis- 
persed some  gatherings  at  St.  Edouard  and  St.  Remi, 
a  little  to  the  west. 

An  insurgent  camp  which  had  been  formed  near 
Boucherville,  under  one  Mailhot,  broke  up  on  the 
advance  of  the  66th  Regiment. 

Another  party  of  insurgents  was  dispersed  at 
Beauharnois  on  the  loth  by  a  detachment  of  the 
Napierville  force  under  Colonel  Carmichael.  This 
was  the  last  act  in  the  revolt  in  Lower  Canada,  which 
collapsed  after  lasting  one  week. 

Sir  John  Colborne,  on  crossing  from  La  Prairie, 
was  received  with  enthusiasm  at  Montreal  on  the 
I4th,  and  on  the  i7th  announced  that  quiet  had  been 
re-established.  Unfortunately  much  property  had 
been  destroyed  owing  to  the  exasperation  of  the 
volunteers  against  the  habitants. 

From  Lady  Colborne. 
"  Montreal, 

"  i;th  November,  1838. 

"  I  have  found  it  impossible  to  write  to  anyone  during 
the  last  (almost  a)  fortnight  now  of  excitement,  which,  from 


304  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XIX. 

various  causes,  has  been  to  me  greater  than  I  think  I  ever 
passed ;  though  thank  God  not  of  such  great  alarm  of 
actual  danger  as  I  sometimes  felt  last  winter.  I  suppose 
I  am  more  hardened  to  warfare,  for  certainly  there  can  be 
no  reasonable  doubt  that  the  state  of  affairs  has  been 
infinitely  more  perilous,  and  every  day  proves  how  much 
more  extensive,  much  more  secret,  much  more  deeply  laid, 
all  the  plans  of  the  enemy  have  now  been. 

"  I  was  surprised  to  find  that  in  different  affairs  at  least 
10,000  men  at  arms  have  already  been  conquered  and  dis- 
persed. La  Colle,  Beauharnois,  Napierville,  Odelltown, 
Boucherville  and  all  the  country  round  quieted,  but 
actually  that  number  in  arms,  without  counting  the 
abominable  800  Yankees  at  Prescott  [Upper  Canada],  who 
this  morning  we  learn  have  cost  us  more  lives  than  all  the 
rest  put  together,  and  sadly  distressing  it  is  to  Sir  John, 
of  course,  that  he  was  obliged  to  draw  the  force  from  that 
neighbourhood  before  it  was  attacked.  Such  a  reinforce- 
ment, however,  went  immediately  that  not  one,  it  is  to  be 
hoped,  can  escape  from  the  mill  where  they  have  now 
stationed  themselves,  and  from  which  nothing  but  heavy 
artillery  can  dislodge  them. 

"  Sir  John,  with  all  the  force  he  could  take  with  safety 
to  Montreal,  was  absent  from  Thursday  [8th]  to  Tuesday 
[13th],  and  the  fatigue,  &c.,  all  went  through  from  the 
horrible  state  of  the  roads,  the  weather,  &c.,  was  very 
great,  but  the  troops  have  borne  it  famously,  and  Sir 
John,  they  all  say,  seemed  to  stand  it  better  than  almost 
anyone.  He  was,  however,  very  glad  to  lie  down  when  he 
came  home,  and  I  flattered  myself  he  would  have  some 
days,  at  least,  of  comparative  rest,  when  in  less  than  an 
hour  James  comes  in,  '  Well,  Sir,  your  campaigns  are  not 
over  so  soon  as  you  think ;  800  Americans  have  landed, 
and  Colonel  Gore  and  Colonel  Wetherall  are  downstairs 
with  the  despatches,  waiting  to  see  you.'  It  proved, 
indeed,  an  anxious  time,  and  I  have  seldom  seen  him  so 
anxious,  so  thoughtful,  so  sleepless,  till  the  day  before 
yesterday,  when  an  account  came,  '  Hard  fighting,  but  I 


1838.]  THE  SECOND  REBELLION.  305 

think  we  shall  beat  them.'  As  Sir  John  knew  that  almost 
immediately  after  the  troops  he  instantly  dispatched  would 
have  arrived,  he  has  been  tolerably  comfortable.  Before, 
his  fear  was  that  they  must  be  coming  over  in  much  greater 
numbers,  and,  in  so  disaffected  a  part  of  the  country,  might 
get  a  kind  of  stand.  We  have  lost,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  45 
killed  and  wounded,  two  officers  killed — the  loss  much 
greater  on  the  other  side.  It  is  very  dreadful  to  rejoice  at 
such  things  as  we  are  obliged  to  now,  and  I  am  constantly 
obliged  to  recollect  what  horrors  they  intended  for  us 
when  I  hear  of  the  misery  occasioned  by  the  march  of 
the  troops  through  the  rebels'  land,  and  to  confine  my  pity 
to  the  poor  women  and  children  who  fly  to  the  woods 
and  return  only  to  find  all  destroyed,  for  it  is  impossible 
to  prevent  it,  or  to  keep  proper  discipline,  except  with  the 
regular  troops.  '  Ordered  expressly  by  Sir  John  Colborne 
not  to  be  burnt,'  they  say  is  to  be  seen  written  in  white 
chalk  in  all  directions,  but  it  is  useless.  The  volunteers  w ill 
revenge  themselves  in  a  degree ;  but  not  more,  Sir  John 
says,  than  must  be  expected,  and  with  nothing  of  the 
cruelty  that  was  openly  intended,  had  they  been  the  victors. 
Major  Phillpotts  was  sent  to  head  the  party  who  were  to 
rescue  Beauharnois  and  poor  Mrs.  Ellice*  and  the  other 
prisoners.  Fancy  her  and  her  sister,  after  being  seven 
days  without  taking  off  her  clothes,  crammed  into  a  room 
with  30  or  40  others ;  then,  when  sitting  in  a  corner  to  be 
out  of  the  way,  if  possible,  of  the  bullets  which  came  into 
the  house,  not  knowing  what  force  was  sent,  what  the 
firing  was,  and  expecting  the  rebels  would  put  them  to 
death  every  minute,  to  see  the  door  open,  and  hear  Major 
Phillpotts  exclaim,  '  I  congratulate  you,  Mrs.  Ellice ;  all  is 
safe,  and  you  are  free.'  She  gave  me  the  whole  account, 
from  the  first  attack  on  their  house.  They  were  woke 
from  their  sleep  by  such  a  shout  and  yell,  she  says,  she 
never  shall  forget.  Then  Mr.  Ellice  was  carried  away 
from  them,  and  they  never  heard  of  him  again  till  they  saw 
him  after  their  rescue.  He,  poor  man,  passed  the  whole 

*  Her  husband  had  been  Lord  Durham's  Private  Secretary. 


306  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XIX» 

time  in  the  dark,  and  on  the  day  Napicrville  was  taken, 
to  which  place  400  were  carrying  him,  when  they  heard 
of  the  defeat,  they  consulted  in  his  hearing  whether  they 
should  kill  him,  but  finally  let  him  escape,  and  he  arrived 
here  Sunday. 

"  Prisoners  are  coming  in  from  arrests  and  skirmishes 
every  day.  We  have  now  between  600  and  700,  and  the 
jail  cannot  hold  them.  The  court-martials  must  begin 
directly.  My  husband  decidedly  thinks  that  the  worst  is 
past.  We  are  strong  enough  if  all  the  States  were  to 
invade  us  instead  of  this  vile  portion  of  cut-throats. 

"  Few  persons  know  or  believe  the  extent  of  the  com- 
munications Sir  John  received  from  Washington  and 
other  places.  From  the  confessions  of  the  chiefs,  had  they 
not  been  disturbed  and  detected  sooner  than  they  ex- 
pected, it  would  have  been  bad  indeed.  I  was  told  yester- 
day by  a  person  of  judgment,  it  is  impossible  to  calculate 
to  what  extent  things  would  have  gone  had  Sir  John  not 
arrived  here  the  very  day  he  did  and  proclaimed  martial 
law  that  day" 


"  1 8th  November. 

"  I  must  give  you  the  good  news  just  arrived  from  Pres- 
cott.  As  soon  as  the  heavy  artillery,  iS-pounders,  could 
be  procured  from  Kingston,  the  83rd,  commanded  by 
Colonel  Dundas,  and  the  armed  steamboat  by  Captain 
vSandom  recommenced  the  attack,  I  told  you  was  sus^ 
pended,  on  the  Americans,  who  had  taken  up  a  very  strong 
position  in  a  windmill  and  adjacent  houses.  They  bore 
the  second  battering  for  more  than  an  hour,  but  then 
surrendered.  About  100  prisoners,  16  wounded,  six  pieces 
of  cannon,  quantity  of  powder,  &c.  Two  or  three  hun- 
dred had  contrived,  in  the  nights  previously,  to  make  their 
escape,  and  amongst  them  their  leader,  a  Pole — but  fortu- 
nately he  has  been  taken.  I  trust  this  example  will  make 
the  Yankees  more  careful  how  they  pay  us  another  visit 

"  I  believe  I  told  you  of  all  the  combustibles,  &c.,  found 
on  board  the  '  Princess  Victoria '  steamboat,  which  was  the 


1838.]  COURTS-MARTIAL.  307 

only  one  for  some  days  communicating  between  Montreal 
and  La  Prairie,  and  conveying  all  our  troops  backwards 
and  forwards ;  a  man  also  secreted.  It  has  now  been 
discovered  that  she  in  flames  was  the  appointed  signal  for 
their  great  rising,  &c.,  to  commence.  One  of  their  chief 
plots  was  to  take  possession  of  all  the  boats,  and  one  or 
two  have  always  been  suspected  as  to  captain  and  crew. 
So  Sir  John  took  quickly  possession  of  them  and  put 
strong  guards  on  board. 

"  Despatches  have  this  day  arrived.  The  Queen  thanks 
Sir  John  for  consenting  to  remain. 

"  The  courts-martial  commence  trying  the  700  prisoners 
here  to-morrow.  How  I  wish  it  was  all  over.  They  all 
pass  close  to  our  windows.  It  is  curious  and  most 
melancholy  to  witness  the  different  expression  of  their 
countenances." 

What  was  to  be  done  with  the  rebels  who  had 
been  taken  prisoners  ?  Lord  Glenelg  had  suggested 
the  constitution  of  a  tribunal  for  cases  of  treason 
and  murder.  Colborne  thought  this  impracticable, 
and  his  special  council  decided  that  the  prisoners 
should  be  tried  by  courts-martial.  The  court  was 
convened  on  the  28th  November. 

From  Lady  Colborne. 

"  Montreal, 

"  roth  December. 

"  With  the  first  dozen  only  yet  tried,  four  are  sentenced 
to  be  hung,  six  transported,  and  two  acquitted.  This  is 
not  yet  publicly  known.  I  know  my  dear  good  husband 
will  and  must  feel  all  this  to  be  particularly  trying,  as  all 
have  very  good  characters  up  to  the  time  they  meddled  in 
politics,  and  almost  all  with  families.  Still,  as  you  will  see 
by  the  Herald,  nothing  can  satisfy  the  #//ra-British 
party  and  with  one  party  he  must  be  content  to  be  stig- 
matized as  a  tyrant,  with  the  other  as  shamefully  lenient 


308  LOWER  CANADA.  [Cn.  XIX. 

i  am  sure  he  feels  as  a  Christian  should,  with  much  more 
inclination  to  be  too  lenient. 

"  He  has  at  last  suspended  [8th  December]  the  refrac- 
tory judges  Bedard  and  Panet,*  and  a  fine  fuss  he  says  it 
will  make  in  England.  The  Council  and  all  the  judges 
are  unanimous  in  approving  what  he  has  done. 

"  All  the  confessions  make  it  clear  that  that  Sunday 
night  [4th  November]  the  whole  country  was  to  rise. 
The  first  arrests  at  St.  John's  threw  a  panic  over  them. 
But  I  little,  at  the  time,  thought  of  what  importance  Sir 
John's  arrival  was  that  Saturday  night. 

"  We  are  not  alarmed  in  the  least  now,  except  for  the 
future  state  of  the  Provinces,  and  I  trust  that  we  shall  be 
out  of  it  before  another  winter.  I  do  not  think  anything 
should  now  induce  Sir  John  to  remain  much  longer." 


"  Montreal, 

"  ;th  January. 

"  The  very  morning  before  your  letter  came  I  had  a 
good  laugh  at  Sir  John  saying  how  much  he  should  like 
to  be  a  gardener  in  Devonshire,  and  to  have  me  for  his 
weeding-woman ! 

"  I  hope  you  saw  the  Yankee  resolution  at  a  public 
meeting  that  The  Despot  Colborne  had  filled  up  the 
measure  of  his  own  and  his  country's  iniquity,  and 
deserved,  &c.  The  court-martials  are  going  on.  Two  or 
three  more  must  suffer;  but  in  spite  of  the  Herald,  who 
calls  him  '  weak/  &c.,  &c,  Sir  John  hopes  that  may  suffice. 
Sir  George  [Arthur]  takes  life  for  life,  but  then  they  are 
Americans. 

"  Nothing  would  make  those  who  were  hanged  here 
believe  that  Sir  John  would  dare  to  execute  the  sentence ; 
the  change  in  the  behaviour  of  the  prisoners  has  been 
great  since.  They  now  get  frightened  after  the  first  day 
of  their  trial  at  the  solemnity  of  the  court,  and  the  caution 

*  See  Kingsford,  X.,  pp.  188 — 191.  Kingsford  supports  Colborne  in 
this  action. 


1838.]  APPOINTED   GOVERNOR-GENERAL.  309 

and  care  shown  towards  them,  and  instead  of  laughing 
and  bravado  they  become  humble  and  apparently 
grateful." 

The  following  letter  announces  Sir  John 
Colborne's  receipt  of  his  commission  as 
Governor-General.  The  appointment  had  been 
gazetted  on  I4th  December: 

From  Lady  Colborne. 

"  Montreal, 

"  1 5th  January. 

"  I  must  first  notice  all  the  great  tin  cases  that  have 
arrived  with  the  different  commissions  for  all  the  different 
provinces,  constituting  Sir  John  Governor-General.  Lord 
Glenelg  might  have  been  amused  at  Sir  John's  first 
exclamation  on  the  arrival  of  the  news,  '  Oh,  well,  at  all 
events,  it  gives  us  a  frigate  to  go  home  in.'  For  our  chil- 
dren's sake,  we  ought  to  rejoice  that  they  will  have  proofs, 
in  the  honours  conferred  on  him,  that  their  father  was  one 
worthy  of  their  highest  admiration  and  imitation ;  nor 
would  I  pretend  to  say  we  do  not  feel  gratified  by  the 
appointment  as  well  as  by  the  way,  for  Lord  Glenelg 
expresses  much  from  the  Queen,  as  well  as  the  sub- 
stantial addition  that  the  commission  is  sent  free  of  ex- 
pense. It  is  usual  for  the  Governors  to  pay  £500  for  it, 
and  Sir  James  Kempt  never  took  his  out  rather  than  have 
that  to  pay. 

"  I  shall  be  most  thankful  when  these  dreadful  courts- 
martial  are  over,  for  little  as  their  results  satisfy  the 
horrible  Herald,  who  now  declares  Sir  John  to  be  under 
'  petticoat  government/  from  his  '  weakness  and  timidity,' 
they  will,  even  confining  themselves  to  the  narrowest 
limits,  have  still  many  more  examples  to  make.  Five  are 
almost  immediately  to  be  executed,  four  of  these,  horrible 
murderers,  and  one  leader  of  the  rebellion. 

"  Is  there  any  chance  of  Lord  Durham  becoming  for- 
midable as  leader  of  a  decided  Radical  party  ?  I  cannot 


3IO  LOWER   CANADA.  [€H.  XIX. 

but  think  after  all  he  is  too  conscientious  to  take  any  steps 
he  really  thinks  bad  for  the  country  to  gratify  his  own 
wounded  pride.  The  worst  is,  he  acts  too  much  from  the 
impulse  of  feeling,  and  (perhaps)  regrets  too  late." 

Kingsford  tells  a  touching  story  in  connection 
with  the  execution  of  one  of  the  prisoners,  Duquette. 
A  Vermont  merchant  who  knew  the  prisoner,  and 
thought  that,  being  only  1 8,  he  could  not  have  been 
involved  in  anything  very  serious,  determined  to 
plead  for  him  to  the  Governor-General.  He  hired 
horses  and  travelled  with  all  speed  to  Montreal,  where 
he  told  his  story  to  Sir  John  Colborne.  Sir  John  was 
deeply  affected,  tears  rolled  down  his  cheeks,  and 
he  sobbed  out,  "  My  God,  you  are  too  late.  That 
young  man  was  executed  yesterday."* 

And  Major  Richardson  gives  similar  testimony 
to  Sir  John's  reluctance  to  shed  blood : 

"  His  enemies  have  accused  him  of  being  blood- 
thirsty and  crueL  Never  was  there  a  more  unjust 
or  ungrounded  charge.  .  .  .  Even  where  his  own 
impartial  judgment  has  pointed  out  to  him  that 
mercy  were  a  compromise  of  duty,  more  than  one 
life  which  had  been  forfeited  to  the  Crown  has  he 
restored  to  the  entreaties  of  a  despairing  family."t 

Canon  Anderson,  of  the  Cathedral,  Montreal,  told 
Lady  Montgomery- Moore  the  following  story  of 
this  time,  which  he  had  had  from  Sir  John 
Colborne's  Adjutant-General,  Colonel  Eden.  On 
the  morning  when  an  execution  was  to  take  place, 
Colonel  Eden  called  to  see  Sir  John  on  business 
connected  with  it,  and  was  told  to  go  upstairs  to  his 

*  Kingsford,  X.,  pp.  186,  187. 
f  Eight  Years  in  Canada,  p.  64. 


1839-]  CHOICE  OF  A   COAT-OF-ARMS.  311 

study.  The  door  was  ajar,  and  thinking  Sir  John 
was  not  there,  he  entered.  He  saw  him  kneeling. 
"Anderson,"  Colonel  Eden  said,  "  I  saw  that  good 
man  on  his  knees,  so  rapt  in  prayer  that  he  did  not 
even  hear  me,  and  I  went  back  and  burst  into  tears, 
it  so  touched  me." 

Lord  Durham's  report  was  laid  before  Parliament 
on  the  3ist  January,  and  on  the  3rd  May  a  royal 
message  recommended  the  union  of  Upper  and 
Lower  Canada.  This,  however,  did  not  become 
law  till  the  following  year. 

Lady  Colborne  wrote  to  her  brother,  "  Montreal, 
1 3th  May,"  thanking  him  for  the  trouble  he  had 
taken  about  Sir  John's  coat-of-arms.  She  says: 

"  I  always  liked  the  idea  of  a  52nd  [soldier]  and  an 
Indian,  or  rather,  a  backwoodsman ;  that  is,  an  emigrant 
with  an  axe.*  Sir  John  says,  with  regard  to  the  fees, 
'  Well,  if  that  is  not  paying  for  a  fool's  cap,  I  don't  know 
what  is.' 

"  There  is  to  be  a  very  grand  review  on  the  Queen's 
birthday.  It  will  be  a  finer  sight  than  they  have  ever  had  ; 
between  5,000  and  6,000  men.  We  must  have  a  ball  in 
the  evening.  Sir  John  has  had  intimation  of  a  ship  coming 
for  [the  political  convicts],  so  I  hope  soon  our  jail  will  be 
emptied  and  the  gallows  down.  I  do  so  hate  passing  it, 
almost  within  reach  of  one's  hand,  in  one  of  our  best  drives. 

"  I  cannot  think  there  is  any  chance  of  anything 
definitive  settled  on  for  Canada  in  time  for  Sir  John  to 
leave  the  country  this  summer.  I  do  not,  indeed,  think 
that,  having  seen  through  so  much  of  it,  he  would  like  to 

*  Sir  John  Colborne  eventually  chose  as  his  supporters  a  soldier  of 
the  52nd  and  an  American  Indian.  Sir  John  Moore  in  1804  had 
chosen  a  soldier  of  the  52nd  and  one  of  the  o,2nd  Highlanders  (two 
soldiers  of  that  regiment  having  saved  his  life  in  1799  at  Egmont-op- 
Zee).  Sir  Harry  Smith  in  1846  chose  a  soldier  of  the  52nd  and  one 
of  the  95th  (his  own  regiment). 


312  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XIX. 

relinquish  his  post  till  some  entire  change  precluded  his 
continuing.  He  would  then,  with  pleasure,  resign  all  into 
the  hands  of  whatever  great  man  may  come  out.  Though 
I  am  sure  we  ought  not  to  be  discontented  whilst  he  is  so 
very  well,  so  constant  in  his  exercise,  good  appetite,  good 
sleeping,  excellent  spirits.  It  is  quite  a  mercy  that  being 
obliged  to  see  so  much  company,  he  is  one  seldom  to  be 
annoyed  by  it.  Indeed,  it  seems  to  me  he  enjoys  it,  unless 
he  happens  to  get  two  stiff  ladies  each  side  of  him,  and 
even  the  evening  parties  which  we  have  about  once  a  fort- 
night, with  the  bands  of  the  different  regiments,  he  seems 
to  like  as  well  as  the  others.  The  great  drawback  here 
is  the  impossibility  of  saving  much." 

The  following  letter,  written  by  Sir  John  Colborne 
early  in  August  to  the  new  Colonial  Secretary,  Lord 
Normanby,  is  a  reply  to  a  notification  that  the 
Government  proposed  to  supersede  him  as 
Governor-General,  but  desired  to  retain  his 
services  as  Commander  of  the  Forces.  As  will 
be  seen,  this  appeared  to  Sir  John  a  preposterous 
and  impossible  demand : 

"  I  have  received  your  lordship's  letter,  and  hasten  to 
assure  you  that  I  am  prepared  to  receive  Lord  [Dun- 
fermline],  and  to  render  him  all  the  assistance  in  my 
power.  Were  it  possible  that  I  could  remain  in  this 
country  with  advantage  to  the  public,  and  with  credit  and 
satisfaction  to  myself  in  descending  from  the  high  office  I 
at  present  hold  in  this  colony,  there  is  no  civil  governor 
that  could  have  been  selected  with  whom  I  should  act  with 
greater  pleasure  than  Lord  [Dunfermline]  or  with  a  fairer 
prospect  of  our  relative  duties  being  carried  on  agreeably, 
from  my  long  friendship  and  acquaintance  with  several 
members  of  his  family.*  But  I  am  persuaded  that,  on 

*  James  Abercromby,  third  son  of  Sir  Ralph,  was  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  1835 — May,  1839.  On  his  retirement  he  was 
created  Baron  Dunfermline. 


1839-]  RECALLED.  313 

reflecting  on  the  prominent  part  which  I  have  taken  in  the 
affairs  of  Canada,  under  circumstances  most  distressing  and 
extraordinary,  your  lordship  will  concur  with  me  in  thinking 
that  a  request  from  Her  Majesty's  Government  that  I 
should  remain  in  that  country  after  the  arrival  of  my  suc- 
cessor is  an  unreasonable  proposal.  I  beg,  therefore,  that 
your  lordship  will  have  the  goodness  to  obtain  for  me  Her 
Majesty's  permission  to  take  my  departure  in  the  vessel 
which  brings  out  the  new  Governor-General  to  Quebec. 
The  Province  is  perfectly  quiet,  and  I  have  not  the  least 
doubt  that  it  will  continue  undisturbed.  Trie  American 
patriots  have  neither  the  means,  nor,  at  present,  the  inclina- 
tion, to  encourage  excitement  or  renew  the  system  of 
depredation  and  outrage  which  prevailed  on  the  frontier 
of  the  adjacent  states  for  so  long  a  period." 

Colborne  sent  the  above  letter  to  Lord  Fitzroy 
Somerset  with  the  letter  following : 

"pth  August,  1839. 

"  My  dear  Lord, — I  transmit  to  you  the  copy  of  a  private 
letter  which  I  have  written  to  Lord  Normanby. 

"  I  am  confident  that  Lord  Hill  will  be  of  opinion  that 
I  could  not  remain  in  this  country  after  being  deposed. 
The  work  which  I  had  to  perform  in  my  civil  [government] 
has  brought  me  in  contact  with  so  many  political  char- 
acters that  I  cannot  suppose  Ministers  would  wish  that  a 
Governor-General,  the  stern  judge  presiding  over  "  duris- 
sima  regna"*  should  descend  from  his  seat  and  stand 

*  Colborne  probably  had  in  mind  a  speech  delivered  by  Mr.  Roebuck 
in  the  Court  of  Queen's  Bench  on  i6th  January,  1839,  in  the  case  of 
some  political  prisoners,  tried  in  Canada  on  8th  March,  1838.  Mr. 
Roebuck  said  :  "  In  all  the  law-books  he  had  not  found  any  descrip- 
tion of  judgment  like  the  one  by  which  the  prisoners  had  been 
subjected  to  detention  except  in  77.  Institutes,  and  Lord  Coke  uses 
this  remarkable  expression  respecting  it :  he  says,  '  A  philosophical 
poet  of  antiquity  had  nobly  described  the  damnable  and  damned 
proceedings  of  the  judge  in  hell :  Gnossius  haec  Rhadamanthus  habet 
durissima  regna:  Castigatque  auditque  dolos  subigitque  faterl:  and 
also  fixit  leges  pretio  atque  refixit :  first  he  punisheth,  then  he 
heareth,  and  lastly  he  compelleth  to  confess,  making  and  marring 
laws  at  his  pleasure,  which  all  good  judges  must  abhor. '  " 


314  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cu.  XIX. 

behind  his  amiable,  conciliating,  propitiating  successor, 
whilst  he  is  introducing  the  golden  age  which  must 
naturally  follow  the  recently-disturbed  state  into  which 
this  Province  was  thrown  by  the  ambition  and  intrigues 
ot  a  faction  which  has  been  destroyed.  I  am  by  no  means 
contending  that  Ministers  have  not  rightly  decided,  and 
probably  for  the  benefit  of  the  Province,  but  that  my  posi- 
tion should  be  fairly  considered,  though  I  have  been 
accidentally  appointed  Governor-General.  I  am,  however, 
inclined  to  believe  that  the  union  of  the  Provinces  should 
have  taken  place  under  my  superintendence,  and  that  the 
permanent  viceroy  would  have  made  his  appearance  with 
more  advantage  after  I  had  given  effect  to  that  measure."* 

From  Lady  Colborne^  enclosing  copies  of  the  above 
letters. 

"  Sorel, 

"  1 2th  August 

"  It  is  beginning  to  get  about  here.  One  calls  it 
'  appalling  news  for  the  poor  Provinces/  Yet  no  one 
thinks,  of  the  few  who  know  it,  that  he  could  have 
remained  in  the  other  situation.  The  letter  to  Lord 
Fitzroy  Somerset  is  exactly  what  he  thinks,  and  I  think 
what  he  thinks  ought  to  be  known. 

"  I  will  send  you  what  the  Herald  of  to-day,  the  1 3th, 
says  of  the  Report.  He  is  not  complimentary  to  Sir  John 
in  general,  from  his  not  being  ultra  in  his  doings  with  the 
Canadians,  but  now  he  finds  he  is  going,  he  speaks  the 
truth.  It  is  gratifying  certainly  to  hear  how  all  the  loyal 
speak  of  it.  Another  wrote :  '  All  was  going  well,  and 
would  have  continued  so.  Now  in  two  years  we  shall 
have  general  and  open  rebellion  again/  " 

*  Colborne  wrote  to  Lord  Hill  on  iyth  September  in  the  same  strain  : 
"  Can  you  imagine  a  more  painful  situation  than  for  the  present 
Governor  of  these  Provinces  to  relinquish  his  post  to  remain  in 
Canada  under  the  [command?]  of  his  successor,  to  witness  the 
gradual  introduction  of  the  milder  sway  which  must  naturally  follow 
the  iron  reign  of  last  year,  and  to  receive  the  maledictions  of  the 
disturbers  of  society  who  have  been  repressed  ?  " 


I839-]  REFUSAL   OF  MILITARY  COMMAND.  315 

From  Lady  Colborne. 

"  Sorel, 

"  24th  August. 

"  Everything  just  as  uncertain  as  before.  The  expected 
person  does  not  come,  so  here  we  are ;  Sir  John,  after  all 
his  work,  &c.  (and  Canada,  too)  made  the  sport  of  a  set  of 
men  without  sufficient  firmness  or  principle  to  know  what 
to  do,  and  willing  to  sacrifice  everything  to  their  own  party 
feelings.  Perhaps  they  will  find  someone  in  December, 
and  expect  us  to  leave  at  a  moment's  notice  in  January, 
as  we  did  from  Toronto.  I  now  dare  think  nothing  of 
our  return. 

"  Sir  John's  going  seems  a  perfect  secret  in  England. 
Perhaps  Sir  John  will  get  into  a  scrape  for  letting  it  out 
here,  yet  we  could  not  set  off  without  preparations.  The 
lord  thought  of  was  Dunfermline,  late  Mr.  Abercrombie, 
who  has  refused.  Lord  Normanby  says  the  only  reason 
for  this  plan  was  the  desire  of  himself  and  his  colleagues 
to  have  someone  of  recent  political  character  personally 
known  to  themselves  in  preparation  for  the  Union,  and 
talks  of  the  inestimable  importance  of  Sir  John's  remaining 
the  next  winter  as  Commander  of  the  Forces,  and  the 
intense  anxiety  with  which  he  waits  his  answer. 

"  They  will  get  his  whole  plan  of  government,  sent  off  as 
his  duty  to  the  Provinces  when  he  thought  he  was  going 
immediately,  and  his  answer  about  the  suspended  judges. 
What  will  the  answer  be?  Perhaps  that  he  is  to  be 
brought  home  in  chains! 

"  Company  of  an  evening  he  cannot  bear  now.  Works 
at  night,  and  then  he  is  cheerful  and  in  spirits ;  never 
fagged  beyond  what  half  an  hour's  rest  recovers  him  from ; 
but  how  can  this  go  on  ?  " 


From  Lady  Colborne. 
"  Sorel, 

"  1 4th  September. 
"  Last  night  came  a  private  note  from  Lord  Normanby 


316  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XIX. 

to  say  that  Mr.  Poulett  Thompson  is  the  Governor-General, 
and  will  be  publicly  announced  by  the  next  packet !  " 

The  following  letter  from  the  fallen  Colonial 
Secretary,  Lord  Glenelg,  shows  that  in  spite  of  his 
notorious  errors  as  Colonial  Secretary,  he  was  not 
without  magnanimity: 

"  London, 

"  2  ist  August,  1839. 

"  Sir, — The  closing  of  the  parliamentary  session  gives 
me  an  opportunity  of  taking  leave  by  letter  of  several 
friends  with  whom  I  have  been  officially  connected  with 
the  colonies  [sic] ;  and  although  I  cannot  claim  the  privi- 
lege of  a  private  friendship  with  you,  I  am  unwilling  that 
our  official  relations  should  cease  without  expressing  to  you 
the  sentiments  of  esteem  and  regard  towards  you  which 
they  have  left  impressed  on  my  mind,  nor  without  offering 
my  warm  and  sincere  wishes  for  your  health  and  happiness. 
— Believe  me,  Sir,  with  great  truth,  your  faithful  servant, 

"  GLENELG. 

"  Lieutenant-General  Sir  J.  Colborne,  G.C.B., 
"  Governor-General,  &c.,  &c." 

Sir  John  Colborne  replied  as  follows : 

"  1 5th  October,  1839. 

"  My  Lord, — I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your 
letter  of  the  2ist  August 

"  I  beg  to  assure  your  lordship  that  I  shall  ever  recollect 
with  satisfaction  the  period  of  our  official  connection,  and 
that  I  feel  greatly  obliged  for  the  kindness,  attention  and 
support  which  I  received  from  you  in  our  official  relations 
in  times  of  extraordinary  trial. — Your  faithful  servant, 

"J.  COLBORNE." 

In  September  Sir  John  Colborne  was  empowered 
to  invest  a  distinguished  officer,  Lieutenant-General 


1 839-]  GLENELG  AND  MACDONELL.  317 

James    Macdonell,   with   the    K.C.B.     Mr.    Henry 
remarks : 

"With  much  grace  and  propriety  one  eminent 
soldier  was  thus  the  royal  representative  in  con- 
ferring this  honour  on  another  gallant  companion-in- 
arms ;  and  that  well-tried  sword  which  had  led  the 
52nd  to  victory  on  many  a  hard-fought  field  and 
finally  waved  before  them  when  they  routed  a 
column  of  Napoleon's  Guard  on  the  evening  of 
iWaterloo,  was  now  most  fitly  employed  in  bestowing 
knighthood  on  the  stalwart  and  indomitable  defender 
of  Hougomont."* 

From  Sir  John  Colborne. 
"  Montreal, 

"2;th  September,  1839. 

"  We  have  now  a  fair  prospect  of  being  at  Plymouth 
before  the  end  of  November.  .  .  .  We  may  look  for 
the  '  Pique  '  in  the  St.  Lawrence  early  in  October.  Having 
applied  for  my  [return]  home  in  the  vessel  that  brings  out 
the  new  Governor-General,  I  conclude  that  the  captain  of 
the  '  Pique '  will  have  received  orders  to  take  me  and  my 
family  to  England.  I  think  we  may  probably  embark 
before  the  1 5th  of  next  month.  I  cannot  regret  that  the 
fates  have  decreed  that  I  am  to  leave  this  country  of  dis- 
cord and  vexation.  If  I  had  had  fair  play  and  the  Minis- 
ters might  have  been  depended  on  to  give  their  full 
support  to  my  measures,  the  office  of  Governor-General 
could  have  been  held  by  me  at  this  critical  period  with  a 
prospect  of  a  favourable  result  But  I  am  persuaded  I 
should  have  been  removed  whenever  it  suited  their  con- 
venience, and  perhaps  under  circumstances  less  satisfactory 
than  those  which  have  caused  my  removal  at  this  period. 
Everyone  agrees  that  I  could  not  remain  as  a  deposed 
Governor  and  Commander  of  the  Forces,  and  as  my  ser- 

*  W.  Henry,  II.,  pp.  347.  348. 


318  LOWER  CANADA.  [Cn.  XIX. 

vices  have  not  been  withdrawn  in  consequence  of  my  own 
wish  to  return  to  England,  I  have  no  reason  to  accuse 
myself  of  backing  out  of  a  bad  affair  at  a  time  when  I 
might  have  been  usefully  employed." 


From  Lady  Colborne. 

"  Montreal, 

"  1 4th  October. 

"  We  shall  receive  Mr.  Thompson  into  the  house  here, 
and  when  we  leave  Montreal,  go  at  once  on  board  the 
frigate  at  Quebec  without  landing. 

"  You  will  see  Sir  John  happy  and  contented,  though 
certainly  not  -flattered  or  gratified  by  the  conduct  of  the 
Ministry,  though  Sir  John  is  the  first  to  say,  and  also  feels, 
he  cannot  complain  if  they  think  they  are  doing  the  best 
for  the  Province,  which  of  course  they  do." 

On  the  1 7th  October  Mr.  Poulett  Thompson 
(afterwards  Lord  Sydenham)  arrived,  and  two  days 
later  assumed  office. 

On  the  23rd  Sir  John  Colborne  left  Canada, 
having  first  been  invested  with  the  G.C.B.  as  a 
reward  for  his  services.  By  an  interesting  coin- 
cidence he  received  this  honour  at  the  hands 
of  Sir  James  Macdonell,  whom  he  had  himself  so 
recently  invested  with  the  K.C.B.,  and  who  had 
been  granted  special  authority  to  confer  it. 

Mr.  Henry  writes :  "  An  affecting  scene  took 
place  at  Montreal  when  Sir  John  Colborne  took  his 
final  departure.  A  large  concourse  of  the  British 
population,  with  a  most  numerous  military  staff, 
escorted  him  to  the  wharf,  and  on  his  embarkation, 
bade  the  veteran  and  venerable  chief  '  farewell '  in 
peals  upon  peals  of  loud,  affectionate  and  prolonged 
cheering.  When  at  length  the  voice  of  the  last 


I839-]  DEPARTURE  FOR  ENGLAND.  319 

assemblage  was  dying  away,  a  man  perched  on  a 
mast  exclaimed,  '  One  cheer  more  for  the  colonel  of 
the  52nd !'  This  touched  a  new  chord  of  stirring 
recollection  in  the  heart  of  the  multitude,  and  the 
acclamation  was  instantly  resumed  as  loud  as  ever. 

"  Finally,  on  the  23rd  October,  Sir  John  and  his 
family  embarked  on  the  '  Pique/  at  Quebec,  under 
a  salute  from  the  citadel  and  the.  shipping.  The 
frigate  got  under  way  soon  after ;  encountered  a 
terrific  thunderstorm  the  same  night,  by  which  her 
foretopmast  was  struck;  but  the  lightning  glanced 
harmlessly  from  the  ship,  for  the  laurelled  head  she 
bore  was  not  destined  to  be  thus  laid  low,  and  the 
'  Pique '  proceeded  down  the  St.  Lawrence  amidst 
the  regrets  and  good  wishes  of  every  loyal  and 
honourable  man  in  Canada," 

Kingsford  thus  passes  judgment  on  Colborne's 
eleven  years'  service  in  Canada : 

"  As  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Upper  Canada  he 
acted  with  great  caution  and  ability.  Had  Sir  John 
Colborne  filled  no  other  position  his  name  would  be 
simply  added  to  the  list  of  many  who  for  a  short  or 
long  time  perform  an  important  duty,  to  be  forgotten 
in  a  few  months  on  their  departure  from  the  Pro- 
vince. The  service  he  rendered  to  Canada  was 
after  his  appointment  as  Commander  of  the  Forces, 
during  the  governments  of  Lords  Gosford  and 
Durham,  and  his  position  of  administrator  and 
of  Governor-General  until  the  arrival  of  Lord 
Sydenham. 

"  In  this  trying  period  Sir  John  Colborne  showed 
himself  to  be  the  possessor  of  the  qualities  especially 
called  for  in  the  crisis,  an  unwavering  sense  of  duty, 


LOWER   CANADA.  [Cn.  XIX. 

firmness  of  purpose,  willingness  to  assume  responsi- 
bility, and  a  sense  of  the  necessity  of  acting  with 
vigour,  determination  and  moderation.  His  pre- 
sence totally  changed  the  situation  in  Quebec  and 
Montreal,  for  it  gave  confidence  to  all  who  were 
Veady  to  risk  life  and  fortune  in  the  defence  of  the 
institutions  on  which  they  based  their  liberties, 
prosperity  and  happiness.  On  all  sides  his  personal 
character  and  ability  were  made  manifest;  he 
gained,  as  by  magic,  the  confidence  of  the  supporters 
of  the  government.  Failure  was  experienced  in 
none  of  his  combinations. 

"  It  must  ever  be  one  of  the  most  satisfactory  events 
in  Canadian  history  that  at  the  close  of  the  first 
rebellion  of  1837  not  a  single  execution  took  place. 
The  endeavour  on  the  part  of  the  authorities  was  to 
throw  a  veil  over  the  past.  In  this  effort  Sir  John 
Colborne  was  a  prominent  actor. 

"When,  in  spite  of  the  merciful  treatment  of  all 
who  had  taken  part  in  the  first  revolt,  the  second 
rebellion  of  1838  broke  out,  there  arose  the  feeling 
that  the  law  must  be  vindicated.  The  emergency 
was  met  by  Colborne  with  that  sense  of  duty  which 
was  a  part  of  his  character.  The  foolish  amiability 
springing  from  the  false  sentiment  of  unwillingness 
to  vindicate  society  at  the  cost  of  individual  suffering 
has  no  place  in  the  mind  of  the  true  statesman.  It 
in  no  way  operated  on  Colborne's  sense  of  duty,  not 
from  hardness  of  heart  or  remorselessness  of  purpose, 
for  his  heart  was  most  humane  and  full  of  kindly 
emotions.  His  assent  to  the  twelve  executions 
following  the  court-martial,  given  with  great  pain, 
may  be  traced  to  the  sense  of  the  necessity  of 


1828-39.]        PUBLIC  AND  PRIVATE  QUALITIES.  321 

example.  The  number  pardoned  by  Sir  John 
Colborne  shows  the  sentiment  of  humanity  he  was 
ready  to  exercise.  The  recognition  by  the  Imperial 
Government  of  his  services  was  only  the  just  reward 
of  his  patriotism,  his  worth,  his  devotion  to  duty, 
and  his  entirely  successful  grappling  with  the 
difficulties  that  lay  in  his  path.  He  crushed  the 
hydra  of  rebellion.  Except  for  the  hope  of  aid 
from  the  United  States,  and  the  encouragement  to 
those  engaged  in  it  given  by  men  of  mistaken  views 
in  England,  it  would  not,  after  1837,  have  again 
raised  its  head.  When,  however,  the  insurrection 
was  repeated  in  1838,  in  a  week  it  was  ended."1* 

Concerning  one  special  benefit  which  Colborne 
conferred  on  Canada,  Mr.  R.  E.  Kingsford,  M.A., 
LL.B.  (son  of  the  historian),  writes  to  me  as  follows : 
:<  There  is  no  act  of  Sir  John  Colborne's  in  Canada 
which  has  had  more  lasting  influence  than  his  founda- 
tion of  Upper  Canada  College.  If  you  have  never 
been  in  Canada  it  is  very  hard  for  you  to  understand 
what  a  difference  the  foundation  of  the  College  made 
in  our  national  history.  At  a  time  when,  owing  to 
the  recent  settlement  of  the  country,  superior  educa- 
tion was  almost  unobtainable,  this  College  was 
founded,  and  for  years  it  was  the  only  large  school 
where  a  really  first-class  education  could  be  got. 
No  single  act  of  any  governor  in  Canada  did  more 
for  the  Empire  than  the  foundation  of  the  College. 
The  boys  educated  there  have  always  been  trained 
to  be  loyal  to  the  Crown,  and  at  the  same  time  never 


*  Kingsford,  X.,  pp.  203 — 205  (condensed). 

M 


. 


322  LOWER   CANADA.  [Cu.  XIX. 

to  forget  their  own  country.     As  Sir  John  Colborne 
planted,  so  has  the  tree  grown." 

To  these  eulogies  of  Sir  John  Colborne's  public 
qualities  may  be  appended  a  recognition  of  the 
beneficial  character  of  his  private  life.  "  In  all  those 
governments  in  which  he  became  the  head  of 
English  society,  there  never  failed  to  be  felt  the 
beneficial  influence  of  a  cheerful,  joyous  family  and 
household,  hospitable  to  travellers,  courteous  to  all, 
charitable  to  the  poor,  ready  for  all  innocent  gaiety 
or  festivity,  and  strict  in  all  religious  practices.  The 
influence  on  society  may  be  understood  when  it  was 
long  after  remembered  that,  on  some  idle  wonder 
being  expressed  that  the  Governor  went  to  church 
on  foot  instead  of  in  his  carriage,  he  replied  that '  his 
servants  had  souls  as  well  as  himself.'  And  when 
he  refuted  a  report  of  a  rude  answer  enforced  by  an 
oath,  which  had  been  imputed  to  him,  he  could  do  so 
by  simply  saying,  '  The  Commander-in-Chief  never 
swears/  "* 

Bishop  Bethune,  a  representative  of  Canadian 
conservatism,  writes : 

"  Sir  John  Colborne  was  every  inch  a  soldier ; 
and  events  proved  that  he  was  rarely  at  fault  when 
called  upon  to  discharge  the  duties  of  the  profession 
to  which  he  had  given  his  best  years.  He  was  a 
man,  too,  of  pure  and  honourable  mind ;  with 
decided  religious  impressions  ;  and  most  anxious  for 
the  welfare  and  advancement  of  the  Church  of 
England,  to  which  he  belonged."f 

*  Christian  Remembrancer,  October,  1867. 
^Memoir  of  Bishop  Strachan,  p.  130. 


(     323     ) 


CHAPTER  XX. 

RETURN    TO    ENGLAND.      PEERAGE,    1839.      LORD 

HIGH  COMMISSIONER  OF  THE  IONIAN  ISLANDS, 

1843-1849. 

ON  the  1 7th  November  Sir  John  Colborne  and  his 
family  landed  at  Plymouth,  and  at  the  same  time 
received  the  news  of  the  death  of  Mrs.  Yonge,  Lady 
Colborne's  mother,  which  had  occurred  on  the  2nd. 
She  was  in  her  8oth  year.  They  proceeded  to 
Lyneham,  near  Plympton,  a  country  house  within  a 
few  miles  of  Puslinch,  Lady  Colborne's  early  home, 
and  at  this  time  the  home  of  the  Reverend  John 
Yonge,  her  brother,  and  his  wife,  Alethea,  Lord 
Seaton's  half-sister.  Before  the  end  of  the  month 
Sir  John,  who  was  then  in  London,  learnt  that  his 
services  were  to  be  rewarded  by  the  grant  of  a 
barony  and  a  pension  of  ^2,000  a  year  for  three 
lives.  The  Gazette  of  6th  December  announced 
that  his  title  would  be  "  Baron  Seaton,  of  Seaton,  in 
the  County  of  Devon."*  This  was  faute  de 
mieux;  for  Sir  John's  strong  wish  to  be  "  Lord 
Colborne "  had  been  rendered  impossible  by  the 
transformation  of  Mr.  Ridley  Colborne  into  "  Lord 

*  The  choice  of  the  title  seems  to  have  been  due  to  an  intention  on 
Sir  J.  Colborne's  part  of  buying  a  property  near  Seaton — an  intention 
not  fulfilled. 

M  2 


324  IN  ENGLAND.  [Cn.  XX. 

Colborne  of  West  Harling  "  six  months  before.  On 
the  Qth  the  new  peer  visited  the  Queen  at  Windsor, 
and  on  the  i6th  January  took  his  seat,  his  supporters 
being  his  old  comrades,  Lord  Lynedoch  (Sir 
Thomas  Graham)  and  Lord  Strafford,  who,  as 
"  Sir  John  Byng,"  had  commanded  the  Brigade  of 
Guards  at  Waterloo. 

On  the  occasion  of  this  or  some  later  visit  to  the 
House  of  Lords  an  incident  occurred  which  I  give  in 
the  touching  words  of  Lord  Seaton's  surviving 
daughter,  Lady  Montgomery- Moore  : 

"As  my  father  and  mother  were  once  going  to  the 
opening  or  closing  of  Parliament  (I  think),  all  my  father's 
orders  and  ribbons  were  laid  out  on  a  table.  He  took 
two,  and  when  my  mother  asked  him  to  put  on  some  others 
he  said  hastily  and  half-contemptuously,  '  No,  no.'  Mrs. 
Stephen  Moore,  who  was  present,  said,  'You  ought  to  be 
proud  of  these  things/  and  he  just  looked  back  as  he  was 
going  through  the  door,  with  his  peculiar  sweet  meaning 
smile,  and  said,  '  You  don't  know  that  I  am  not  too  proud 
of  them.'  It  made  a  great  impression  on  me,  child  as  I 
was,  and  now  I  see  it  as  part  of  his  wonderfully  disciplined 
character." 

On  the  27th  March,  1840,  the  House  of  Lords 
discussed  the  Royal  Message  in  regard  to  the 
proposed  grant  to  Lord  Seaton. 

Lord  Melbourne  believed  there  was  only  one 
exception  to  the  general  approbation  of  the  course 
taken,  and  that  was  centred  in  the  person  of  the 
noble  lord  himself,  who  had  expressed  doubts  that 
the  services  which  he  had  performed  were  of 
sufficient  merit  to  render  him  worthy  of  the  honours 
that  her  Majesty  had  bestowed,  and  whether,  under 
the  circumstances,  he  was  warranted  in  accepting 


1839-40.]  CREATED  LORD  SEATON.  325 

them.     He  believed  that  that  doubt  was  not  shared 
by  any  other  man  in  the  community. 

The  Duke  of  Wellington  said  that  at  all  times  and 
under  all  circumstances  Lord  Seaton  had  given 
promise,  now  so  nobly  fulfilled,  of  distinguished 
ability,  gallantry  and  zeal.  He  should  most 
willingly  vote  for  the  Address;  he  never  gave  a 
vote  with  greater  satisfaction. 

The  Duke  of  Richmond  spoke  as  one  who  had 
served  under  Lord  Seaton.  He  said  that  when  he 
first  heard  of  the  rebellion  in  Canada  it  was  a  great 
consolation  to  him  to  know  that  he  who  had  com- 
manded the  52nd  Light  Infantry  in  the  Peninsula — 
that  he  who  had  gained  the  respect  and  affection  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  district  in  which  his  troops 
were  quartered  by  the  sense  of  justice  which 
actuated  all  his  proceedings  in  regard  to  the  former 
and  by  the  discipline  he  maintained  among  the 
latter — that  he  who  was  beloved  and  revered  by  the 
soldiers  and  officers  who  had  the  honour  to  serve 
under  his  command — that  such  a  man  was  then  the 
Commander  of  Her  Majesty's  Forces.  He  believed 
that  Lord  Seaton  had  as  strong  claims  on  the 
gratitude  of  his  country  as  any  man  then  alive. 

The  House  of  Commons  discussed  the  grant  on 
the  30th  March. 

After  Lord  John  Russell  had  recounted  Lord 
Seaton's  services,  Sir  Robert  Peel  said  it  was 
a  proud  distinction,  not  only  to  Sir  J.  Colborne, 
but  to  the  army,  that  for  so  many  years  he 
had  been  connected  with  the  army  and  in  it 
learnt  to  exhibit  in  his  decisions  the  most 
discreet  and  moderate  and  humane  conduct. 


326  IN  ENGLAND.  [Cn.  XX. 

The  manner  in  which  he  performed  his  duty  in 
Guernsey  led  him  (Sir  Robert)  at  that  time  to  form 
an  opinion  that  however  limited  the  sphere  in  which 
he  was  then  acting,  yet  from  the  universal  satis- 
faction given  by  his  prudence,  discretion,  temper 
and  humanity,  if  ever  called  on  to  act  in  a  more 
extended  sphere,  he  would  support  the  character 
which  he  then  obtained. 

After  Mr.  Hume  had  spoken  against  the  motion, 
Sir  Henry  Hardinge  said  if  he  were  asked  what  was 
the  most  remarkable  characteristic  of  Sir  John 
Colborne  he  should  say  it  was  that  of  divesting 
himself  of  all  personal  and  selfish  considerations 
more  than  any  man  he  knew. 

Sir  Hussey  Vivian  said  no  man  was  more  beloved 
in  the  army,  nor  was  there  any  man  of  whose 
humanity  he  had  heard  greater  encomiums. 

The  motion  was  carried  by  82  to  16. 

The  grant  of  the  peerage  and  pension  was 
generally  applauded,  as  it  was  felt  that  Sir  John 
Colborne's  well- devised  and  energetic  measures  had 
saved  Lower  Canada  to  the  British  Crown. 

Lord  Seaton  was  in  London  during  most  of  the 
"season"  of  1840.  On  the  2Oth  May  we  find  him 
riding  with  the  Duke  of  Wellington;  on  the  2ist 
he  received  the  freedom  of  the  City.  About  the 
same  time  he  was  presented  with  a  magnificent 
piece  of  plate  by  merchants  of  London  engaged  in 
trade  with  Canada.  On  the  i8th  June  he  attended 
the  Waterloo  banquet  at  Apsley  House,  when  the 
Duke  of  Wellington  proposed  his  health  in  flattering 
terms.  He  attended  a  levee  on  ist  July  and  spoke 
in  the  House  of  Lords  on  the  Clergy  Reserves  Bill 


1840.]  NAPIER'S  PENINSULAR   WAR.  327 

(Canada)  on  3rd  August.  Among  the  friends  and 
persons  of  interest  with  whom  he  dined  were  the 
Archbishops  of  Canterbury  and  York,  Lord  John 
Russell,  Mr.  Justice  Coleridge,  Sir  James  Kempt, 
Sir  W.  Heathcote,  Sir  R.  Inglis,  Lord  Fitzroy 
Somerset,  Sir  Charles  des  Voeux,  Lord  Liverpool 
and  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  while  at  the  Duke  of 
Wellington's  table  on  I3th  August  he  met  all  the 
foreign  ambassadors. 

On  1 8th  August  Lord  and  Lady  Seaton  left 
London,  and  after  visiting  Oxford,  Cheltenham, 
Gloucester,  Tintern,  Clifton,  Sidmouth  and  Tor- 
quay, found  themselves  once  more  at  Lyneham  on 
2nd  September. 

The  following  letters  of  this  time  were  written  to 
Colonel  William  Napier  after  the  reading  of  the 
sixth  volume  of  Napier's  History  of  the  Peninsular 
War: 

"  Lyneham, 

"26th  October,  1840. 

"  My  dear  Napier, — -You  will  think  me  a  most  ungrateful 
old  soldier  for  not  having  sooner  returned  you  my  best 
thanks  for  your  sixth  volume  of  your  labours.  But  I  must 
acquaint  you  in  my  defence  that  before  I  left  London  I 
intended  to  pay  you  a  visit  en  route,  or  in  my  search  for  a 
bouse  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bath  or  Bristol.  That 
pleasure,  however,  I  afterwards  was  unexpectedly  obliged 
to  defer. 

"  I  did  not  read  the  campaigns  of  1813  and  1814  till  my 
arrival  at  this  quiet  place,  where  my  whole  attention  was 
for  some  weeks  absorbed  in  the  study  of  them.  I  read 
with  much  delight  and  benefit  the  account  of  the 
operations  of  Soult  in  his  attempt  to  relieve  Pampeluna. 
The  whole  of  the  inarches  of  the  columns  by  the  passes  of 
Maya  and  Roncesvalles  were,  in  fact,  new  to  me.  I  knew 


328  IN  ENGLAND.  [Cn.  XX. 

nothing  of  the  defensive  movements  of  Hill,  Cole  and 
Byng.  They  all  appear  to  have  turned  into  their  right 
places  at  last  miraculously.  Both  armies,  on  their  retreats, 
were  certainly  within  a  few  hours  of  destruction.  A  little 
more  enterprise  and  knowledge  would  have  settled  our 
affairs  for  that  campaign.  The  details  of  the  accidents 
and  mistakes  which  occurred  on  both  sides  are  very 
interesting  and  curious.  Although  we  were  so  much  con- 
cerned in  the  movements  from  the  positions  before 
Bayonne  to  Toulouse,  I  did  not  exactly  comprehend  them 
till  I  had  followed  the  different  columns  in  your  history. 
Soult,  I  think,  lost  many  opportunities  of  making  an 
example  of  some  of  our  columns  on  the  march  before  and 
after  Orthes.  He  was  too  much  perplexed  and  alarmed, 
and  managed  badly.  Your  observations  on  the  movements 
are  fair,  and  ought  to  be  satisfactory  to  the  Commanders- 
in-Chief. 

"  The  attack  on  the  position  of  Toulouse  was,  I  always 
thought,  undertaken  with  numbers  inadequate  to  the  work. 
The  part  which  the  Spaniards  had  to  perform  would  have 
been  too  hard  for  any  two  of  our  divisions.  I  have  no 
doubt  that  Soult  might  have  made  a  brilliant  affair  if  he 
had  attacked  at  the  time  the  Spaniards  failed,  and  turned 
on  the  Light  Division ;  provided  he  had  watched  the 
march  of  your  favourite  general*  closely,  and  opposed 
him  with  two  divisions  or  three,  while  he  was  preparing 
to  ascend. 

"  I  was  surprised  to  find  in  London  how  many  civilians 
had  read  your  work.  I  sat  next  to  Lord  John  Russell  on 
the  Queen's  birthday.  He  asked  me  whether  I  had  read 
Napier's  History,  and  after  some  remarks  I  told  him  that 
I  believed  you  regretted  that  you  had  entered  so  much 
into  the  details  of  the  movements,  as  the  controversial 
publications  had  occasioned  much  extra  work.  He 
replied,  '  But  the  details  are  very  interesting/ 

"  It  is  impossible  to  please  all  parties.  I  wish,  however, 
that  you  had  avoided  some  of  the  observations  of  the  kind 

*  Beresford  ? 


1840.]  THE  DUKE  OF   WELLINGTON.  329 

which  Caesar  says  should  be  shunned  as  rocks  by  an 
historian.  I  heard  many  remarks  in  respect  to  your  harsh 
judgment  on  Adam,  (I  mean  as  to  his  capacity  for  civil 
affairs),  which  his  friends  and  enemies  thought  was 
unnecessary.* 

"  You  will  be  surprised  to  hear  that  the  Duke  had  for- 
gotten that  he  had  given,  or  permitted  you  to  have,  a 
volume  of  the  intercepted  correspondence,  when  it  was 
applied  for  a  few  months  since.  ...  I  understood  that 
he  had  not  read  your  work,  and  says  he  never  will  read  it. 

"  I  have  not  yet  decided  in  what  county  I  shall  settle,  or 
whether  I  shall  take  up  my  residence  in  this  part  or  near 
town.  I  do  not  think  I  shall  be  employed,  or  that  I  shall 
have  an  opportunity  of  taking  your  little  boy  under  my 
charge  in  Ireland. 

.  .  .  With  my  kindest  regards  to  Mrs.  Napier, 
and  many  thanks  for  your  book  and  what  you  say  of  me  in 
it, — Believe  me,  sincerely  yours, 

"J.  COLBORNE. 

"It  must  be  gratifying  to  you,  after  your  hard  labours, 
the  wide  circulation  of  your  history,  and  the  sensation 
which  it  has  made  and  the  manner  in  which  it  is  quoted." 


"  Lyneham, 

"  1 4th  November,  1840. 

"  My  dear  Napier, —  .  .  .  The  constant  occupations 
of  the  Duke^  and  the  state  of  excitement  in  which  he  is 
kept  by  his  political  party,  and  his  desire  to  retain  his 
influence  and  necessary  application  to  the  subjects  on 
which  he  speaks  when  he  takes  the  lead,  tend  to  shake 
him  and  wear  him  down  perceptibly,  and  to  make 
him  a  very  old  man  in  every  respect.  But  the  beauty  of 
his  character,  his  rectitude  and  good  intentions,  are  always 
conspicuous,  notwithstanding  his  occasional  petulance  and 

*  Sir  F.  Adam  (of  "Adam's  Brigade"),  when  High  Commissioner 
of  the  Ionian  Islands  (1824—1831),  had  come  in  sharp  conflict  with 
Charles  Napier,  then  Resident  of  Cephalonia. 


330  IN  ENGLAND.  [Cn.  XX. 

ill  humour  and  the  convulsive  attacks  to  which  he  is  liable 
from  the  kind  of  life  he  is  compelled  to  lead  and  his  great 
inattention  to  his  health. 

"  I  have  been  for  many  years  altogether  so  absorbed  by 
my  own  concerns,  plans  and  schemes  connected  with 
colonial  objects,  emigration  and  schools,  and  the  daily 
occurrences  and  mortifications  to  which  all  good  Governors 
are  exposed,  that  I  have  had  little  time  or  inclination  to 
keep  pace  with  the  current  history  of  the  potentates 
of  the  Ionian  Islands,  and  of  the  oppressors  and  oppressed. 
Adam,  I  believe  you  know,  has  never  been  popular, 
and  is  disliked  by  many  who  have  served  with  him  and 
under  him,  but  I  think  your  friends  and  supporters  regret 
that  you  have  touched  on  his  conduct  and  capacity  in  your 
history,  as  to  his  evil  deeds  and  employments  unconnected 
with  the  period  in  which  he  is  brought  forward. 

"  I  cannot  recollect  where  I  have  met  with  the  observa- 
tion or  maxim  which  I  attributed  to  Caesar — it  cannot,  I 
think,  be  from  him  directly.  I  am  persuaded,  however, 
that  I  have  met  with  it  in  some  author,  that '  it  was  the  rule 
of  Caesar  to  abstain  from  initiating  personal  remarks,  as 
he  would  be  careful  vitare  scopulos.' 

"  ...  We  shall  have  no  war  [with  France,  on  the 
Syrian  question].  I  agree  with  you  as  to  our  helpless 
state  and  bad  prospects. — Sincerely  yours, 

"J.   COLBORNE." 

On  23rd  March,  1841,  Lord.Seaton  and  his 
family  removed  from  Lyneham  to  Kitley,  a  larger 
house  at  a  mile  or  two's  distance,  and  still  closer  to 
Puslinch,  the  home  of  Lady  Seaton's  brother.  A 
month  later  he  writes  of  his  new  home  with 
enthusiasm :  "  Kitley  is  certainly  the  most  beautiful 
place  in  the  county." 

Lord  Seaton  again  attended  the  "  Waterloo 
banquet"  on  the  i8th  June.  In  November  he 
met  at  Plymouth  on  different  occasions  two 


1841-3-]        APPOINTED  TO   THE  IONIAN  ISLES.  331 

distinguished  men  about  to  sail  for  distant  parts 
of  the  Empire — Lord  Ellenborough,  the 
new  Governor-General  of  India,  and  George 
Augustus  Selwyn,  the  first  Bishop  of  New 
Zealand. 

Lord  Seaton  spent  the  winter  of  1842-3  abroad. 
Accompanied  by  his  eldest  son,  he  left  Kitley  on  4th 
October  for  London,  and  on  the  nth  crossed  from 
Shoreham  to  Havre.  The  following  is  the  itinerary 
of  the  tour:  I2th  October,  Rouen;  I3th,  Vernon; 
I4th,  Paris;  i8th,  Auxerre ;  2Oth,  Chalons;  2ist, 
Lyons ;  23rd,  Avignon ;  25th,  Marseilles  ;  27th,  Tou- 
louse [seen  probably  for  the  first  time  since  1814]; 
3Oth,  Frejus;  3ist,  Antibes.  ist  November,  Nice. 
1 6th  January,  Mentone ;  i7th,  Oneglia;  i8th, 
Savona;  iQth,  Genoa;  22nd,  Spezia;  24th, 
Pisa;  26th,  Massa;  27th,  Chiavesi;  28th,  by 
Genoa  to  Novi;  29th,  Turin;  3ist,  St.  Jean.  2nd 
February,  Orbi ;  3rd,  Neuchatel;  5th,  Carlsruhe ; 
6th,  Mannheim;  7th,  Mayence ;  8th,  Cologne;  9th, 
Liege;  loth,  Gand ;  i2th,  by  Ostend  to  London. 

Lord  Seaton  had  barely  returned  home  when  he 
was"  appointed  Lord  High  Commissioner  of  the 
Ionian  Islands,  and  had  another  long  journey  before 
him. 

Leaving  his  family  to  follow  some  weeks  later,  he 
left  London  on  loth  March  and  reached  Paris  on 
the  i3th.  The  following  gives  his  route:  I4th 
March,  Fontainebleau ;  I7th,  Lyons;  i8th,  Avig- 
non; iQth,  Aix;  20th,  Marseilles;  2ist-22nd,  by 
steamer  to  Genoa ;  23rd,  Chiavesi ;  25th,  Pisa ;  27th, 
embarked  at  Leghorn;  28th,  passed  Ostia,  Capri, 
&c. ;  30th,  landed  at  Messina;  3151,  "arrived  at 


332  IONIAN  ISLANDS.  [Cn.  XX. 

Corfu  half  past  10  p.m.  Disembarked  at  n  and 
took  possession  of  the  palace." 

For  the  next  six  years  the  Old  Palace,  Corfu,  was 
to  be  his  home. 

The  Ionian  Islands  had  belonged  to  Venice  until 
the  extinction  of  the  Venetian  Republic  in  1797. 
From  this  circumstance,  though  the  population  was 
Greek  and  belonged  to  the  Greek  Church,  the 
language  of  society  was  Italian.  In  1797  the 
islands  were  taken  by  the  French,  but  in  1799  were 
re-conquered  by  the  allied  Russians  and  Turks.  In 
1801  the  islands  were  formed  into  "  The  Septinsular 
Republic,"  under  the  nominal  protection  of  Turkey. 
The  republic,  from  1802,  was  controlled  by  a  Russian 
plenipotentiary,  and  was  by  no  means  of  a  democratic 
kind,  as  the  voters,  or  "  synklitse,"  were  only  allowed 
to  choose  one  candidate  out  of  two  offered  to  them 
by  the  government,  the  Senate  of  Corfu.  After 
1806  the  Republic  was  still  more  completely  under 
Russian  control,  till  a  secret  clause  in  the  Treaty  of 
Tilsit,  25th  June,  1807,  handed  it  over  to  the 
Emperor  Napoleon.  Marshal  Berthier  now  occu- 
pied the  islands  and  hoisted  the  French  flag.  In 
1809  a  British  force  under  Collingwood  took 
possession  of  Zante  and  Cephalonia,  and  soon  after, 
of  Santa  Maura  and  Ithaca.  Corfu  fell  to  England 
after  Napoleon's  fall  in  1814,  and  the  Treaty  of 
Paris,  1815,  sanctioned  that  British  Protectorate  of 
the  whole  group  of  islands  which  lasted  till  they 
were  handed  over  to  the  Kingdom  of  Greece  in  1863. 

From  1816  to  1824  Sir  Thomas  Maitland  ruled 
the  islands  as  Lord  High  Commissioner.  He  was 
the  author  of  the  Constitution  under  which  the 


1797-1843-]  HISTORY  OF  THE  ISLANDS.  333 

islands  were  governed  from  1817  till  1849.  Under 
this  Constitution  the  High  Commissioner  selected 
a  "  Primary  Council,"  whose  duty  it  was  to  draw  up 
a  "double  list"  of  candidates  from  which  the 
electorate  were  to  choose  the  members  of  the  Legis- 
lative Assembly.  This  packed  Assembly  nominated 
a  Senate,  but  the  High  Commissioner  could  veto 
any  senator.  If  he  found  it  necessary  to  use  his  veto 
twice,  he  was  to  choose  two  names  from  which  the 
Assembly  was  to  select  one  for  the  vacant  place. 
The  Senate  was  the  executive,  but  it  was  also  a 
legislative  body,  as  its  consent  as  well  as  that  of  the 
High  Commissioner  was  necessary  to  any  bill  passed 
by  the  Assembly.  The  President  of  the  Senate,  who 
had  great  powers,  was  chosen  by  the  Lord  High 
Commissioner,  and  only  for  two  and  a  half  years, 
while  the  other  senators  served  for  five  years.  The 
Senate  could  make  provisional  laws  while  the 
Assembly  was  not  sitting  and  carry  on  the  expendi- 
ture till  a  new  budget  was  voted.  The  Lord  High 
Commissioner  could  prorogue  the  Assembly  at 
pleasure. 

The  Lord  High  Commissioner  had  the  powers 
of  "  high  police,"  in  virtue  of  which,  in  case  of 
emergency  (of  which  he  was  sole  judge),  he  could 
banish  to  some  rock,  or  out  of  the  islands  altogether, 
anyone  he  pleased.  Almost  every  Lord  High 
Commissioner  made  use  of  these  powers. 

Thus,  while  the  lonians  were  still  in  name  "  one 
sole  free  and  independent  state,"  the  power  of 
the  British  Lord  High  Commissioner  was  made 
practically  absolute. 

Lord  Seaton  entered  on  the  office  of  Lord  High 


334  IONIAN  ISLANDS.  [Cn.  XX. 

Commissioner  on  ist  April,  1843.  "  He  came  to 
Corfu,"  writes  his  antagonist,  Sir  George  Ferguson 
Bowen,  "with  the  prestige  of  his  well-won  rank 
and  brilliant  services — as  the  gallant  officer  who  led 
the  assault  on  the  French  lines  at  Ciudad  Rodrigo, 
who  wheeled  his  brigade  [sic]  on  the  flank  of  the 
Imperial  Guard  at  Waterloo,  and  who,  as  it  was  well 
said  of  him,  trampled  out  the  Canadian  Rebellion 
with  the  iron  heel  of  his  boot.  In  appearance  and 
bearing  the  very  beau  ideal  of  an  English  officer 
and  gentleman,  he  possessed  in  his  remarkably 
dignified  carriage  and  manners  no  mean  element  of 
success  in  governing  Orientals.  His  courtesy  and 
hospitality  will  be  attested  by  all  who  knew  Corfu 
during  his  administration ;  his  laborious  attention  to 
public  business  and  ready  accessibility  to  every  class 
are  known  to  all  who  served  under  him."* 

During  the  first  five  years  of  his  rule  Lord  Seaton 
hardly  departed  from  the  method  of  government 
established  by  his  predecessors.  His  first  parlia- 
ment, which  met  on  the  ist  March,  1845,  was  chosen 
in  the  ordinary  manner.  "  He  permitted  no  free 
press  nor  any  other  expression  of  public  opinion, 
while  he  carried  out  his  own  plans  of  moral 
and  material  improvement.  He  introduced  some 
excellent  measures.  Education  and  schools  pros- 
pered under  his  sway.  [The  colleges  in  Corfu  and 
the  other  islands  were  revised  and  placed  on  the 
English  system,  and  the  ladies  of  his  family 
endeavoured  to  raise  the  tone  of  education  among 
the  Greek  girls,  both  of  the  upper  and  lower  classes, 

*  The  Ionian  Islands  under  British  Protection ,  2nd  Ed.,  1851, 
P- 39* 


1843-8.]  LORD  SEATON'S  GOVERNMENT.  335 

by  establishing  a  school  with  an  English  lady  at  its 
head  who  might  endeavour  to  rouse  them  from  their 
Levantine  indifference.*]  He  conferred  a  very 
great  boon  on  the  poor  inhabitants  by  the  appoint- 
ment (as  early  as  1844)  of  district  courts  for  the 
settlement  of  minor  legal  cases.  He  built  an 
excellent  prison.  He  endeavoured  also  to  teach  the 
Corfiots  agriculture  by  making  good  laws  regarding 
roads,  and  also  by  means  of  a  model  farm ;  and 
though  he  failed  in  the  latter  object,  the  attempt 
was  praiseworthy.  His  canal  at  Santa  Maura  is 
said  to  have  cost  ,£28,000.  If  finished,  it  would 
greatly  have  facilitated  the  commerce  of  the  islands, 
and  Lord  Seaton  does  not  deserve  to  be  condemned 
for  attempting  to  carry  out  so  useful  a  design."t 

Lord  Seaton  had  for  some  time  serving  on  his 
staff  in  Corfu  H.R.H.  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  then 
Prince  George  of  Cambridge.  The  following  letter 
will  show  the  esteem  which  the  Prince  felt  for  him : 

"  London, 

"  loth  May,  1845. 

"  My  dear  Lord  Seaton, — You  have  been  so  very  kind  to 
me  ever  since  our  first  acquaintance,  and  I  am  so  very  much 
indebted  to  you  for  the  favourable  report  you  were  so 
good  as  to  make  of  me,  that  I  cannot  deprive  myself  of 
the  pleasure  of  being  the  first  to  inform  you  that  the 
Queen  has  been  graciously  pleased  to  promote  me  to  the 
rank  of  major-general,  the  announcement  of  which 

*  Christian  Remembrancer,  October,  1867.  At  Beechwood  there  are 
still  preserved  a  great  number  of  samplers,  beautifully  worked  with 
texts  in  Greek  or  English,  which  testify  to  the  assiduity  of  the  Ionian 
school  children  in  adopting  the  manners  of  English  school  children 
of  the  same  date. 

f  Viscount  Kirkwall,  Four  Years  in  the  Ionian  Islands,  I.,  pp.  162 
163. 


336  IONIAN  ISLANDS.  [Cn.  XX. 

appeared  in  last  night's  Gazette,  and  the  whole  thing  has 
been  done  in  the  most  gracious  and  flattering  manner  to 
myself  by  all  the  parties  concerned.  I  feel  that  this  mark 
of  favour  has  been  almost  entirely  owing  to  the  kind 
manner  in  which  you  have  spoken  of  me  and  approved  of 
my  very  humble  services  while  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
serving  under  you,  and  I  hope  you  will,  therefore,  again 
allow  me  to  assure  you  that  I  feel  deeply  grateful  to  you, 
and  that  as  long  as  I  live  I  shall  never  forget  the  marked 
attention  and  kindness  which  I  have  on  many  occasions 
experienced  at  your  hands. 

"  I  now  look  upon  myself  as  a  made  man,  by  which  I 
mean  that  I  shall  get  on  in  the  world.  The  rank  was 
everything  to  me,  and  having  once  got  that  I  look  forward 
with  certainty  to  an  employment  on  the  staff  in  the  United 
Kingdom. 

"...  There  is  again  a  strong  report  of  a  revolt  in 
the  autumn,  but  I  cannot  say  whether  there  is  any  truth  in 
it  Of  course  at  the  Horse  Guards  it  is  denied,  but  that 
says  nothing.  .  .  . — Your  most  sincere  friend, 

"  GEORGE." 

The  Ionian  Constitution  of  1817  had,  as  will  have 
been  seen,  a  deceptive  character.  While  the  Ionian 
Islands  were,  in  the  eye  of  international  law,  an 
independent  state,  their  government  had  been  trans- 
formed into  the  despotic  rule  of  a  British  official 
This  might  have  been  patiently  endured,  so  long 
as  the  islanders  had  no  Power  to  look  to  which  had 
any  more  claim  on  their  affections  than  Great 
Britain.  But  the  creation  of  the  Kingdom  of  Greece 
in  the  twenties  had  changed  the  situation,  and  a 
national  feeling,  a  desire  to  share  the  fortunes  of 
their  brothers-in-blood,  sprang  up  in  the  islands, 
especially  in  Cephalonia,  which  had  been  less  sub- 
ject to  Italian  influence  than  Corfu.  Even  the 


i843-8.]  DESIRE  FOR  REFORMS.  337 

home  Government  seemed  to  think  that  some 
concession  of  political  rights  must  be  made  if  the 
lonians  were  to  remain  contented  with  British 
administration.  Lord  John  Russell  had  written  in 
June,  1840:  "I  should  yield  with  much  regret  to 
the  conviction  that  the  time  is  still  unripe  for  con- 
ceding to  the  Ionian  people,  to  at  least  some  extent, 
the  advantages  of  greater  freedom  of  the  press  and 
a  more  complete  system  of  representation.  It  would 
not  be  to  the  honour  of  this  country  to  have  occupied 
the  Ionian  States  for  so  many  years  without  having 
advanced  the  inhabitants  towards  some  qualification 
for  institutions  more  liberal  than  those  which  were 
granted  to  them,  avowedly  as  a  mere  preparation  for 
such  a  change." 

The  bloodless  revolution  which  occurred  at 
Athens  in  September,  1843,  and  which  led  to  the 
granting  of  a  Liberal  Constitution  by  King  Otto, 
encouraged  that  party  in  the  Ionian  Islands  which 
desired  a  union  with  Greece.  Cephalonia  especially 
grew  more  unsettled.  Lord  Seaton,  in  spite  of  his 
Conservative  predilections,  came  round  to  the  view 
that  the  true  course  of  British  policy  was  to  do  what 
had  become  an  act  of  justice  while  it  could  be  done 
as  an  act  of  grace  and  not  as  one  extorted  by 
violence.  The  French  Revolution  of  1848,  and  its 
accompanying  movements  all  over  Europe,  seem 
to  have  served  as  fresh  arguments  with  him  and  with 
the  home  Government,  for  embarking  on  a  policy 
of  concession. 

Lord  Seaton  accordingly  announced  his  intention 
to  remove  restrictions  on  a  free  press,  a  measure 
justified  by  the  fact  that  Athenian  newspapers  had 


338  IONIAN  ISLANDS.  [Cn.  XX. 

been  never  interdicted  in  the  islands,  and  lately, 
owing  to  improved  communications,  had  come  in 
much  more  freely.  Lord  Seaton  had  indeed 
suggested  a  modification  in  the  press  laws  as  early 
as  1844.  A  bill  for  the  removal  of  restrictions  on 
the  press  was  passed  in  June,  1848,  and  ratified  at 
the  end  of  the  year,  though  no  newspaper  was 
published  in  the  Ionian  Islands  before  1849. 

His  next  step  was  to  provide  for  free  election  to 
municipal  offices,  which  came  into  effect  in  May, 
1849.  But  already,  in  July,  1848,  he  had  proposed 
changes  in  the  direction  of  giving  a  more  popular 
character  to  the  legislative  assembly. 

A  disturbance  in  Cephalonia  on  26th  September 
caused  Lord  Seaton  to  proceed  to  the  island,  but 
neither  this  nor  some  doubts  expressed  by  Lord 
Grey,  the  Colonial  Minister,  deterred  him  from  the 
path  he  had  chosen.  He  asked  for  an  additional 
regiment  from  England,  but  proceeded  with  the 
preparation  of  his  reforms. 

The  chief  points  of  the  new  system  of  government 
devised  by  Lord  Seaton  were : 

1.  Perfect  freedom  of  election  as  regards  the 
members  of  the  Assembly. 

2.  Reduction    of     the     qualification     for    the 
franchise. 

3.  Vote  by  ballot. 

4.  Trial  by  jury,  in  political  cases  only. 
The   last   arrangement   is   somewhat   difficult   to 

comprehend,  and  from  the  beginning  it  proved  a 
failure. 

The  final  reforms  were  passed  in  May,  1849,  tne 
last  month  of  Lord  Seaton's  tenure  of  office.  His 


1848-9.]       LORD  SEATON'S  REFORMS.         339 

successor,  Mr.  Henry  Ward,  took  office  on  ist  June, 
and  it  was  left  to  him  and  to  his  successors  to  face 
the  consequences  of  the  new  state  of  things. 

If  those  consequences  were  unsatisfactory  to 
friends  of  the  British  Protectorate — if  the  Greek 
party  in  the  islands  grew  stronger  and  more 
unmanageable  till  Great  Britain  saw  her  best 
course  in  surrendering  her  rights  (1863) — Lord 
Seaton  is  not  perhaps  to  be  greatly  blamed.  The 
spirit  of  the  age,  the  "  nationalism  "  which  came  to 
play  so  great  a  part  in  Germany  and  Italy,  was 
against  the  preservation  of  British  connexion,  even  if 
it  had  remained  safeguarded  by  the  constitution  of 
1817,  and  Lord  Beaton's  hope  that  his  reforms  would 
satisfy  all  legitimate  aspirations  and  prove  a  bond  of 
attachment  to  British  rule  was  doomed  to  disappoint- 
ment, no  less  than  the  similar  hopes  entertained  by 
the  French  reformers  of  1789. 

He  has  been  severely  criticised  by  Viscount  Kirk- 
wall  (afterwards  sixth  Earl  of  Orkney)  in  Four 
Years  in  the  Ionian  Islands,  and  with  more  bitter- 
ness and  animosity  by  Sir  George  Bowen^  in  The 
Ionian  Islands  under  British  Protection.  Those 
who  would  see  his  defence  must  turn  to  an  article 
in  the  Edinburgh  Review,  January,  1853,  which  is 
from  his  own  pen.  We  can  only  quote  one  or  two 
sentences :  "  The  reviewer  [i.e.,  Bowen]  expresses 
his  surprise  that  so  many  important  privileges  should 
have  been  granted  at  the  same  time ;  but  we  tell 

*  Mr.  Bowen,  on  a  recommendation  received  from  Oxford,  had  been 
appointed  by  Lord  Seaton  Rector  of  the  University  of  Corfu.  For  this 
post  Lord  Seaton  states  that  he  showed  himself  at  once  unsuitable 
in  spite  of  his  high  classical  attainments.  Mr.  Bowen,  in  return, 
attacked  Lord  Seaton's  policy  with  a  good  deal  of  personal  animus. 


340  IONIAN  ISLANDS.  [Cn.  XX. 

him  that  conceding  by  instalments  is  bad  policy,  and 
seldom  succeeds  when  the  proposed  modifications  of 
a  Constitution  are  determined  on  and  can  be,  with 
justice,  claimed,  and  are  expected  and  desired  by  the 
intelligent  and  loyal.  The  Government,  by  at  once 
anticipating  their  wishes,  establishes  confidence  and 
respect." 

"  There  are  assuredly  many  difficulties  incident  to 
the  reforms,  but  they  are  not  without  their 
reward." 

"In  governing  the  people  of  the  Ionian  Islands 
common  sense  and  sincerity  are  the  essential 
requisites." 

"  If  a  prosperous  Greek  kingdom  should  be 
witnessed  rapidly  growing  to  maturity  under 
a  real  constitutional  policy,  it  would,  we  are 
sure,  be  a  matter  of  great  rejoicing;  and,  ardently 
as  every  Englishman  may  desire  that  British  colonies 
may  be  planted  in  every  part  of  the  earth  to  which 
they  can  carry  the  institutions  and  character  of  their 
native  land,  the  prospect  is  scarcely  more  delightful 
than  that  the  islands  of  the  Ionian  Seas  should  form 
a  district  of  Greece,  as  soon  as  ever  a  prosperous  and 
powerful  Greek  nation  shall  come  into  existence,  fit 
and  qualified  to  assist  in  maintaining  the  European 
balance  of  power  and  in  diffusing  the  blessings  of 
civilisation." 

To  these  extracts  may  be  appended  part  of  a 
letter  written  by  Lord  Seaton  from  Livermead 
House  on  2Oth  September,  1849,  to  m's  successor, 
Mr.  Ward,  who  had  written  to  say  that  having 
formed  opinions  at  variance  with  Lord  Seaton's  he 
proposed  to  introduce  another  bill  giving  the  High 


1849.]  LORD  SEATON'S  DEFENCE.  341 

Commissioner    more     control,     and    asking     Lord 
Seaton  to  explain  his  reasons  for  some  of  his  actions : 

"  I  still  can  boast  of  being  a  Conservative  in  this 
country  and  in  every  other  where  there  are  institutions 
worth  preserving,  but,  being  a  reasonable  one,  I  can  profit 
by  the  past,  and  from  the  knowledge  which  I  imagine  I 
have  acquired  in  the  offices  I  have  held.  When  parts  of 
a  constitutional  chart  have  become  so  almost  objectionable 
and  unsuited  to  circumstances  that  even  the  friends  of 
existing  government  cannot  openly  venture  to  defend 
them,  it  becomes  absolutely  necessary  to  reflect  well  and 
deliberately  on  the  probable  results  of  the  concessions 
which  the  governed  have  a  right  and  are  expected  to 
demand,  and  then  to  grant  at  once  all  that  is  expedient 
and  just  to  concede,  instead  of  dealing  with  extorted  con- 
cession after  concession  under  the  delusion  that  each 
requires  a  trial.  The  folly  and  madness  of  withholding 
rights  under  such  circumstances,  and  afterwards  making 
improper  concessions,  created  in  the  colonies  a  gang  of 
demagogues  and  made  them  formidable.  The  revolution 
of  1843  in  Greece,  and  the  Constitution  forced  from  the 
king  by  the  best  of  the  Greeks,  Athenian  intercourse  and 
Athenian  papers,  and  the  recent  importation  from  Paris 
and  the  universities  of  Italy  could  not  but  produce  a  very 
great  change  in  the  society  of  Corfu.  Whatever  might 
have  been  my  opinions  in  1843  and  1844,  it  is  not  extra- 
ordinary that  they  should  have  been  modified  by  my 
constant  communication  with  all  classes  and  by  my  gradual 
acquaintance  with  the  wishes  and  sentiments  of  the  in- 
telligent friends  of  the  protective  government,  and  by  the 
occurrences  and  changes  in  the  neighbouring  states.  The 
series  of  events  which  took  place  in  1848  rendered  more 
circumspection  necessary  perhaps,  but  it  was  by  no  means 
desirable  that  the  changes  which  had  been  suggested 
should  be  delayed.  Neither  the  president  of  the  senate 
nor  any  honest  Ionian  pretended  to  defend  the  mockery 
of  the  representative  government  established.  The 


342  IONIAN  ISLANDS.  [Cn.  XX. 

Government  Press  must  have  given  way ;  for  I  cannot 
suppose  that  after  a  free  Press  had  been  permitted  in 
Germany  and  Italy,  the  privilege  could  have  been  refused 
to  the  only  community  under  our  protection  with  a  Con- 
stitution not  possessing  it.  ... 

"  I  am  persuaded  that  the  liberal  measures  introduced 
lately  in  the  islands  will  weaken  the  cause  of  the  faction 
opposed  to  us  in  Greece  and  in  the  Ionian  States,  and 
enable  the  supporters  of  the  Protective  Government  to 
hoist  their  colours,  and  conscientiously  uphold  their  insti- 
tutions with  more  energy  than  has  hitherto  been  shown; 
check  the  movement  party,  and  tend  to  augment  the 
influence  which  you  appear  so  apprehensive  of  losing.  .  . 

"  SEATON." 

Lord  Kirkwall,  who  served  on  Sir  Henry  Ward's 
staff,  writes :  "  It  is  astonishing  that  it  never 
occurred  to  Lord  Seaton  that  he  was  paving  the 
way  for  the  cession  of  the  Protectorate  and  for  the 
union  of  the  islands  with  Greece.*  .  .  .  He  did 
not  perceive  that  the  great  mass  of  the  lonians  cared 
little  for  reforms,  and  desired  only  the  Union.  Yet 
he  might  have  suspected  that  a  people  who  were  so 
apparently  indifferent  to  the  exercise  of  the  despotic 
high  police  powers  could  not  really  care  much  for 
liberty  as  understood  by  Englishmen.  .  .  . 
Orthodoxy  and  nationalism  .  .  .  have  ever 
been  hitherto  the  two  levers  by  which  the  Ionian 
demagogues  raised  the  passions  of  the  people  and 
acquired  their  affections.  .  .  .  Lord  Seaton 
paved  the  way  for  the  Union  by  rendering 
impossible,  for  any  useful  purpose,  the  continu- 
ance of  their  Protectorate.  ...  It  will  now  be 

*  The  last  extract,  quoted  above,  from  Lord  Seaton's  Edinburgh 
article  shows  that  he  clearly  saw  this  to  be  a  possible  result,  but  it  was 
a  result  which  he  contemplated  with  equanimity. 


1 849-]  LORD  SEATON'S  ADMINISTRATION.  343 

evident  to  the  reader  why  the  Ionian  Liberals,  that 
is,  the  lonians  generally,  cherish  with  enthusiastic 
affection  the  memory  of  Lord  Seaton ;  and  also  why 
the  Protectionists,  whether  Ionian  or  English,  have 
always  severely  condemned  his  conduct.  Person- 
ally, the  gallant  and  noble  lord  was  exceedingly 
popular  with  all  who  came  in  contact  with  him.  His 
high  character,  distinguished  name,  noble  appear- 
ance, and  affable  manners  could  not  but  make  a 
favourable  impression.  .  .  .  Not  the  least  of 
the  benefits  conferred  on  the  lonians  by  Lord 
Seaton  was  the  effect  of  the  high  character  and 
unimpeachable  private  conduct  of  his  lordship  and 
his  amiable  family  during  their  stay  in  the  islands."* 

*  I.,  pp.  181 — 184. 


(     344     ) 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

RETURN  TO  ENGLAND,  1849.     CHOBHAM  CAMP,  1853. 
VIE\VS  ox  THE  CRIMEAN  WAR,  1854-5. 

ON  2nd  June,  1849,  Lord  Seaton  and  his  family  left 
Corfu  amid  a  striking  demonstration  of  affection. 
Before  returning  to  England  they  made  an  extended 
tour  on  the  Continent,  the  itinerary  embracing 
Trieste,  Vienna,  Prague,  Dresden,  Berlin,  Hanover, 
where  Lord  Seaton  dined  with  the  King  on  ist  July, 
Cologne,  Aix,  Brussels.  From  Brussels  Lord 
Seaton  paid  two  visits  to  the  field  of  Waterloo — 
which  he  had  not  seen  since  1815 — and  found  that 
the  circumstances  of  the  day  came  back  to  him  with 
startling  freshness.  It  was  no  doubt  with  pleasure 
that  he  told  the  old  tale  on  the  historic  scene  to  his 
wife,  his  eldest  son,  and  his  daughters. 

After  a  month  in  London  Lord  and  Lady  Seaton 
spent  the  winter  at  Livermead  House,  Torquay. 
From  here,  on  I2th  December,  1849,  ne  wrote  a 
letter  to  his  son,  Captain  the  Hon.  Francis  Colborne, 
1 5th  Regiment,  then  at  the  Depot,  Brecon,  on  some 
of  the  duties  of  a  good  commanding  officer. 

"  The  great  and  principal  objects  to  be  attended  to  are 
the  really  important  affairs,  by  which  a  regiment  or  corps 


1849-51-]   DUTIES  OF  A   COMMANDING  OFFICER.          345 

is  kept  in  good  order  and  discipline,  and  the  officers  and 
men  in  good  humour,  and  not  to  bother  with  trifles,  nor  to 
interfere  in  matters  in  which  you  have  not  full  power  to 
direct  and  control. 

"  The  hospital  and  guard-house  should  be  under  constant 
inspection,  so  that  the  men  and  officers  may  know  that 
you  take  an  interest  in  their  daily  concerns,  and  that 
punishments  are  inflicted  with  justice.  All  this  is  trouble- 
some at  the  first  throw  off,  but  in  reality  saves  much 
vexation  and  embarrassment,  after  a  good  system  is 
established  and  the  men  have  confidence  in  the  justice 
of  the  commanding  officer;  who  must  never  be  in  a 
passion,  and  never  commit  himself  by  a  hasty  expression. 
With  such  resolutions,  and  giving  each  subject  a  calm 
consideration,  he  will  find  himself  always  in  the  right,  and 
on  the  high  and  advantageous  ground.  You,  I  am  sure, 
have  frequently  seen  that  a  foolish,  vain  commanding 
officer  can  spoil  a  regiment  in  a  month. 

"  You  may  depend  on  it,  that  when  officers  are  aware 
that  the  commander  works  hard  and  knows  his  business, 
they  wdll  support  him.  He  must,  however,  repose  great 
confidence  in  officers  commanding  companies,  or,  at  least, 
appear  to  consult  them,  and  to  give  them  full  swing  in  the 
arrangements  in  barracks. 

"  The  details  of  the  field  exercise  must  be  constantly 
studied.  An  officer  with  common  capacity  may  become  a 
good  drill  with  practice  and  knowing  the  principles  of  our 
field  exercise ;  and  yet,  how  rarely  do  we  meet  officers  up 
to  their  business  in  this  respect !  Every  officer  of  the  52nd 
could  work  a  regiment  in  the  field  perfectly,  because  he 
was  compelled  to  begin  early  and  frequently  tried." 

Lord  and  Lady  Seaton  went  to  London  for  the 
season  of  1850,  and  settled  in  August  in  a  new 
home,  Deer  Park,  near  Honiton.  On  the  I2th 
February,  1851,  their  eldest  son,  James  (afterwards 
second  Lord  Seaton)  was  married  to  Charlotte, 


346  IN  ENGLAND.  [Cn.  XXI. 

younger  daughter  and  co-heiress  of  Lord  Downes. 
Lord  Downes,  as  Ulysses  Burgh,  had  had  a  dis- 
tinguished Peninsular  career,  but  strange  to  say,  at 
that  time  he  and  Colborne  had  never  met. 

Lord  and  Lady  Seaton  again  spent  the  season  in 
London,  and  on  the  i8th  June  Lord  Seaton  was  again 
present  at  a  "  Waterloo  banquet."  In  August  they 
stayed  ten  days  at  Ryde,  afterwards  visiting  Otter- 
bourne,  the  home  of  Captain  W.  Crawley  Yonge,  and 
Lyndhurst,  close  to  the  scenes  of  Lord  Seaton's 
childhood.  On  the  igth  they  were  back  at  Deer 
Park. 

From  Deer  Park  Lord  Seaton  wrote,  on  "  St. 
Patrick's  Day,"  1852: 

"  I  am  employed  in  writing  an  article  intended  for  a 
Review  on  parts  of  our  defective  military  organization." 

The  article  appeared  in  the  Edinburgh  Review 
in  June,  under  the  title  "  Our  Defensive  Arma- 
ment." Lord  Seaton  insists  on  the  necessity  of 
further  strengthening  the  country  against  sudden 
invasion  and  praises  Lord  John  Russell  for  the 
Militia  Bill  on  which  he  had  recently  left  office. 

"  Since  our  economists,"  he  says,  "  will  not  give 
us  regular  soldiers  and  sailors  enough,  we  must 
be  content  with  the  next  best  force  which  we 
can  get,  and  that  is  a  militia."  "  Meanwhile, 
having  got  its  militia,  the  Government  will,  in 
our  opinion,  act  wisely  if  it  take  steps  to  put 
the  fleet  in  an  effective  state.  .  v  .  In  con- 
clusion we  beg  to  observe  that  our  views  of  this 
great  question  have  been  formed  neither  to-day  nor 
yesterday.  We  have  long  felt  that  the  country  was 


1852.]  THE  GREAT  DUKE'S  FUNERAL.  347 

helpless  in  case  of  sudden  war.  .  .  .  We  are 
satisfied  that  it  is  better  to  do  little  than  to  do 
nothing." 

Another  letter  of  Lord  Seaton's,  of  the  i5th  April, 
1852,  shows  us  the  impression  made  on  him  by  the 
loss  of  the  "  Birkenhead,"  of  which  the  news  had 
just  arrived  from  Cape  Town.  '  The  account  of 
it,"  he  says,  "  can  scarcely  be  read  without  tears." 

On  the  1 8th  June  Lord  Seaton  was  again  present 
at  a  "  Waterloo  banquet " — as  it  proved,  the  last 
ever  held.  Among  other  friends  he  there  met  his 
old  comrade  of  the  Light  Division,  Sir  Harry  Smith, 
who  had  lately  returned  to  England  from  the  Cape 
of  Good  Hope.  In  September  he  was  at  Malvern, 
and  here  heard  the  news  of  the  great  Duke's  death. 
At  the  State  Funeral  on  November  i8th  Lord 
Seaton  was  a  pall-bearer.  In  a  subsequent  letter 
to  his  second  son  he  described  what  he  had  seen  and 
felt  on  the  occasion  : 

"  Deer  Park, 

"8th  December,  1852. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  funeral  I  arrived  at  the  Horse 
Guards  about  8.  I  found  breakfast  prepared,  and  met  the 
military  parties  that  were  to  proceed  in  mourning  coaches. 
I  was  shown  to  my  seat  in  the  coach  about  9,  and  was 
accompanied  by  Lord  Londonderry,  Maitland  and  Wood- 
ford.  We  arrived  at  St.  Paul's  about  12,  but  in  conse- 
quence of  the  machinery  for  the  removal  of  the  coffin  from 
the  bier  not  having  been  previously  tried  we  were  detained 
at  the  entrance  of  the  west  door  more  than  [an]  hour,  Lord 
Anglesey  frequently  exclaiming  he  had  never  been  so  cold 
in  his  life  before.  However,  all  the  old  boys  bore  the 
breeze  well,  and  I  have  not  heard  that  they  suffered  from 
it. 


348  IN  ENGLAND.  [Cn.  XXI. 

"  When  the  procession  moved  towards  the  dome,  led  by 
the  dean,  clergy  and  choristers,  the  solemn  scene  was  most 
impressive.  I,  as  a  pall-bearer,  stood  near  the  centre  of 
the  coffin  during  the  service,  with  my  back  to  the  Ministers 
and  House  of  Lords  and  in  front  of  the  Speaker  and  his 
House.  The  lowering  into  the  grave  and  the  gradual 
disappearance  of  the  coffin  amidst  the  attentive  concern 
of  15,000  or  17,000  people,  together  with  the  grand  and 
solemn  music  and  prayers,  and  with  the  evidently  affected 
expression  of  those  immediately  near  the  grave,  was  alto- 
gether the  most  impressive,  solemn  and  affecting  moment 
that  I  ever  experienced.  I  was  very  much  affected,  and 
thought  I  should  have  been  obliged  to  sit  down.  The 
formalities  of  the  heraldic  officials  which  followed,  how- 
ever, had  a  different  effect.  I  mean  the  breaking  of  the 
staff  and  the  pompous  announcement  of  the  Duke's  titles, 
so  inapplicable  to  the  present  age.  He  was  a  very  great 
and  a  very  extraordinary  man.  We  found  our  coaches 
easily,  and  I  returned  in  company  with  Lord  Combermere 
and  Lord  Londonderry  and  Sir  C.  Napier." 

Five  days  later  Lord  Seaton  attended  a  dinner 
given  by  the  new  Commander-in-Chief,  Lord 
Hardinge,  of  which  he  has  left  an  interesting 
account : 

"  I  was  invited  to  dine  with  the  Commander-in-Chief 
on  the  23rd  November,  1852,  to  meet  all  the  foreign 
generals.  The  dinner  was  given  in  the  Premier's  apart- 
ments in  Downing-street.  General  Scharnhorst,  the 
Prussian,  came  up  to  me  after  dinner,  shook  hands  and 
said,  '  I  have  watched  you  from  this '  (putting  his  hand 
towards  the  ground)  '  up  to  this  date,  and  am  delighted  to 
find  that  you  are  liked  and  loved  in  all  places.'  Scharn- 
horst was  with  me  in  the  Alemtejo  in  Portugal,  when  he 
was  in  the  Hanoverian  Artillery.  He  is  a  son  of  General 
Scharnhorst,  who,  with  Stein,  remodelled  the  Prussian 
army.  Sir  E.  Blakeney  sat  near  me,  and  reminded  me 


I853-]  SIR  HARRY  AND  LADY  SMITH.  349 

that  we  had  not  met  since  1813,  at  a  very  bad  dinner  at 
General  Skerrett's,  in  bivouac  in  the  Pyrenees."* 

Two  years  later  the  second  Duke  of  Wellington 
sent  Lord  Seaton  a  memento  of  his  illustrious  father, 
with  the  following  note  : 

"  Apsley  House, 

";th  July,  1855. 

"  My  dear  Lord  Seaton,— I  send  you  a  sword  that  I  have 
seen  my  father  wear,  well  knowing  the  friendship  and 
attachment  which  existed  between  you  and  him. — Yours 

sincerely, 

"  WELLINGTON." 

In  the  spring  of  1853  Lord  Seaton  was  confined 
to  his  house  for  many  weeks  by  illness.  After  his 
recovery  he  visited  Dittisham,  of  which  his  son, 
Graham,  had  lately  become  Rector,  and  there,  on 
the  6th  May,  received  a  letter  from  Lord  Hardinge, 
offering  him  the  command  of  the  camp  to  be  formed 
at  Chobham  on  I4th  June.  From  Dittisham,  with 
Lady  Seaton,  he  paid  a  flying  visit  to  Plymouth, 
where  he  was  visited  by  Sir  Harry  Smith,  then  in 
command  of  the  Western  District. 

Lady  Montgomery-Moore  tells  me  of  a  previous 
meeting  with  Sir  Harry  and  Lady  Smith,  whea  Lady 
Smith  apparently  met  her  old  Peninsular  friend  for 
the  first  time  for  40  years.  With  the  warmth  of  her 
Spanish  nature  she  threw  her  arms  round  him  and 
kissed  him,  crying,  "  Oh,  Colborne,  Colborne,  to  see 
you  again !  "  Both  Sir  Harry  and  his  wife  had  an 
almost  romantic  affection  for  their  old  brigadier,  and 
he — though  of  a  far  more  reserved  nature — warmly 
returned  it.  He  said  of  Lady  Smith,  "  In  the  most 

*  See  Autobiography  of  Sir  Harry  Smith,  L,  pp.  126 — 128. 


350  IN  ENGLAND.  [Cn.  XXI. 

trying  circumstances  for  years  [i.e.,  when  as  a  girl- 
wife  she  followed  the  army  in  the  Peninsula]  no 
one  could  have  behaved  with  more  absolute  dis- 
cretion. I  have  the  greatest  regard  and  admiration 
for  her." 

On  the  27th  May  Lord  Seaton  removed  with  his 
family  to  Hyams,  near  Bagshot,  which  was  to  be 
his  home  during  the  existence  of  the  Chobham 
Camp  of  exercise.  He  dined  with  Lord  Hardinge 
on  the  28th,  with  the  Queen  on  June  6th,  and  at 
Pembroke  College,  Oxford,  on  the  Qth. 

At  Lord  Hardinge's  table  he  had  a  discussion 
with  General  Burgoyne  on  Fergusson's  scheme  for 
the  defence  of  Portsmouth  by  earthworks.  He  gives 
the  following  account  of  the  conversation  in  a  letter 
to  Captain  W.  C.  Yonge : 

"  Hyams,  Bagshot, 

"2Qth  May,  1853. 

"  I  yesterday  dined  with  Lord  Hardinge,  where  I  met 
the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  the  major-generals,  and  all  the 
heads  of  departments  who  are  to  be  under  my  command 
during  the  Chobham  campaign.  Burgoyne  placed  himself 
next  to  me  at  dinner,  and  began  immediately  on  the  sub- 
ject of  Fergusson's  system,  and  mentioned  that  he  was 
informed  that  I  approved  of  his  system  and  had  expressed 
a  decided  opinion  in  its  favour.  I  replied  that  I  had  only 
read  The  Perils  of  Portsmouth,  and  not  his  work  on 
fortification,  that  I  thought  every  new  invention  ought 
to  have  a  fair  trial  and  be  tried,  that  the  earthen  works 
were  generally  commended  by  East  Indian  officers,  that 
when  there  was  a  water  power,  and  at  Gosport  and  Ports- 
mouth, the  line  proposed  by  Fergusson  appeared  a  for- 
midable barrier,  although  [I  ?]  considered  there  were 
several  objections  to  the  system,  and  that  I  had  expressed 
no  decided  opinion  as  to  its  adoption,  nor  was  I  yet  a 


1853-]  CHOBHAM  CAMP.  351 

sufficient  judge  of  its  merits.  He  told  me  in  reply  that  he 
was  employed  in  drawing  up  observations  on  its  defects, 
that  he  could  prove  that  67  guns  could  be  exploded  on 
any  circle  taken,  that  sorties  could  not  be  made,  that 
earthen  works  in  India  were  made  of  a  peculiar  sort  of 
clay  only  to  be  found  in  the  East,  that  any  wall  in  a  ditch, 
it  could  be  proved,  could  be  demolished,  that  the  number 
of  guns  proposed  by  Fergusson  could  not  be  collected, 
and  that  batteries  could  be  established  against  them 
sufficient  to  take  the  place,  that  Fergusson  had  not  studied 
the  theory  of  plunging  shot,  and  the  certain  destructive 
fire  by  that  means,  into  a  ditch.  I  do  not  mean  to  become 
the  champion  of  a  new  system,  but  I  think  it  ought  to  be 
tried,  which  he  said  would  be  difficult.  He  appeared  to 
consider  the  discussion  terminated,  and  to  think  that  it 
was  impossible  it  could  be  adopted  against  the  opinion  of 
the  whole  corps  of  Engineers." 

On  the  1 4th  June  Lady  Seaton  notes  in  her  diary : 
"  We  all  went  on  the  ground  to  see  the  troops  arrive 
and  form  the  encampment ;  a  fine  sight." 

Lord  Seaton  was  now  busily  occupied  in  training 
the  troops,  and  reviews  and  field  days  followed  in 
quick  succession.  On  the  2ist  the  Queen  was 
present.  On  the  24th  Lord  Seaton  dined  with 
Prince  Albert  in  his  tent.  The  Queen  was  again 
present  on  the  5th  July,  when  a  bridge  was  thrown 
across  Virginia  Water,  and  again  at  a  review  on  the 
4th  August. 

It  has  been  said  of  Lord  Seaton's  command  of  the 
camp  at  Chobham : 

"  Not  only  was  every  officer  and  man  sensible  of 
that  courtesy  and  consideration  that  never  demanded 
more  than  could  be  well  performed,  and  as  in  old 
times  of  real  war,  had  caused  the  saying  that  there 
was  nothing  his  men  would  not  do  for  him,  but  the 


352  IN  ENGLAND.  [Cfi.  XXI. 

training  under  his  experienced  eye  was  felt  to  have 
been  of  the  greatest  service  to  the  troops  when  the 
actual  trial  of  the  Crimean  campaign  ensued."* 

Sir  William  Fraser  records  that  Lord  Seaton  told 
him  at  Chobham  that  the  hill  opposite  the  lines, 
crowned  with  pine  trees,  was  not  unlike  the  heights 
of  Busaco.f 

At  the  end  of  September  Lord  and  Lady  Seaton 
were  again  home  at  Deer  Park.  A  month  later 
there  was  a  flying  visit  to  Brixham,  where  they  again 
met  Sir  Harry  and  Lady  Smith,  and  other  such 
visits  were  paid,  including  a  sad  one  to  Otterbourne, 
on  the  occasion  of  the  funeral  of  Captain  William 
Crawley  Yonge  (4th  March,  1854),  but  Deer  Park 
was  their  home  during  the  winter  and  spring.  By 
the  end  of  February  war  with  Russia  was  a  certainty 
and  a  month  later  Major  Francis  Colborne  left 
Canada  to  join  the  troops  in  the  Crimea  as 
Assistant-Quartermaster-General  to  the  Third  Divi- 
sion. In  a  letter  of  3rd  June  Lord  Seaton  gave 
his  son  some  instruction  in  his  new  duties : 

"  Taking  up  good  and  convenient  positions  on  the 
march,  free  from  bad  air,  with  good  water,  and  plenty  of 
shade,  and  satisfactory  (pour  parler  militairement),  when 
it.  can  be  accomplished,  with  the  military  points  attended 
to  as  a  position,  will  be  the  test  of  your  fitness  for  the 
department  If  you  are  put  on  three  or  four  hours  before 
your  division  be  sure  to  have  all  quite  ready,  and  the  points 
taken  up  for  every  brigade  and  the  advanced  posts  for 
picquets  settled  ;  and  the  reasons  prepared  for  your  having 
decided  on  the  position  and  disposition.  These  positions 
on  the  march  will  generally  be  for  convenience  of  the 

*  Christian  Remembrancer,  October,  1867. 
•f  Words  on  Wellington,  p.  206. 


I854-]  DUTIES  OF  AN  A.-Q.-M.-G.  353 

troops.  In  allotting  villages  or  parts  of  a  town  for  canton- 
ments, or  for  a  temporary  halt,  take  care  to  accustom  your- 
self to  look  at  a  town  quickly,  and  to  determine  how  many 
regiments  can  be  stowed  away  in  such  a  district  or  such 
parts  of  the  town ;  and  when  you  have  inspected  streets 
and  houses  and  counted  public  buildings  from  your  horse, 
have  your  markers  and  orderlies  ready  to  chalk  on  the 
doors  and  walls  '  1st  Brigade/  '  2nd  Brigade/  etc.,  leaving 
the  brigadiers 'and  brigade  majors  to  settle  details  and  to 
quarter  off  field  officers  and  regiments.  Sketch  every 
position  you  occupy,  and  state  your  reasons  for  the  dis- 
position and  position.  This  activity  and  knowledge  of 
your  business  will  soon  set  you  at  ease,  and  render  you  a 
valuable  officer  and  bring  you  to  your  proper  level.  An 
active  officer,  with  judgment,  is  sure  to  get  into  notice,  and 
all  this  you  can  accomplish  quietly  and  modestly,  although 
with  firmness  and  confidence  in  your  own  capacity.  Camp 
kettles  and  baggage  arrangements  must  also  be  attended 
to,  and  do  not  forget  to  be  constantly  in  communication 
with  the  commissariat  department,  acquainting  the  com- 
missaries with  the  arrangements  for  the  day  and  with  the 
numbers  of  mules  or  horses  necessary  for  conveying  am- 
munition, etc.  The  more  intimate  you  become  with  the 
officers  of  the  commissariat  the  better.  You  will  find  them 
most  useful,  if  they  are  treated  with  respect,  and  consulted 
as  to  the  affairs  under  their  charge.  Thus  much  for  my 
hasty  lecture." 

On  the  24th  March  Lord  Seaton,  who  had 
previously  been  Colonel  of  the  26th  Foot,  received 
the  appointment  of  Colonel  of  the  2nd  Life  Guards. 
At  a  levee  on  the  3rd  May  he  received  in  virtue  of 
this  office  the  Gold  Stick  from  Her  Majesty,  and 
as  Gold  Stick  attended  a  ball  at  the  Palace  on  the 
i;th. 

On  the  3rd  July  a  son  was  born  to  the  Hon.  James 
Colborne.  He  was  Lord  and  Lady  Seaton's  first 

N 


354  IN  ENGLAND.  [Cn.  XXI. 

grandson,  and  is  at  present  the  third  holder  of  the 
title. 

The  alliance  of  England  and  France  in  the 
Crimea  drew  together  the  English  and  Imperial 
Courts,  and  it  was  arranged  that  Prince  Albert 
should  visit  the  French  camp  at  St.  Omer  as 
the  guest  of  Napoleon  III.,  the  first  occasion,  as  is 
said,  of  the  Prince's  being  parted  from  the  Queen, 
even  for  a  day,  since  their  marriage.  Lord  Seaton 
was  among  those  who  were  asked  to  accompany  him. 
After  dining  at  Osborne  on  4th  September  he 
embarked  with  Prince  Albert  in  the  Royal  yacht. 
They  disembarked  at  Boulogne  at  7  a.m.  next  day, 
and  after  visiting  the  camp  returned  to  England 
the  same  night.  Lady  Seaton,  on  I2th  September, 
writes  to  her  son  Francis : 

"  They  returned  to  Osborne  on  Saturday  morning  at 
9  o'clock,  the  Queen  meeting  them  in  the  '  Fairy/  and  your 
father  says  her  meeting  the  Prince  was  really  beautiful  and 
made  him  almost  drop  a  tear.  He  seems  to  have  enjoyed 
himself  as  much  as  it  was  possible,  considering  how  anxious 
he  is  about  the  Crimea  expedition,  and  to  have  been 
treated  quite  like  a  friend  by  both  Prince  and  Emperor. 
He  says  he  used  to  listen  with  intense  interest  to  the 
telegraphic  messages  delivered  each  night  to  the  Emperor 
and  Prince,  especially  the  messages  from  St.  Arnaud." 

A  curious  incident  took  place  during  this  visit  to 
a  place  familiar  to  Lord  Seaton  in  the  days  of  the 
occupation  of  France.  At  a  cottage  at  which  the 
Emperor  and  his  staff  halted  Lord  Seaton  had  some 
conversation  with  the  old  woman  who  owned  it,  and 
they  recognized  each  other.  The  Emperor  said 
facetiously  to  his  staff,  "  Oh,  gentlemen,  we  can 
quite  imagine  what  occurred  between  these  two 


I854-]         WITH  PRINCE  ALBERT  TO  ST.   OMER.  355 

young  people  in  those  days ! "  a  joke  which  was  not 
very  palatable  to  the  Spartan  virtue  of  the  English 
general. 

On  his  return  from  France  Lord  Seaton  visited 
his  connexions,  the  Yonges  of  Otterbourne.  Miss 
Charlotte  Yonge  writes  of  this  visit :  "  I  had  the 
great  pleasure  of  taking  him  to  a  Sunday  evening 
service  at  Winchester  College  Chapel  and  hearing 
how  much  he  enjoyed  it ;  observing  upon  the  great 
improvement  in  reverence  and  discipline  since  his 
own  days  *  sixty  years  since.' ' 

With  a  son  at  the  seat  of  war,  Lord  and  Lady 
Seaton  were  deeply  concerned  in  all  that  took  place 
in  the  Crimea,  and  heard  with  deep  emotion  during 
the  autumn  of  a  rumoured  fall  of  Sebastopol,  of  the 
fact  that  it  had  not  fallen,  of  the  battles  of  the  Alma, 
of  Balaclava,  "in  which  our  light  cavalry  were  so 
sacrificed,"  and  of  Inkerman. 

One  day  Lady  Seaton  writes  in  her  diary,  "  Lord 
Seaton  and  I  drove  to  meet  the  boy  with  the 
Times;  "  another  day,  "  Ordered  a  buffalo  skin  to  be 
sent  to  Francis ;  "  and  another,  "  Sent  Francis  a 
sprig  of  laurel."  This  was  after  he  had  been 
mentioned  for  Inkerman. 

The  anxiety  of  the  moment  is  reflected  in  the 
following  letter  addressed  to  Lord  Seaton  by  his  old 
comrade,  Sir  George  Napier,  who  had  himself 
volunteered  his  services  in  the  war : 

"  Nice, 

"  28th  November,  1854. 

"  I  see  by  the  papers,  if  they  state  truth,  that  you  have 
strongly  impressed  on  Lord  Hardinge  and  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle  the  necessity  of  reinforcements  being  sent  out, 

N  2 


356  IN  ENGLAND.  CH.  XXI. 

and  I  trust  in  God  your  advice  will  be  taken,  but  I  blame 
the  Ministers  strongly  for  not  having  sent  every  soldier 
in  England  three  months  ago !  I  am  sure  you  would  have 
urged  it  to  the  utmost  of  your  power,  and  if,  as  I  expected, 
and  as  they  ought  to  have  done,  they  had  made  you  War 
Minister  (and  not  a  boy  civilian,  who  must  be  and  is 
ignorant  of  war),  all  would  have  been  quite  safe,  and  our 
excellent  friend  and  comrade,  Lord  Raglan,  would 
not  have  had  to  regret  the  want  of  troops!  Why  not 
send  the  militia  to  Gibraltar ;  they  would  volunteer 
instantly;  and  then  make  Harry  Smith  Governor,  and 
he  would  soon  drill  and  d — n  them  into  order,  and  make 
ten  thousand  of  them  ready  in  the  spring  to  volunteer  to 
the  Crimea." 

In  his  reply  to  the  above  letter,  Lord  Seaton  com- 
mented, a  month  later,  on  the  course  of  the  war  up 
to  that  date : 

"  We  may  assert  positively  that  the  grand  enterprise 
was  undertaken  with  an  inadequate  force  and  too  late. 
From  the  day  I  heard  the  attack  on  Sebastopol  was  sanc- 
tioned I  could  scarcely  think  or  talk  on  any  other  subject ; 
and  to  this  hour  all  my  thoughts  are  turned  to  that  quarter, 
and  to  the  splendid  troops  contending  against  every  hard- 
ship and  disadvantage  that  an  army  can  encounter. 

"  From  the  moment  I  was  informed  that  the  expedition 
was  in  contemplation,  I  gave  my  opinion  freely  to  many 
of  my  military  friends,  but  I  have  never  had  any  com- 
munication with  Ministers  or  with  the  authorities  at  the 
Horse  Guards,  beyond  a  casual  remark.  The  substance  of 
my  conversation  with  military  friends  was  as  follows,  and 
I  think  the  same  opinions  must  have  occurred  to  most 
persons,  looking  at  the  affair  as  a  military  question :  — 

"  We  knew  that  in  the  month  of  April  the  Russians  had 
27,000  men  in  Sebastopol,  that  they  had  95,000  men  in 
Bessarabia  and  on  the  Danube,  and  reserves  at  Jassy  and 
Kiev.  It  therefore  appeared  certain  that  a  military 
Emperor  would  make  every  possible  effort  to  protect  the 


1854.]  THE  CRIMEAN  WAR.  357 

most  important  part  of  his  Empire,  the  Crimea,  and  on  the 
least  demonstration  being  made  in  that  quarter  he  would 
take  means  to  assign  a  large  force  to  meet  any  attack  on 
the  part  of  the  Allies.  Thus  we  could  not  but  calculate 
that  27,000  men  working  in  Sebastopol  would  make  a  siege 
necessary,  that  if  a  siege  should  be  necessary  then  it  would 
require  70,000  men  to  invest  the  place  (that  was  Colonel 
Chesney's  estimate),  that  magazines  would  be  formed  at 
Cherson  and  Perekop,  ready  for  the  supply  of  reinforce- 
ments, that  we  should  have,  under  the  most  favourable 
circumstances,  a  formidable  army  to  oppose  our  landing, 
that  we  must  then  expect  to  fight  two  battles  on  apparently 
good  positions  before  we  could  drive  in  the  Russian  force 
and  invest  Sebastopol ;  and  that  if  we  could  not  ensure  its 
fall  in  three  or  four  days,  or  that  it  was  likely  a  siege  of 
even  ten  days  must  be  the  result  of  our  disembarkation, 
then  the  enemy  would  have  the  great  advantage  of  being 
able  to  assemble  a  large  force  and  a  relieving  army  to 
engage  the  Allies  in  a  series  of  battles  and  operations. 

"  This  was  the  dark  side  of  the  question,  but,  I  added, 
the  whole  probable  result  must  depend  on  the  information 
collected,  certain  information  as  to  the  defences  of  Sebas- 
topol, its  capabilities,  and  the  number  of  troops  in  the  place 
and  in  the  Crimea. 

"  If  it  should  be  true,  and  if  the  commanders  of  the  Allies 
have  ascertained,  that  there  are  not  more  than  40,000  men 
in  the  Crimea,  that  by  taking  possession  of  the  heights 
near  Inkerman  two  or  three  forts  can  be  commanded  and 
easily  destroyed,  and  that  the  town  would  be  thus  open 
and  the  ships  and  arsenals  exposed,  the  enterprise  will  be 
as  successful,  as  the  whole  scheme  is  splendid  and  glorious. 
But  how  could  any  military  man  at  a  distance  think  of  the 
expedition,  except  as  a  most  hazardous  undertaking  ?  The 
preparations  had  begun  early  in  July,  the  very  bay,  in 
which  the  Allies  were  to  land,  was  pointed  out  in  the  Times, 
almost  officially  and  ostentatiously,  on  the  2Oth  July,  and 
the  Czar  had  nearly  two  months  to  prepare  for  the  dis- 
embarkation of  troops  between  Eupatoria  and  the  Bibbek. 


IN  ENGLAND.  [Cn.  XXI. 

What  reason  could  there  be  for  not  supposing  that  he 
would  at  least  be  able  to  have  70,000  men  in  the  field; 
that  25,000  would  be  the  opposing  force  in  landing,  and 
that  the  remainder  would  retire  to  a  contracted  position 
near  the  grand  fortifications,  and  the  detached  force  follow 
in  the  rear  ?  If  Menschikoff  had  not  engaged  in  any  deci- 
sive operations  till  he  had  taken  up  a  position  near  the 
forts,  and  had  retired,  disputing  every  day  the  advance, 
while  the  rear  of  the  Allies  was  menaced  and  harassed, 
it  is  evident  that  50,000  or  58,000  was  a  force  not  adequate 
to  the  operations  contemplated.  The  original  plan,  I 
believe,  was  to  disembark  within  seven  miles  of  St  Con- 
stantine,  and  then  to  attack  the  works  on  the  north  side ; 
but  the  danger  and  risk  of  this  scheme  from  a  [the?] 
number  of  troops  seen  in  position  required  more  caution. 

"It  was  obvious  to  almost  every  military  man  before 
the  expedition  started,  that  the'  heights  of  Inkerman  should 
have  been  the  first  object,  except  the  forts  on  the  north 
were  very  vulnerable  and  easy  to  take.  The  scheme  of 
breaking  ground  before  strong  defences  on  the  north  and 
depending  on  a  rough  and  stormy  coast  as  the  basis  of 
operations,  while  the  Allies  had  not  sufficient  force  to 
invest  the  place  or  guard  the  roads  to  the  eastward,  was 
objectionable.  We  cannot  but  suppose  that  the  Czar 
either  was  persuaded  that  the  expedition  was  intended  for 
other  points,  or  that  he  calculated  on  a  siege,  or  on  time 
sufficient  to  be  able  to  outnumber  the  Allies.  It  has  been 
said  that  if  the  Allies  had  followed  the  defeated  Russians, 
with  the  divisions  fit  to  move,  on  the  day  of  the  battle  of 
Alma,  the  town  might  have  been  entered  without  much 
loss  or  opposition  the  following  day ;  but  it  is  impossible 
to  judge  of  these  reported  practicable  operations  without 
knowing  the  state  of  the  defences  of  Sebastopol,  the  force 
assigned  for  its  protection  at  the  time  Menschikoff 
approached  it  and  marched  to  Batchiserai. 

"  We  cannot  read  the  account  of  the  terrific  encounter  at 
Inkerman  without  trembling.  I  think  it  appears  that  the 
picquets  were  badly  posted,  and  that  precautions  [were 


I854-]  BATTLE   OF  INKERMAN.  359 

neglected?].  Under  the  circumstances  in  which  our 
inadequate  force  found  itself,  the  brigadiers  and  generals 
of  division  would  be  expected  to  adopt  means  to  prevent, 
we  must  suppose,  the  probability  of  being  attacked  before 
the  whole  of  the  armies  could  get  into  position.  But  the 
Russian  columns  did  actually  contrive  to  get  within  a  few 
hundred  yards  of  the  right  of  the  Allies  without  being 
checked.  It  was  fortunate  they  were  attacked  on  all  sides 
by  nearly  8,000  of  the  best  soldiers  in  the  world,  deployed, 
and  every  shot  from  their  arms  piercing  with  effect.  The 
Russians  probably  lost  the  generals  in  command  and 
officers  in  command  of  battalions ;  they  began  to  move 
and  the  dense  columns  then  were  exposed  to  active  lines, 
the  masses  of  the  Russians  advancing  and  retiring  without 
plan,  or  having  any  superior  officers  to  direct  their  move- 
ments ;  so  that,  like  a  Spanish  bull-fight,  the  tormented 
animal  was  exposed  to  the  picatori  on  every  flank  until 
tired  out  and  rendered  incapable  of  resisting  from  loss  of 
blood  and  wounds. 

"  I  should  suppose  that  no  serious  operation  will  take 
place  before  Sebastopol  till  the  arrival  of  large  reinforce- 
ments, and  that  when  the  approaches  are  completed  and 
the  defences  at  certain  points  destroyed,  a  lodgment  will 
be  made,  and  the  garrison,  [being]  without  casemates, 
will  find  it  necessary  to  evacuate  the  works  on  the  south 
side. 

"  It  occurred  to  me  that  as  soon  as  one  regiment  of  the 
Allies  had  arrived  at  Constantinople,  or  near  it,  any 
probability  of  an  advance  on  the  part  of  the  Russians  into 
Bulgaria,  with  a  view  of  marching  towards  the  Balkan 
passes,  was  at  an  end.  The  siege  of  Silistria  was  an 
absurd  operation  at  the  time  it  was  undertaken,  and  con- 
trary to  the  counsel  of  Paskicostt,  and  when  the  Austrians 
began  to  menace  and  march  to  the  frontiers  of  Moldavia, 
it  was  evident  the  Russians  would  pass  the  Pruth  as  soon 
as  their  forces  could  be  collected.  Thus  we  might  have 
had  very  early  in  the  campaign  a  force  in  the  Bay  of 
Bomgas  on  either  side  of  the  passes,  a  kind  of  floating 


360  IN  ENGLAND.  [Cn.  XXI. 

army,  with  our  means  of  transport  ready  for  the  Crimea.* 
But  when  the  siege  of  Silistria  was  abandoned  on  the  22nd 
June  and  the  Russians  retreated  on  Bucharest  and  on 
Jassy,  and  when  the  Austrians  had  liberated  the  Russian 
force  in  Wallachia  and  Moldavia  by  preparing  to  occupy 
these  provinces,  and  when  it  was  certain  the  Russian  army 
could  march  in  24  days  from  Bucharest  to  Bender,  on  the 
Dniester,  the  success  of  the  expedition  to  the  Crimea 
evidently  depended  on  the  immense  force  that  could  be 
conveyed  there  by  the  Allies  in  a  certain  time." 

iWe  may  supplement  the  above  by  an  extract  from 
a  letter  of  2ist  January,  1855,  addressed  to  his  son 
Francis : 

"  It  appears  to  me  that  the  3rd  Division  was  the  only 
one  in  hand  on  the  terrific  day  of  Inkerman.  The  Times 
continues  to  let  off  the  steam  against  the  staff  of  the 
British  army  at  Sebastopol  siege  ;  as  if  all  the  faux  calcul 
had  been  occasioned  by  an  incompetent  staff  and  from 
officers  not  having  been  educated  at  Sandhurst.  The  non- 
sense and  stuff  that  appears  in  the  papers  is  disgusting. 

"  The  whole  case  is  evident.  An  inadequate  force 
undertakes  an  enterprise  too  late,  and  having  been  un- 
prepared for  a  siege  in  winter,  the  men  are  worked  beyond 
their  strength,  and  no  general  could  have  prevented  the 
confusion  and  mismanagement  that  immediately  followed 
the  grand  failure. 

"  A  quartermaster-general  is  not  made  in  one  campaign, 
and  certainly  never  without  much  fighting  previously.  Sir 
G.  Murray  was  an  indifferent  one  on  his  first  campaign, 
but  being  very  clever,  and  having  seen  much  service,  he 
became  the  best  staff  officer  in  Europe.  All  the  arrange- 
ments ought  to  have  been  made  by  the  quartermaster- 

*  In  a  shorter  letter  to  Lord  Hardinge  of  2oth  December,  in  which 
Lord  Seaton  gives  a  similar  account  of  his  views,  he  says  more 
clearly :  "  The  army  of  the  Allies  should  have  been  considered  as  a 
floating  force,  ready  to  menace  the  left  of  the  Russians."  On 
8th  May,  1855,  he  wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  to  protest  against 
a  statement  that  he  had  approved  of  the  siege. 


1 854.]  BLUNDERS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN.  361 

general,  the  commissary-general,  and  the  commanding 
officer  of  Artillery  and  Engineers,  after  constant  interviews 
with  the  Commander-in-Chief. 

"  The  Duke  of  Wellington,  when  he  arrived  at  Brussels 
in  1815,  found  no  arrangements  made.  The  commissary- 
general  and  the  commanding  officer  of  Artillery  bought 
all  the  horses  and  had  all  the  carts  and  waggons  con- 
structed in  a  short  time,  and  by  calculation  ordered  the 
exact  number  of  horses  and  conveyances  for  Medical 
Department,  Artillery  and  Engineers,  and  commissariat 
and  baggage  of  divisions,  and  staff  of  headquarters.  This 
was  all  accomplished  by  two  officers,  the  quartermaster- 
general  and  commissary-general,  with  the  assistance  of 
the  incessant  labours  of  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
Artillery. 

"  But  in  this  case  of  the  Crimea  you  have  been  taken 
aback,  and  had  never  men  sufficient  for  the  investment  or 
to  carry  on  the  approaches  on  either  side.  Sir  H.  Douglas 
has  written  a  very  foolish  pamphlet,  which  you  will  see 
quoted  in  the  Times. 

"  With  respect  to  the  operations  of  the  Allied  armies,  I 
mean  the  mere  battles,  I  think  the  movements  would  be 
condemned  at  a  distance,  if  they  are  to  be  judged  by  mili- 
tary rules  established  by  strategists  and  tacticians.  When 
the  attack  is  made,  I  hope  it  will  be  only  made  on  the  side 
attacked  by  the  French.  If  a  lodgment  is  made  opposite 
their  nearest  approach,  and  then  the  streets  cowed  by  a 
menacing  process,  blowing  up  four  or  five  houses  wherever 
resistance  is  made,  the  town  must  be  evacuated,  and  in 
carrying  one  part  the  whole  would  be  in  your  possession. 
The  attack  on  the  side  of  the  English  ought  to  be  more  of 
a  diversion  than  a  real  attack,  with  the  intention  of  taking 
advantage  of  accidental  circumstances." 

Lady  Seaton  has  the  following  entry  for  the  last 
day  of  the  year :  "  Lord  Seaton,  Cordelia  and  I,  in 
walking  home  from  church  in  the  evening,  watched 
the  last  sunset  of  1854  and  talked  of  that  of 


62  IN  ENGLAND.  [Cn.  XXI. 


with  anxiety  of  the  events  that  .might  have 
happened."  A  few  weeks  later  John  Colborne,  the 
youngest  son,  followed  his  brother  to  the  Crimea. 

Early  in  1855  Lord  Seaton  received  a  character- 
istic note  from  his  old  comrade,  General  Charles 
Beckwith:* 

"  Turin, 

"6th  January,  1855. 

"  My  dear  Lord  Seaton,  —  I  am  most  grateful  to  you  for 
your  kind  and  soldierlike  answer  to  my  letter.  The 
attention  and  affection  of  our  old  superiors  is  the  sweetest 
reward  of  our  past  toils  and  dangers.  Old  death  may  mow 
us  down,  as  he  did  our  brave  cavalry  at  Balaklava,  but  the 
feeling  which  binds  soldiers  to  one  another  is  indestructible, 
the  most  sacred  on  earth,  and  will  spring  up  again  into  life 
when  we  shall  chase  death  before  us  and  triumph  in  a 
glorious  immortality. 

"  CHARLES  BECKWITH." 


*  See  pp.  222,  223,  n. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

COMMAND  IN  IRELAND,  1855-60.    VISIT  TO  VIENNA, 

1857.     YEARS  OF  RETIREMENT  AT  BEECHWOOD. 

DEATH,  1863.     MEMORIALS. 

On  3ist  January  Lord  Seaton  received  an 
offer  from  Lord  Hardinge  of  the  command  of  the 
forces  in  Ireland.  He  accepted  it,  and  after  a  visit 
to  London,  in  which  he  dined  at  the  Palace  and  with 
the  Commander-in-Chief,  arrived  in  Dublin  on  I2th 
March  to  take  up  his  appointment. 

In  virtue  of  his  office  he  became  Governor  of  the 
Royal  Hospital  at  Kilmainham,  and  here  he  was 
joined  by  his  family  on  the  I3th  April. 

"  The  Royal  Hospital,  which  had  been  made  by 
the  great  Duke  of  Ormond  into  an  Irish  Chelsea, 
had  fallen  into  an  irregular  state,  but  under  Lord 
Seaton  it  received  a  thorough  revivification — an 
active  and  benevolent  sub-governor  was  appointed, 
and  abuses  were  cleared  away.  The  Royal  Hospital 
formed  a  quadrangle,  two  sides  of  which  were 
inhabited  by  the  pensioners,  and  the  other  two  con- 
sisted of  the  chapel  and  the  Governor's  house. 
Every  Sunday  after  morning  service  Lord  Seaton 
might  be  seen  inspecting  the  serving  out  of  the  day's 
ration  to  the  old  men,  all  arrayed  in  uniforms  remind- 
ing one  of  prints  of  Corporal  Trim,  all  moving  like 


364  IN  IRELAND.  [Cn.  XXII. 

clockwork  as  they  marched  in,  saluted,  received 
their  portion,  saluted  and  marched  out,  their  honest 
hearts  warmed  by  the  kindly  looks  and  words  of  the 
Governor  and  his  family."* 

The  Crimea  still  sent  home  news  of  good  and  evil 
import.  In  June  the  failure  of  the  Redan  had  a 
sad  sequel  in  the  death  of  Lord  Raglan ;  in  July,  to 
the  gratification  of  his  parents,  Francis  Colborne 
had  obtained  the  C.B.f 

Lord  Seaton's  five  years  in  Ireland  led  to  the 
strengthening  of  some  personal  ties — for  example, 
with  the  veteran  Lord  Gough,  with  Lord  Downes, 
and  Lord  and  Lady  Clonmell,  now  connected  with 
Lord  Seaton  by  his  eldest  son's  marriage,  with  the 
Lord  Lieutenant,  Lord  Carlisle,  and  his  successor, 
Lord  Eglinton. 

Among  those  who  visited  Lord  Seaton  during  the 
years  of  his  command  in  Ireland  were  his  old  com- 
rades of  the  52nd  Regiment,  Sir  Frederick  Love, 
Sir  William  Rowan  and  Sir  James  Alexander.  Of 
the  admiration  felt  by  the  first-named  for  his  old 
chief,  Major  Richardson,  telling  of  an  evening  he 
spent  as  the  guest  of  Sir  George  Arthur  at  Toronto 
in  November,  1838,  gives  interesting  testimony: 
''  The  conversation  turned  on  the  services  of  the 
gallant  Sir  John  Colborne.  It  was  delightful  to  hear 
Colonel  Love — an  old  52nd  man  himself — who  wore 
the  well-merited  reward  of  his  valour  upon  his  breast, 
expatiate  on  the  feats  of  arms  of  Sir  John  in  the 
Peninsula.  He  tracked  him  through  his  brilliant 
course,  dwelt  upon  every  dashing  enterprise  in  which 

*  Christian  Remembrancer,  October,  1867. 

f  He  was  afterwards  made  K.C.B.  for  his  services  in  China  in  1878. 


1855-60.]  AS  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  365 

he  had  been  engaged  and  related  so  many  amusing 
anecdotes  of  his  service,  that  the  whole  party  were 
disappointed  when  he  had  closed."* 

General  Montgomery-Moore,  who  was  on  Lord 
Seaton's  staff  in  Ireland,  says :  "  Nothing  was  so 
striking  to  us  young  aides-de-camp  as  the  quiet  way 
in  which  the  General  gave  his  orders.  It  must,  of 
course,  frequently  happen  that  some  little  confusion 
arises  between  the  giving  and  the  receiving  of  an 
order.  A  quiet  smile,  or  '  Humph ! '  or  *  What  a 
stupid  fellow ! '  was  the  extent  of  the  outburst  if 
things  went  wrong.  He  held  his  troops  so  in  the 
hollow  of  his  hand — so  to  speak — that  no  mistakes 
ever  upset  his  arrangements.  His  successor  in  the 
Irish  command  would  use  rather  strong  language  on 
his  field  days,  and  the  riddle  was  then  asked,  '  What 
is  the  difference  between  the  late  and  the  present 
Commander  of  the  Forces?'  Answer,  *  Only  a 
vowel.  One  never  emits  an  oath,  and  the  other 
never  omits  one.'  Once,  when  I  was  riding  with 
Lord  Seaton,  I  unwittingly  said,  '  Sir  John  Moore 
was  rather  wanting  in  decision,  was  he  not  ? '  '  Deci- 
sion? No.  I  never  met  so  decided  a  character,' 
he  replied,  quite  annoyed.  Sometimes  when  he  was 
talking  he  would  think  we  showed  symptoms  of 
weariness,  and  he  would  at  once  stop.  '  Oh,  I  see, 
you  look  upon  me  as  a  sort  of  Uncle  Toby.' 
Nothing  after  that  would  induce  him  to  go  on." 

In  Ireland  Lord  Seaton  kept  up  the  system  started 
at  Chobham  of  training  soldiers  to  active  service  in 
camps,  and  every  summer  he  held  a  long  series  of 
reviews  at  the  Curragh,  which  became,  as  has  been 

*  Eight  Years  in  Canada,  p.  70. 


366  IN  IRELAND.  [Cn.  XXII. 

said,  a  most  useful  place  of  instruction  both  to  the 
regular  troops  and  the  Irish  militia  who  were  brought 
into  training  there,  while  the  society  of  the  place  was 
rendered  enjoyable  to  the  officers  and  their  wives  by 
the  kindly  courtesy  of  the  ladies  of  Lord  Seaton's 
family.  One  of  these  ladies  in  particular,  the  Hon. 
Cordelia  Colborne,  undertook  a  wider  work  of 
beneficence,  in  organizing  means  of  supporting  the 
wives  and  children  of  the  soldiers  at  the  front,  a 
work  which,  when  the  Crimean  War  was  over,  was 
prolonged  by  the  calls  made  by  the  Indian  Mutiny. 
For  five  years,  it  is  said,  she  might  almost  have  been 
called  the  providence  of  the  soldiers'  wives  and 
widows  of  Dublin.  The  result  of  her  labours  was 
the  adoption  by  the  War  Office  of  the  principle  that 
soldiers'  clothing  should  be  made  up  by  soldiers' 
wives. 

We  get  a  pleasant  picture  of  the  life  at  the  Curragh 
in  a  letter  from  Lady  Seaton  to  her  son  Francis,  of 
i  ;th  October,  1855  : 

"  The  excitement  to-day  has  been  to  see  new  colours 
given  to  the  Wexford  Militia  by  Mrs.  Carew,  the  Colonel's 
wife.  What  a"  very  pretty  ceremony  it  is !  Even  your 
father  had  never  seen  it  before.  And  then  the  saluting 
him  was  so  pretty!  Afterwards  we  had  a  most  splendid 
luncheon  in  the  mess-room,  given  to  150.  Your  papa 
behaved  very  well,  even  to  drinking  champagne,  and  even 
to  the  wearing  his  medals!  Now  you  have  earned  some, 
he  begins  to  be  proud  of  his  own,  I  tell  him!  He  is  so 
well!  Nothing  can  agree  better  with  him  than  this  kind 
of  life  and  the  Curragh  air !  " 

On  many  occasions  Lord  Seaton  made  tours  of 
inspection  to  various  parts  of  Ireland.  In  these  he 
was  generally  accompanied  by  his  eldest  son  as 


i855-6o.]  VISIT  TO    VIENNA.  367 

aide-de-camp.  Once  he  visited  Bragganstown,  the 
home  of  his  mother's  family,  the  Garstins. 

In  1856  Lord  Seaton  acquired  the  house  and 
estate  of  Beechwood,  near  Sparkwell,  South 
Devon.  This  house,  within  a  few  miles  of  his 
earlier  residences,  Lyneham  and  Kitley,  and  of  his 
wife's  ancestral  home,  Puslinch,  had  been  known 
to  him  ever  since  he  became  acquainted  with  Devon- 
shire and  took  a  Devonshire  bride.  Unfortunately, 
his  half-sister,  Alethea,  was  no  longer  reigning  at 
Puslinch — she  had  died  in  1844 — and  his  only  full 
sister,  Cordelia  (Mrs.  Duke  Yonge),  died  at 
Plymouth  on  2Oth  July,  1856.  Lord  Seaton  paid 
one  or  two  visits  to  Beechwood  before  the  end  of 
his  Irish  command. 

In  June,  1857,  he  made  a  longer  journey  of  much 
interest,  having  been  invited  by  the  Emperor  of 
Austria  to  attend  the  looth  anniversary  of  the  Order 
of  Maria  Theresa  at  Vienna.  Accompanied  by  his 
eldest  son  and  Captain  Alexander  Montgomery- 
Moore,  his  aides-de-camp,  he  reached  Vienna  on  the 
1 7th  June. 

The  surviving  member  of  the  party  has  kindly 
supplied  me  with  an  account  of  what  followed : 

"  We  arrived  late  in  the  evening  and  were  received 
by  the  Emperor's  equerry  and  the  officers  who  were 
to  attend  on  Lord  Seaton  and  his  staff.  Immediately 
after  dinner  we  drove  in  one  of  the  royal  carriages  to 
witness  a  torchlight  tattoo.  Next  morning  we 
attended  a  review,  followed  by  High  Mass  in  the 
field.  The  young  Emperor,  looking  younger  than 
his  years  from  his  slight  figure  and  his  white  uniform, 
was  an  interesting  personality.  Lord  Seaton  and 


368  IN  IRELAND.  [Cn.  XXII. 

his  staff  were  presented  to  him  on  the  field  and  he 
was  pleased  to  express  the  pleasure  it  gave  him  to  see 
us  there.  Later  in  the  day  we  went  to  the  Palace 
of  Schonbrunn,  where  were  drawn  up  detachments 
of  men  from  every  province  of  the  empire,  who  were 
all  inspected  and  addressed  by  the  Emperor.  A 
sumptuous  repast  followed,  and  we  tasted  the 
celebrated  Tokay,  said  to  be  100  years  old.  On  one 
side  of  me  was  Prince  Esterhazy,  who  had  been  for 
twenty-five  years  Ambassador  in  London — on  the 
other  srde,  the  Prince  of  Capua,  who  had  married 
Miss  Smyth,  an  Irish  lady.  This  was  arranged 
specially  by  the  Emperor,  and  it  struck  me  as  a 
remarkable  instance  of  kindness  and  attention  to  the 
youngest  member  of  the  British  mission,  and  a  sign 
of  the  Emperor's  appreciation  of  the  effort  made  by 
my  distinguished  chief  to  be  present  on  such  an 
occasion.  We  were  afterwards  at  a  Court,  and  were 
presented  to  the  Empress  and  the  Archduchess 
Sophia,  the  Emperor's  mother,  and  I  had  the  honour 
of  a  short  conversation  with  the  Archduke  John,  a 
venerable  old  man  with  long,  snow-white  hair,  who 
had  commanded  the  Austrians  at  Hohenlinden.  On 
this  and  every  occasion  the  young  Emperor  seemed 
much  interested  in  Lord  Seaton  and  frequently 
addressed  him.  He  took  us  through  his  arsenal  next 
morning,  and  after  a  pontoon  had  been  thrown  across 
the  Danube  we  rode  across  it  in  his  staff  with  25,000 
men.  He  seemed  a  master  of  all  military  details, 
and  was  constantly  drawing  Lord  Seaton's  attention 
to  some  improvement  or  new  invention,  and  at  that 
time  the  Austrian  army  was  the  model  for  the  rest  of 
Europe." 


1 857-59-]  THE  TWENTIETH  REGIMENT.  369 

On  Lord  Seaton's  return  he  stayed  some  days  in 
Paris,  and  there  pointed  out  to  his  companions  the 
spot  in  the  Champs  Elysees  in  which  the  52nd  had 
been  encamped  in  1815.  After  visiting  London  and 
Devonshire  he  returned  to  Ireland  on  22nd  July. 

On  the  30th  September  his  daughter,  the  Hon. 
Jane  Colborne,  was  married  in  the  Royal  Chapel 
to  Captain  Montgomery-Moore,  now  General  Sir 
Alexander  Montgomery-Moore,  K.C.B.  Lord  Car- 
lisle, then  Viceroy,  and  Lord  Cardigan,  of  Balaclava 
fame,  were  among  those  present. 

Early  in  1858  another  marriage  ceremony  claimed 
Lord  Seaton's  presence. 

"  I  had  an  agreeable  trip  to  London,"  he  writes  on 
1 7th  February,  "  on  the  occasion  of  the  late  marriage 
[of  the  Princess  Royal].  The  Queen  spoke  to  me 
en  passant,  and  told  me  that  she  had  no  occasion 
to  ask  me  how  I  was,  inferring  from  my  looks,  I 
suppose,  that  Ireland  has  agreed  with  me." 

On  ist  August,  1859,  Lord  Seaton  had  the 
pleasure  of  presenting  new  colours  to  the  2nd 
Battalion  of  his  first  regiment,  the  2Oth.  In  doing 
so  he  said :  "  In  presenting  these  colours  at  your 
request,  Colonel  Radcliffe,  I  may  be  allowed  to 
observe  that  on  entering  the  army  I  was  appointed 
to  the  20th,  that  I  served  my  first  campaign  with  it, 
and  continued  to  share  with  it  for  many  years  the 
active  service  on  which  the  corps  was  engaged. 
Early  friendships  and  attachments  leave  the 
strongest  impressions  and  associations,  and  you 
may  imagine  that  I  feel  it  almost  a  right  to  be  pre- 
ferred on  this  occasion  for  the  duty  you  have 
proposed  that  I  should  undertake." 


370  LEAVES  IRELAND.  [Cn.  XXII. 

A  lew  months-  later  he  announced  to  his  brother- 
in-law,  the  Reverend  John  Yonge,  his  speedy 
resignation  of  his  command. 

"  Dublin, 

"  1 2th  November,  1859. 

"  I  have  determined  on  relinquishing  my  appointment 
at  the  end  of  five  years,  the  period  fixed  for  holding 
commands.  Although  I  am  blessed  at  present  with  sana 
mens  in  cor  pore  sano,  I  must  always  be  expecting  to  break 
down,  and  think  it  necessary  to  vacate  my  seat  decently, 
and  to  retire  while  I  am  able  to  take  my  leave  in  an 
effective  state,  without  attracting  the  sarcastic  remarks 
of  the  Press  as  to  my  tenacity  in  holding  on  at  my  age. 
[He  was  nearly  82.]  I  think  I  shall  be  able  to  employ 
myself  with  my  private  concerns  at  Beechwood,  where  I 
can  live  at  less  expense  than  in  Dublin,  and  imagine 
myself  a  farmer  on  a  small  scale. — Affectionately  yours, 

"  SEATON." 

On  the  22nd  March,  1860,  Lord  Seaton  was 
entertained  by  the  Lord  Lieutenant  at  a  farewell 
dinner,  another  day  he  received  a  eulogistic  address 
from  the  Lord  Mayor  and  citizens  of  Dublin,  and  on 
the  3Oth  left  Ireland.  A  day  later  he  received  from 
H.R.H.  the  Duke  of  Cambridge  the  following  letter, 
announcing  his  elevation  to  the  rank  of  Field- 
Marshal  : 

"  Horse  Guards, 

"30th  March,  1860. 

"  My  dear  Lord  Seaton, — Though  a  public  letter  will 
go  to  you  this  day  expressive  of  my  sentiments  on  your 
relinquishing  the  high  military  post  which  you  have  filled 
in  Ireland  for  the  last  five  years,  I  cannot  deprive  myself 
of  the  pleasure  of  adding  a  few  lines  of  my  own  to  assure 
you  of  my  sincere  and  heartfelt  thanks  for  the  able  support 


1860.]  FIELD-MARSHAL.  3  7 1 

which  I  have  ever  received  at  your  hands,  as  also  of  deep 
regret  at  your  period  of  service  having  come  to  a  close. 
I  have,  however,  one  most  agreeable  task  to  perform  in 
announcing  to  you  that  Her  Majesty  has  been  graciously 
pleased  to  mark  her  sense  of  the  great  services  you  have 
rendered  both  to  herself  and  to  the  country  during  a  very 
extended  military  career,  by  raising  you  to  the  rank  of 
Field-Marshal,  which  nomination  will  appear  in  the 
Gazette  this  evening.  As  an  old  and  sincere  friend,  let 
me  conclude  by  expressing  a  hope  that  this  mark  of  favour 
may  be  acceptable  to  yourself,  and  that  health  and  strength 
may  yet  long  attend  you. — I  remain,  my  dear  Lord  Seaton, 
your  most  sincere  friend, 

"  GEORGE." 

The  writer  in  the  Christian  Remembrancer  for 
October,  1867,  gives  a  striking  picture  of  Lord 
Seaton  as  he  appeared  in  his  vigorous  old  age, 
during  his  years  of  command  in  Ireland : 

"  Little  can  anyone  who  saw  him  forget  that  grand 
figure,  the  noble  stature,  erect  and  unbent  by  years, 
the  fine  head  covered  by  short  crisp  curls  of  perfectly 
white  hair,  the  bright  limpid  blue  eyes,  that  seemed  to 
have  the  capacity  of  looking  into  and  at  everything  at 
once  with  the  alert  steadiness  peculiar  to  soldiers 
and  sailors,  the  complexion  which  to  the  last  had  the 
soft  purity  and  fairness  of  skin  of  a  child,  and  the 
peculiarly  gentle  mouth.  The  forehead  was  very 
high,  with  the  same  peculiar  compression  of  the 
temples  as  in  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  which  caused 
Lord  Seaton  to  be  often  mistaken  for  him  in  spite 
of  being  a  much  taller  and  larger-framed  man,  with 
nothing  of  the  aquiline  mould,  but  with  perfectly 
straight  features  and  a  long,  mobile  upper  lip. 
Hearing,  teeth,  alertness  of  bearing,  elasticity  of 


372  AT  BEECHWOOD.  [Cn.  XXII. 

step,  readiness  of  attention  and  wonderful  and 
minute  accuracy  of  memory,  all  remained  as 
perfect  as  in  a  young  man,  and  those  who 
have  seen  him  riding  at  the  head  of  his  staff  at 
Chobham,  Dublin,  or  at  the  Curragh  have  seen  one 
of  the  finest  remnants  of  the  men  who  broke  the 
pride  of  Napoleon." 

After  leaving  Ireland  Lord  and  Lady  Seaton 
spent  six  weeks  in  London.  Lady  Seaton  writes  to 
her  son  Francis  on  2Oth  May : 

"  At  the  last  Drawing  Room  and  Ball  your  father,  as 
Gold  Stick,  was  obliged  to  guard  the  Queen  to  the  last 
moment.  Oh,  I  wish  you  could  have  seen  him — covered 
with  collars  and  medals — as  fine,  or  finer  than  any  of  them, 
and  just  above  the  Queen.  Lady  Rothes  said,  '  He  did 
look  so  noble,  and  so  splendid  and  so  benevolent,  I  know 
I  made  my  first  courtesy  to  him!  Someone  else  was  heard 
to  say,  '  Oh,  do  come  and  look  at  Lord  Seaton !  He  is  a 
perfect  picture ! ' 

They  left  on  the  igth  May,  spent  a  few  days 
at  Newhouse,  near  Salisbury,  with  Mr.  Eyre 
Matcham,  an  uncle  of  Captain  Montgomery- 
Moore's,  and  then  went  by  Bath  and  Torquay  to 
Dittisham,  the  home  of  their  son,  the  Hon.  and 
Reverend  Graham  Colborne.  They  finally  settled 
at  their  chosen  home,  Beechwood,  in  August.  At 
Beechwood  Lord  Seaton  spent  his  time  in  improving 
his  estate  and  in  assisting  to  build  a  church  and 
school  for  the  adjacent  hamlet  of  Sparkwell ;  there, 
as  everywhere,  leading  his  family  in  efforts  for  the 
good  of  those  around  him. 

Lady    Montgomery-Moore    gives    the    following 


1 86o-6 1.]  A    COUNTRY  GENTLEMAN.  373 

account  of  the  last  ride  she  took  with  her  father — 
apparently  on  nth  February,  1861  : 

"He  rode  about  16  miles  at  a  good  trot,  through  the 
woods  and  round  by  Fleet  to  Puslinch  and  back.  I  can 
see  him  now,  a  straight,  tall,  slight  figure,  on  his  dear 
black  horse  Middleton,  at  those  Puslinch  steps,  taking  out 
his  card-case  and  holding  the  reins  over  his  arm.  As  he 
went  home  he  said,  '  I  wanted  to  see  your  uncle  about  my 
will.'  I  remember  laughing  and  saying.  '  Oh,  that  does 
not  matter.'  He  gave  one  the  idea  of  life.  He  was  very 
free  from  the  ordinary  concomitants  of  old  age.  He  had 
an  interest  in  everything,  and  his  ideas  were  advancing 
always  on  politics,  Church  matters,  &c.  I  remember  a 
letter  from  Lord  Airey,  then  Adjutant-General  at  the 
Horse  Guards,  about  the  time  my  father  left  Dublin  in 
1860,  saying  that  he  was  such  a  referee  in  difficulties — 
his  ideas  were  always  in  advance — unlike  the  case  of  most 
military  men." 

Immediately  after  this  Lord  Seaton  was  laid  up 
for  a  month,  as  he  had  been  once  or  twice  in 
Ireland,  with  a  bronchial  affection,  but  by  the 
beginning  of  April  he  was  well  again.  In  the 
summer  he  sat  to  Mr.  Fisher  for  a  portrait  painted 
at  the  desire  of  the  United  Service  Club,  and  now 
in  the  club's  possession. 

"  I  am  still  before  the  painter,"  he  writes  on  igth 
August,  to  Mrs.  W.  C.  Yonge,  "  a  very  painful  pro- 
cess, but  Elizabeth  and  my  friends  who  have  been 
permitted  to  inspect  the  Field-Marshal  in  his  seven- 
league  boots  think  it  a  very  good  picture,  and  not 
to  be  mistaken  by  his  comrades  who  have  requested 
him  to  put  himself  in  attitude  for  the  occasion." 

On  the  2nd  December  he  wrote  to  his  friend,  Mr. 
Matcham,  of  Newhouse,  a  nephew  of  Lord  Nelson's, 


374  AT  BEECHWOOD.  [Cn.  XXII. 

in  regard  to  some  recently-published  extracts  from 
Mrs.  Trench's  diary,  reflecting  on  the  character  of 
Lord  Nelson,  which  Mr.  Matcham  had  answered. 
Lord  Seaton  warmly  testifies  to  the  character  of  the 
great  seaman : 

"  I  never  had  the  honour  of  being  introduced  to  the 
illustrious  Nelson,  but  having  been  employed  in  the 
Mediterranean  from  1800  to  1809,  I  had  frequent  oppor- 
tunities of  hearing,  from  able  officers  who  were  intimately 
acquainted  with  him,  and  had  long  served  under  his  im- 
mediate command,  their  enthusiastic  admiration  of  him 
in  regard  to  the  simplicity  of  his  character  and  his 
diffidence  when  referring  to  his  own  career  and  brilliant 
actions.  His  very  abstemious  habits  in  social  intercourse 
were  so  universally  known  that  no  further  notice  can  be 
required  to  counteract  the  attacks  of  the  malevolent  gossip 
contained  in  the  journal." 

A  few  days  later,  owing  to  fears  of  a  war  with  the 
United  States,  Sir  George  Cornewall  Lewis  con- 
sulted Lord  Seaton  in  regard  to  the  defence  of 
Canada.  He  replied  the  same  day  with  a  complete 
scheme  of  defence,  and  wrote  three  days  later  that 
he  had  been  thanked  for  his  "  valuable  and  luminous 
observations." 

On  the  1 4th  December  the  Prince  Consort  died. 
He  had  been  Colonel-in-Chief  of  the  Rifle  Brigade, 
the  old  "  95th,"  which  had  served  so  gallantly 
side  by  side  with  the  52nd  in  the  Light  Division. 
In  the  depth  of  her  bereavement  the  Queen  wrote 
herself  to  Lord  Seaton  to  say  that  in  this  office  there 
was  no  one  whom  she  should  so  much  like  to  succeed 
the  Prince  as  he.  He  was  gazetted  to  the  colonelcy 
of  the  Brigade  on  I4th  February,  1862. 

But  the  closing  days  of  1861  had  brought  a  sad 


1861-62.]  ILLNESS  AND  BEREAVEMENT.  375 

change  in  Lord  Seaton's  health,  of  which  the 
following  entries  in  his  wife's  diary  are  a  pathetic 
testimony : 

"  2Qth  December  (Sunday). — We  were  all  at  Sparkwell 
Church,  and  all  received  the  Holy  Communion.  Lord  S. 
quite  well. 

"  3Oth. — Lord  S.  quite  well,  and  took  a  long  ride  with 
Francis  and  Theresa  Cochrane,  but  at  10  o'clock  was  taken 
ill,  and  at  6  o'clock  this  morning  (3ist)  I  sent  for  Mr. 
Rogers  and  Dr.  Yonge. 

"  Never  well  again  !  "    [Written  subsequently.] 

Lord  Seaton's  illness,  due  to  a  cold  caught  in  his 
ride,  occasioned  him  much  intermittent  pain  and 
confined  him  to  his  room  during  most  of  the  year. 
From  week  to  week  his  state  varied.  On  the  3ist 
January  he  was  "  out  in  the  carriage,"  and  then  again 
**  not  so  well."  On  the  28th  April  he  was  visited  by 
Mr.  Paget,  and,  by  his  advice,  brought  downstairs. 
Towards  the  end  of  May  he  was  "  better,"  but  the 
improvement  had  a  terrible  check.  On  the  3Oth 
May,  after  a  week's  illness,  his  beloved  daughter, 
Cordelia,  she  who  had  been  the  ministering  angel 
of  the  poor  in  Dublin,  was  taken  away  from  him. 
She  had  been  her  father's  devoted  companion,  and 
the  bereavement  was  a  bitter  one. 

Still,  we  are  told,  "  the  shock  made  no  material 
difference  in  his  condition,  and  there  was  no  air  of 
the  feebleness  of  old  age  about  him,  no  bending,  no 
decay,  but  the  same  affectionateness,  the  same 
serenity  and  sweetness,  the  same  quiet  depth  of 
dutiful  trust  and  undemonstrative  devotion  that  had 
been  his  through  life."* 

*  Christian  Remembrancer,  October,  1867. 


376  AT  TOKQUAY.  [Cn.  XXII. 

He  still,  from  time  to  time,  was  out  of  doors, 
walking  or  driving  at  Beechwood,  until  on  the  gth 
December  a  change  was  made  to  Valetta  House, 
Torquay.  At  Torquay  he  was  still  able  to  take 
drives  on  fine  days.  On  Christmas  Day  Lady 
Seaton's  diary  records :  "  Dr.  Harris  [her  brother- 
in-law]  administered  the  Holy  Communion  to  Lord 
Seaton  at  Valetta  House."  Against  the  last  week 
of  February  she  writes,  "  Down  and  about  every 
day ;  "  on  the  8th  March,  "  Mr.  Paget  came  to  see 
Lord  Seaton ;  thinks  him  better  than  when  he  saw 
him  last  year;"  on  the  29th,  "Mr.  Paget  here; 
Lord  Seaton  in  great  pain."  On  6th  April  there  was 
a  change  for  the  worse.  A  week  or  so  later  occurred 
a  touching  incident  which  is  thus  related  by  his 
surviving  son,  the  Hon.  and  Reverend  Graham 
Colborne ; 

"  On  the  last  day  or  two  before  his  death  we  found  him 
shedding  tears  whilst  sitting  in  his  chair,  and  on  my 
mother's  asking  him  why  he  was  weeping,  he  replied  that 
he  was  thinking  of  his  poor  soldier  servant,  a  soldier  of 
the  52nd,  who  was  shot  down  in  the  last  charge  of  the 
regiment  on  the  French  Guards  at  Waterloo,  and  cried 
out  to  him,  '  Oh,  colonel,  colonel,  come  and  help  me,'  and 
his  replying,  '  Lie  quietly ;  the  battle  will  be  over  in  half 
an  hour,  when  you  will  be  carried  to  the  rear  and  all  will 
be  well,'  or  words  to  that  effect,  but  the  poor  fellow  died 
where  he  was.  I  only  mention  this  as  showing  my  dear 
father's  tender-heartedness,  and  his  remembering  all  this 
in  his  last  hours." 

On  April  1 7th,  by  his  own  request,  the  Holy 
Communion  was  administered  to  him.  He  followed 
the  service  reverently  and  repeated  the  responses, 
but  his  wife  and  children,  who  were  kneeling  round 


1863.]  DEATH.  377 

his  bed,  saw  that  the  end  was  near.  Scarcely  had 
the  clergyman  pronounced  the  blessing,  when, 
holding  the  hand  of  his  son  Graham,  and  looking 
at  him  steadfastly,  he  said  distinctly  three  or  four 
times,  "  For  Christ's  sake !  for  Christ's  sake !  "  and 
passed  away.  The  veteran  had  at  last  found 
rest. 

He  had  completed  the  85th  year  of  his  age  and 
the  68th  year  of  his  connexion  with  the  army;  in 
two  months  more  he  would  have  celebrated  the  5oth 
anniversary  of  his  marriage. 

Upon  his  faithful  wife  and  family  sorrow  fell  upon 
sorrow.  His  eldest  son  James  and  his  wife  had 
spent  the  last  sad  weeks  at  Torquay.  Three  days 
after  Lord  Seaton's  death  his  daughter-in-law,  now 
Lady  Seaton,  lay  in  childbirth;  six  days  later,  in 
the  same  house,  she  too  died ! 

Ere  this,  on  the  24th  April,  Lord  Seaton  had 
been  laid  by  his  daughter's  side  in  the  churchyard 
of  Newton  Ferrers,  the  church  of  which  Lady 
Seaton's  brother  was  Rector,  as  her  father  had  been 
before  him.  When  she  passed  away,  on  28th 
November,  1872,  she  was  laid  there  too.  She  had 
spent  the  years  of  her  widowhood  at  Beechwood. 

Many  honours  were  paid  to  the  memory  of  the 
veteran  commander. 

A  bust  for  the  United  Service  Club  was  executed 
by  Mr.  G.  G.  Adams,  A.R.A.,  and,  by  the  Queen's 
desire,  submitted  for  her  inspection  early  in 
December,  1863. 

A  bronze  statue,  also  by  Mr.  Adams,  raised  by 
the  public  subscription  of  noblemen  and  gentlemen 
of  the  county  and  other  friends,  was  unveiled  at 


378  POSTHUMOUS  HONOURS.  [Cn.  XXII. 

Mount  Wise,  Devonport,  on  2Qth  November,  1866. 
It  represents  Lord  Seaton  in  his  Field-Marshal's 
uniform  with  the  baton  in  his  right  hand  and  his  left 
resting  on  his  sword,  and  bears  the  inscription : 

"  In  memory  of  the  distinguished  career  and  of 
the  stainless  character  of  Field-Marshal  Lord 
Seaton,  G.C.B.,  G.C.M.G.,  G.C.H.,  this  monument 
is  erected  by  his  friends  and  comrades." 

Sir  Edmund  Prideaux,  in  his  speech  as  Chairman 
of  the  Memorial  Committee,  said  that  to  the  end  of 
his  service  Lord  Seaton  had  maintained  the  same 
earnest,  uncompromising  zeal,  the  same  self- 
devotedness,  the  same  self-denying  love  of  order, 
the  same  high  chivalrous  spirit,  the  simple,  yet 
grand  dignity  which  had  characterized  him 
everywhere. 

As  far  back  as  1844  a  cairn  had  been  erected  by 
the  Highlanders  of  Glengarry  on  an  island  in  Lake 
St.  Francis,  in  the  county  of  Glengarry,  Canada,  in 
honour  of  him  whom  they  considered  "  The  Saviour 
of  Canada."  In  recollection  of  Lord  Seaton's 
command  of  the  52nd  its  dimensions  were  52  feet 
by  52. 

It  was  no  slight  honour  that  a  portrait  of  Lord 
Seaton  should  long  have  hung  among  the  Waterloo 
heroes  in  Apsley  House,  and  another  should  be 
keeping  his  memory  alive  to  future  soldiers  in  the 
United  Service  Club. 

The  tattered  colours  of  the  52nd  Regiment  were 
sent  to  the  second  Lord  Seaton  in  1868  at  the  wish 
of  the  regiment,  in  memory  of  the  peerless  leader 
under  whom  it  had  won  so  many  of  its  laurels. 
They  are  now  honourably  preserved  at  Beechwood. 


x868.]        THE  COLOURS  OF  THE  FIFTY.SECOND.          379 

The  gift  was  preceded  by  the  following  letter  from 
General  Sir  William  Rowan : 

"  Bath, 

"30th  June,  1868. 

"  My  dear  Lord  Seaton, — The  officer  commanding  the 
52nd  Regiment  having  informed  me  that  new  colours  have 
been  issued  to  replace  those  worn  out  by  long  service,  little 
remaining  of  them  but  the  bare  poles,  and  being  at  my 
disposal  as  colonel  of  the  regiment,  he  has  suggested  that 
it  might  be  agreeable  to  the  family  of  the  late  Lord  Seaton 
to  have  them  deposited  near  the  tomb  of  the  distinguished 
officer  who  so  frequently  led  that  regiment  to  victory. 
Should  this  proposal  be  acceptable  to  the  family,  I  need 
not  say  the  high  gratification  it  will  afford  me  to  give 
the  necessary  directions  for  carrying  out  this  mark  of 
respect  to  the  memory  of  an  honoured  officer  and  valued 
friend,  under  whom  I  had  the  privilege  and  happiness  to 
serve  for  so  many  years. — Believe  me,  my  dear  Lord 
Seaton,  very  sincerely  yours, 

"WM.  ROWAN." 

When  Winchester  College  celebrated  its  Quin- 
centenary of  1887  by  the  erection  of  a  school 
museum,  four  medallions  on  the  outer  wall  com- 
memorated four  Wykehamists  of  whom  Wykehamists 
were  most  proud.  These  were  Grocyn,  Ken, 
Seaton  and  Selborne. 

A  beautiful  east  window  in  Sparkwell  Church  has 
been  placed  there  by  the  present  Lord  Seaton  in 
memory  of  his  grandfather  and  grandmother,  and 
his  father  and  mother. 

But  the  fame  of  John  Colborne  needs  no  sucK 
memorials.  It  belongs  to  those  things  which  bis 
country  will  not  willingly  let  die. 

John  Colborne  was  a  soldier  sans  peur  et  sans 
re-proche.  From  youth  to  old  age,  as  he  was 


380  JOHN  COLBORNFS  CAREER.        [CH.  XXII. 

physically  one  of  the  noblest  types  of  manhood,  so 
he  was  morally.  In  all  family  relations — as  son, 
stepson,  brother,  husband,  father — he  was  all  that  it 
was  possible  for  man  to  be,  and  he  carried  with  him 
through  life  the  adoring  affection  and  reverence  of 
those  near  to  him.  Unwearied  in  self-improvement, 
he  made  his  way  partly  by  innate  military  genius,  but 
greatly  by  sheer  moral  effort,  unaided  by  the  power  of 
money,  to  the  highest  rank  to  which  a  soldier's 
ambition  can  aspire.  Whatever  the  motive  or  the 
means,  such  success  would  have  commanded  respect. 
But  in  John  Colborne  there  was  no  self-seeking ;  suc- 
cess came  as  the  due  of  merit,  and  it  was  received  with 
a  touching  humility.  When  a  lady  heard  him,  with 
some  of  his  old  comrades,  talking  over  some  occur- 
rences of  the  great  war,  and  remarked,  "  How  proud 
you  gentlemen  must  feel  at  the  recollection  that  you 
had  a  share  in  those  great  events !  "  he  replied,  we 
are  told,  very  gently,  "  Proud?  no,  rather  humbled, 
I  think."  Not  ambition,  but  duty,  was  the  guiding 
star  of  Colborne's  life.  It  was  his  determination  in 
preparing  himself  in  hours  of  leisure  for  the  crisis 
that  was  to  come,  it  was  his  zeal  to  do  his  daily  work 
to  the  utmost  at  all  costs  to  himself,  it  was  his  fearless 
disregard  of  man's  favour  and  his  loyalty  to  the  brave 
and  good  in  fair  report  or  foul,  that  made  him  one 
on  whom  others  could  lean  with  confidence  in  the 
crisis  of  a  battle  or  the  turmoil  of  political  revolution. 
"  Not  slothful  in  business,  fervent  in  spirit,  serving 
the  Lord." 

In  the  heat  of  action  it  might  be  said  of  him  as  of 
Wordsworth's  warrior,  that  he  was  "  happy  as  a 
Lover,  and  attired  with  sudden  brightness  like  a 


THE  "HAPPY  WARRIORS  381 

Man  inspired."  As  has  been  well  remarked,  it  was  in 
those  moments  that  he  was  probably  most  truly  him- 
self. The  grave  reserve  of  the  commanding  officer 
was  then  dissolved,  so  that  the  52nd,  who  were  so 
proud  of  him,  said  humorously,  that  he  was  never 
so  pleasant  to  deal  with  as  in  action.  In  the  civil 
commands  of  his  later  life  any  military  sternness  was 
replaced  by  the  most  winning  urbanity. 

And  beyond  these  physical  and  moral  qualities, 
v/hich  made  him  a  type  of  ideal  manhood,  he 
had  those  flashes  of  genius — not  perhaps  in  his 
secondary  occupations  as  a  statesman — but  certainly 
in  his  own  calling  as  a  soldier,  which  prompt  to 
great  deeds.  And  then  what  Colborne's  "  eagle 
eye  "  saw,  Colborne's  "  iron  heart "  dared  to  per- 
form. Let  Nivelle  and  Orthes  and  Waterloo  witness. 

"  This  is  the  happy  Warrior  :  this  is  he 
Whom  every  man  is  arms  should  wish  to  be." 


APPENDIX    I. 


LORD  SEATON  ON  SIR  JOHN  MOORE'S  CAMPAIGN 
IN  SPAIN. 


A 

LETTER  TO  COLONEL  WILLIAM  NAPIER,  CONTAINING  A  DIARY  OF 
THE  CAMPAIGN. 

"  1 6th  March,   1827. 

"  My  dear  Napier, — I  am  afraid  you  pester  yourself  too 
much  with  divisions  and  the  details  of  their  operations. 
Look  at  the  first  volume  of  the  Precis  M  Hit  air  e.  What 
an  advantage  an  author  has  who  disencumbers  himself  of 
all  the  stuff  that  is  only  fit  to  enter  the  journal  of  a  writer 
who  intends  his  work  for  a  few  English  book-clubs. 

"  I  entreat  you  to  look  over  again  attentively  the  last 
memoranda  I  gave  you  at  Brook  Farm,  I  mean  the  march 
from  Lisbon  to  Corunna.  /  think  I  have  mentioned  in 
them  every  occurrence  fully  as  much  as  the  operations  of 
those  months  deserve,  and  I  hope  you  will  only  dwell 
particularly  on  the  following  points.  These  I  trust  will 
appear  as  prominent  as  you  may  judge  consistent  with 
your  work,  viz. : 

"  I.  That  when  Sir  John  Moore  decided  on  the 
march  of  the  first  brigades  to  Salamanca  he  expected 
that  Sir  D.  Baird  would  have  arrived  early  in 
October  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Salamanca ;  that 
he  could  not  have  anticipated  the  delay  occasioned 
by  the  folly  of  the  Junta  of  Corunna.  That  as  it 
was  more  probable  that  the  army  would  incline  towards 
Madrid  than  to  any  other  point,  he  was  right,  in  the  doubt 


384  APPENDIX  L 

about  the  practicability  of  the  roads,  to  march  his  artillery 
by  the  Badajos  road,  as  he  could  easily  move  all  his 
infantry  (including  the  Corunna  Division,  had  it  arrived 
at  the  time  he  had  good  reason  for  supposing  it  must 
assemble  in  Castile)  to  the  right  to  Avila,  or  to  a  more 
forward  position. 

"  2.  That  if  his  force  had  been  collected  at  Salamanca 
early  in  October,  he  positively  could  not  have  assisted  the 
Spaniards,  and  that  if  he  had  moved  towards  Madrid  he 
probably  would  have  been  so  entangled  with  the  Spaniards 
that  the  case  must  have  turned  out  as  hopeless  as  it  did 
afterwards,  and  the  movements  of  the  French  would  have 
been  more  concentrated.  All  this  ought  to  be  explained, 
because  Jones  places  great  importance  on  the  prolonged 
march  of  the  artillery,  and  Southey  says  that  Madrid  would 
have  been  saved  if  Sir  John  Moore  had  remained  in  its 
neighbourhood  with  his  division. 

"  3.  That  the  only  operation  he  undertook  was  the  one 
to  serve  the  cause.  For  if  he  had  moved  into  Portugal 
the  country  was  unprepared  to  make  any  defence,  and  ho 
general  could  have  acted  with  tolerable  security  without 
some  point  to  which  he  could  retire  on. 

"  4.  That  having  been  thrown  on  Gallicia,  the  best  thing 
that  he  could  do  was  to  draw  the  French  after  him,  and 
to  get  out  of  an  exhausted  country  by  embarkation. 

I  believe  I  was  present  at  every  affair  and  skirmish  from 
Benevente  to  Corunna,  but  there  was  scarcely  anything 
that  occurred  except  the  cavalry  skirmish  at  Benevente 
that  deserves  notice.  The  affair  at  Lugo  was  a  mere  two 
hours'  skirmish  or  reconnaissance. 

"  I  think  the  dates  of  the  march  of  the  divisions  from 
Sahagun  that  I  have  given  you  are  correct.  I  cannot  give 
you  the  march  of  each  division.  In  my  memoranda  that  I 
gave  to  you  at  Cobham  you  will  find  the  movements  of 
the  principal  columns  correctly  stated.  On  referring  to 
my  little  journal  I  perceive  that  headquarters  left  Sahagun 
on  the  25th  and  marched  to  Mayorga.  Our  first  skirmish 
on  the  advance  to  Sahagun,  with  the  exception  of  Stewart's 
little  affair  at  Rueda,  was  on  the  2ist  of  December.  The 
following  is  a  copy  from  my  journal.* 

"  '  2 1  st. — Marched  to  Sahagun,  five  leagues  from  Val- 


*  The  copy  contains  particulars  not  given  in  the  original  Journal, 
which  is  preserved  at  Beech  wood. 


SIR  J.  MOORE'S  CAMPAIGN.  385 

deras.  Lord  Paget  reached  Melgar  [de]  Abajo  with  the 
loth  and  1 5th  Dragoons  at  2  this  morning.  On  our  arrival 
at  Sahagun  we  found  that  the  French  cavalry  amounting  to 
600  or  700  had  come  out  of  Sahagun  at  daylight  and  were 
attacked  by  the  i$th  Dragoons  under  Lord  Paget,  who 
defeated  them  and  took  two  lieutenant-colonels,  1 1  officers 
and  144  men.  I  went  down  with  the  adjutant  of  the  regi- 
ment and  other  officers  to  the  ground  where  the  affair  took 
place.  Lord  Paget  appeared  to  have  gained  a  decided 
advantage  in  charging  at  the  time  he  did  and  forcing  the 
enemy  to  receive  his  charge  on  the  best  ground. 

"*25th. — Marched  from  Sahagun  to  Mayorga. 

" '  26th. — Marched  from  Mayorga  through  Fuentes  to 
Benevente ;  arrived  there  in  the  evening.  A  small  party 
of  the  enemy's  cavalry  had  approached  the  bridge  and 
carried  off  some  of  the  commissariat  cattle. 

" '  2^th. — The  general  received  a  report  from  Lord 
Paget  that  the  enemy's  cavalry,  having  entered  Mayorga, 
were  followed  by  part  of  the  loth  Dragoons,  who  charged 
them  and  took  70  prisoners.  The  i8th  Dragoons  fell  in 
with  another  party  and  took  20  prisoners.  The  enemy's 
cavalry  patrolled  as  far  as  the  bridge  of  Castro  Gonzalo 
about  6  p.m. 

1 '  28th. — Generals  Hope  and  Fraser  retired  with  their 
divisions  towards  Astorga.  The  i8th  Dragoons  attacked 
a  French  patrol  near  Villa  Pando,  which  was  afterwards 
the  cause  of  an  alarm. 

" '  2Qth. — The  reserve  marched  this  morning.  Four 
squadrons  of  the  enemy  crossed  at  the  ford  and  attacked 
the  picquets,  which,  on  being  reinforced,  repulsed  the 
enemy.  Sir  J.  marched  early  in  the  morning.  I  remained 
till  8  or  later.  As  I  was  packing  up  my  papers  my 
servant  informed  me  that  the  French  had  forded  the  river. 
I  rode  down  towards  the  river  at  full  speed ;  met  several 
dismounted  troopers  and  some  French  officers  prisoners. 
The  picquets  appeared  to  me  retiring  in  good  order,  the 
troop  of  the  German  Hussars  had  reinforced  the  picquets 
and  charged  the  leading  French  squadrons.  The  French 
cavalry,  formed  in  four  squadrons,  were  advancing  steadily 
towards  Benevente.  Our  picquets  were  retiring  and 
forming  up  frequently  in  front  of  the  leading  French 
squadron.  Some  of  the  troops  of  the  loth  Hussars  were 
beginning  to  assemble  about  400  yards  in  rear  of  the 
picquets. 


386  APPENDIX  I. 

"  '  At  this  moment  Lord  Paget  rode  up.  "  You  see  there 
are  not  many  of  them.  I  wish  to  draw  them  on  till  the 
loth  are  ready,  but  I  don't  know  what  they  may  have  on 
the  other  side.  Our  lads,  the  picquets,  are  up  to  a  charge." 
By  this  time  the  loth  were  assembled,  and  the  French 
were  a  few  hundred  yards  from  them,  rather  to  their  right. 
Lord  Paget  wheeled  the  loth  into  line,  gave  the  word, 
"  Charge !  "  I  rather  think  that  the  French  wheeled  about 
at  the  very  moment  the  word  "  Charge  "  was  given.  They 
galloped  at  full  speed  in  tolerable  order  towards  the 
river,  and  passing  over  better  ground  than  the  loth  did, 
gained  some  paces  on  them.  Those  of  the  enemy  that 
were  badly  mounted  were  taken,  but  the  main  body 
appeared  to  me  not  to  be  overtaken  in  their  flight.  The 
French  passed  the  river  in  a  dense  column  and  formed  up 
for  a  few  minutes  on  the  other  side.  Two  guns  had 
arrived  on  the  ground  at  this  period,  and  fired,  I  believe, 
about  two  rounds,  which  sent  them  up  the  opposite  bank. 
Lefebvre  was  taken,  being  badly  mounted.  A  German 
officer  told  me  that  he  took  him,  and  that  Lefebvre 
defended  himself,  but  I  did  not  give  credit  to  his  assertion. 
Jansen  was  the  German  officer's  name. 

'  1st  January. — Marched  from  Astorga  in  the  evening. 
I  rode  out  to  the  cavalry  picquets  and  had  [heard?]  a  few 
shots  in  front.  Arrived  at  Combrios  [Combarros],  halted 
a  few  hours.  Marched  about  midnight  on  receiving  Lord 
Paget's  report  that  the  enemy  were  in  force.  At  Nurenas 
the  general  wrote  to  Corunna  and  Lugo  that  it  was  his 
intention  that  the  army  should  retire  on  Betanzos. 

2nd. — Arrived  at  Bembybre  as  Sir  David  Baird's 
Corps  was  marching  out  of  it.  The  enemy's  patrols  were 
seen  by  ours  during  the  night. 

"  '  3rd. — Marched  to  Villa  Franca.  The  enemy's  cavalry 
entered  Bembybre  about  I  p.m.,  to  the  number  of  600. 
I  remained  in  front  of  Bembybre  till  I  saw  their  advanced 
guard.  The  patrol  of  the  I5th  retired  before  them.  The 
reserve  halted  between  Bembybre  and  Cacabelos  to  pro- 
tect the  stragglers. 

' '  4th. — The  enemy's  cavalry  appeared  in  great  force  on 
the  heights  above  Cacabelos  about  2  o'clock.  Sir  J.  Moore 
was  in  Villa  Franca.  I  rode  out  to  the  advanced  picquet 
of  our  cavalry.  I  found  the  reserve  under  arms.  The 
52nd  and  2Oth  Regiments  were  posted  on  the  right  and 
left  of  the  road  leading  to  Villa  Franca,  behind  the  bridge 


SIR  J.  MOORE'S  CAMPAIGN.  387 

of  Cacabelos.  The  95th  were  posted  in  front  of  the  village 
with  the  river  behind  them,  under  a  hill,  so  that  the 
approach  of  the  enemy  could  not  be  discovered  by  them. 
Many  staff  officers  of  cavalry  were  on  the  road  behind  the 
cavalry  picquet  The  enemy  appeared  to  have  about  a 
squadron  on  the  road,  and  their  vedettes  were  advanced 
close  to  ours.  In  this  situation  we  remained  about  an 
hour.  Suddenly  I  observed  our  picquet  retiring  rapidly, 
and  all  the  staff  and  cavalry  officers  with  them.  We  all 
met  on  the  bridge  together.  The  passage  became  blocked 
up  by  the  95th  pressing  towards  the  same  point.  This 
halt  was  for  a  very  short  space,  but  the  enemy's  cavalry 
were  approaching  at  a  brisk  gallop  behind  us.  Some  of 
the  95th  got  into  the  houses  and,  I  believe,  these  were 
taken.  I  rode  up  the  hill  towards  Villa  Franca.  The 
52nd  and  2Oth  had  been  withdrawn  by  order  of  Sir  J. 
Moore  to  the  summit  of  the  hill.  Advanced  picquets  were 
stationed  below  and  fired  on  the  French  cavalry  that  passed 
the  bridge.  The  enemy  retired  immediately. 

' '  On  my  arrival  on  our  position  I  found  Sir  J.  Moore 
there  with  two  battalions  and  two  guns.  The  guns  had 
fired  as  the  enemy  passed  the  bridge.  The  95th  were 
posted  in  vineyards  to  the  right  of  the  road,  nearer  to  the 
river  than  the  other  battalions.  We  all  took  out  our 
glasses  and  observed  large  masses  of  cavalry  deploying  on 
the  height  in  front  of  Cacabelos.  I  think  I  said,  or  some 
officer  said,  that  there  were  20  squadrons.  We  had  a  dis- 
pute whether  there  were  infantry  or  not.  About  half  an 
hour  before  dark  the  enemy  made  a  show  of  passing  the 
river  in  front  of  the  95th  and  did  push  on  their  skirmishers. 
The  95th  commenced  a  tremendous  fire,  which  I  thought 
was  unnecessary,  which  continued  till  after  dark.  Sir  J. 
Moore  ordered  the  /6th  and  all  that  were  in  Villa  Franca 
to  march.  He  desired  me  to  go  to  Ross  and  to  desire  that 
the  2Oth  might  remain  on  the  road  in  front  of  Villa  Franca 
till  about  10  o'clock.  I  found  all  quiet  and  no  appearance 
of  the  enemy.  Sir  John  Moore  marched  about  half  past  9 
and  arrived  at  Herrerias  early  in  the  morning,  where 
we  halted  a  few  hours.  It  was  from  this  place  that  Sir  J. 
wrote  to  Baird,  Hope  and  Fraser  and  Broderick  that  the 
army  would  halt  at  Lugo  and  assemble  there.  These 
despatches  were  forwarded  by  Captain  Napier  to  Baird 
and  sent  on  by  him  by  a  dragoon,  who  lost  them. 

1  (  5th. — Arrived  at  Nogales.     Letters  were  despatched 

O   2 


388  APPENDIX  I. 

again  to  the  generals  in  the  rear  and  the  commissary- 
general  to  push  on  provisions  for  Lugo. 

" '  6th. — The  reserve  marched  from  Nogales.  The 
vedettes  of  the  enemy  appeared  about  8  o'clock  on  the 
high  mountain  above  Nogales.  Here,  at  a  short  distance 
from  the  town,  a  mine  was  sprung  to  render  the  road 
impassable.  I  remained  to  see  the  explosion,  but  it  failed, 
and  made  a  very  trifling  obstacle. 

'  The  enemy's  cavalry  moved  on  steadily,  and  did  not 
appear  in  any  great  force  till  the  evening,  about 
2  o'clock.  Our  column  halted  on  the  road  about  this  time 
while  the  money  in  the  bullock  car  was  thrown  over.  I 
think  I  observed  about  three  squadrons  near  us,  and  where 
we  halted,  they  showed  no  disposition  to  press  us. 
Towards  the  evening  we  halted  again  on  some  advan- 
tageous ground  with  two  pieces  of  artillery  ready  to  fire. 
The  enemy  remained  at  some  distance  and  retired  a  little 
to  their  left  to  shelter  their  advanced  guard.  About 
5  or  6  o'clock  we  retired  quickly  down  the  hill  in  front 
of  Sobrado  or  Constantina  and  passed  the  rivulet  or  river 
before  the  enemy  could  discover  that  we  were  in  full 
retreat.  They  came  on  at  a  brisk  trot  when  we  were  in 
position  and  the  picquets  posted  at  the  bridge  skirmished 
with  their  advanced  guard.  A  few  shots  were  [fired]  at 
them  from  our  guns  on  the  position.  I  observed  that  the 
cavalry  filed  off  to  occupy  the  different  villages  on  their 
side  of  the  river — no  appearance  of  an  intention  to  attack. 
' '  I  went  down  after  dark,  or  as  soon  as  the  firing  had 
ceased,  and  visited  the  bridge,  which  was  blocked  up  with 
carts.  The  reserve  cooked  and  halted  till  after  midnight. 

'  We  marched  about  an  hour  after  midnight  and 
arrived  at  Lugo  early  on  the  7th.'  (Thus  says  my  journal, 
but  I  see  Jones*  asserts  that  we  marched  from  Villa  Franca 
to  Lugo  in  43  hours,  which  must  be  a  mistake.) 

"  Noble'sf  book  is  full  of  lies  and  blunders ;  his  dates, 
however,  agree  with  mine.  He  confuses  the  position  of 
Constantina,  three  leagues  or  more  from  Lugo,  with 
our  position  in  front  of  Lugo.  But  I  rather 
think  I  have  occasioned  the  misstatement  of  Jones,  who 

*  Sir  J.  T.  Jones  in  his  Account  of  the  War  (1818). 
•j-  Le  Noble,  the  anonymous  author  of  the  Campagne  des  Francah 
en  Galice  et  Portugal,  1809.     For  this  identification  I  am  indebted  to 
the  kindness  of  Mr.  C.  W.  C.  Oman,  Fellow  of  All  Souls'. 


•S1//?  J.   MOORE'S  CAMPAIGN.  389 

copied  from  James  Moore.  Perhaps  you  can  ascertain 
this  from  George  Napier.  My  journal  is  correct  as  to  the 
number  of  hours,  but  perhaps  I  have  made  some  mistake 
in  the  day  we  marched  from  Villa  Franca.  For  I  see  that 
the  general  order  about  the  ill-conduct  of  the  troops  is 
dated  '  Headquarters,  Lugo,  the  6th.' 

"  '  ^th. — On  the  7th  the  enemy  opened  a  fire  from  two 
or  three  field  pieces  on  our  right  and  continued  firing  the 
greater  part  of  the  day.  Towards  the  evening  Soult 
pushed  on  two  or  three  battalions  to  our  position,  near  the 
centre.  The  enemy  having  shown  in  some  force,  Sir  John 
Moore  was  on  the  position,  making  his  arrangements. 
The  5  ist  and  the  76th  Regiments,  who  were  opposite  the 
skirmishers  of  the  enemy,  gave  way,  and  many  of  them 
retired,  or  rather,  ran  back  in  confusion.  Sir  J.  Moore 
rode  up  to  C.  Crauford,  I  think,  or  some  colonel  or 
general  and  desired  him  to  send  out  skirmishers.  The 
battalions,  or  the  500  or  600  men  of  the  enemy,  were 
immediately  checked. 

" '  Sir  J.  Moore  desired  me  to  place  Baird's  Divisions  on 
the  left,  which  had  received  orders  to  march  from  their 
quarters.  I  rode  to  the  left  and  met  the  head  of  the 
column.  On  my  return  I  found  everything  quiet.  Sir  J. 
Moore  imagined  that  this  reconnaissance  was  preparatory 
to  an  attack  in  the  morning.  He  gave  orders  for  the 
different  divisions  to  be  under  arms  early  on  the  8th. 

( '  8th. — The  enemy  on  the  8th  made  no  appearance 
that  indicated  an  attack.  The  corps  commenced  their 
retreat  from  Lugo  in  the  evening.  Lord  William 
Bentinck's  Division  and  some  of  Baird's  Corps  did  not 
get  into  the  high  road  until  I  or  2  o'clock  in  the  morning 
of  the  gth. 

' '  gth. — The  army  halted  at  Valmonde  or  Valmeda — 
continued  the  retreat  on  the  night  of  the  gth.  There  was 
more  confusion  on  this  night  than  on  any  other,  from  the 
circumstances  which  have  been  mentioned  already,  viz., 
from  the  permission  given  by  Baird  to  halt  on  the  road 
during  a  storm,  and  from  the  men  being  allowed  to  shelter 
themselves  under  the  hedges  adjoining  the  road,  so  that 
when  orders  [were]  given  to  resume  the  march  many  regi- 
ments did  not  muster  100  men.  The  stragglers  amounted 
to,  perhaps,  1,500. 

'  loth. — These    were    pressed    hard    by    the    French 
cavalry  the  greater  part  of  the  day.    We  had  a  small 


390  APPENDIX  L 

rearguard  of  cavalry,  but  I  should  think  not  more  than 
a  squadron.  Grant,  of  the  I5th,  I  know  was  present,  and 
attempted  to  form  up  a  body  of  stragglers  that  checked 
the  enemy.  But  there  was  no  affair  of  cavalry  between 
Lugo  and  Betanzos.  Sir  E.  Paget  halted  about  two  miles 
from  Betanzos  and  continued  in  that  position,  I  believe, 
the  whole  night.  The  main  body  of  cavalry  had  marched 
on  to  Corunna. 

"'  nth. — On  the  nth  January  the  army  marched  from 
Betanzos.  The  28th  Regiment  halted  at  the  end  of  the 
town  while  the  engineer  was  superintending  the  com- 
pletion of  a  mine  to  destroy  the  bridge.  The  French 
cavalry  advanced  at  a  brisk  trot  through  the  streets  at 
this  moment.  One  company  of  the  28th  opened  a  fire  and 
they  immediately  retired.  The  column  on  this  day  retired 
without  being  molested.  The  Guards  and  Fane's  Brigade 
marched  into  Corunna,  Hope's  Division  remained  at  El 
Burgo.  The  bridge  over  the  Mero  was  destroyed  on  the 
12th.  The  other  divisions  were  quartered  in  villages 
between  El  Burgo  and  Corunna. 

"  *  1 2th. — On  the  I2th  Sir  J.  Moore  examined  El  Burgo 
and  rode  over  the  heights  of  Portoso,  but  he  imagined 
that  he  could  not  occupy  this  position  as  he  could  not 
cover  the  St  lago  road,  and  [on  account  of]  the  great 
distance  between  Portoso  and  Corunna. 

'"  1 3th. — Beckwith  retired  from  the  Mero  on  the  I3th, 
but  was  ordered  to  reoccupy  El  Burgo.  The  bridges 
over  the  Mero  were  destroyed.  An  officer  of  Engineers 
lost  his  life  in  mining  the  bridge  near  Cambri. 

'  1 4th. — The  advanced  guard  of  the  enemy  passed  the 
Mero  on  the  I4th. 

'  1 5th. — On  the  I5th  he  took  possession  of  the  heights. 
The  transports  from  Vigo  were  in  sight  on  the  evening 
of  the  1 4th. 

'  1 6th. — On  the  i6th,  soon  after  Sir  J.  Moore  arrived 
on  the  ground,  I  observed  the  enemy  descending  from 
their  position  in  three  masses,  preceded  by  numerous  skir- 
mishers. Our  picquets  were  at  this  time  retiring  in  some 
confusion.  Sir  J.  Moore  desired  me  to  ride  to  Sir  E. 
Paget  and  to  tell  him  to  advance  on  the  enemy's  left,  as 
he  had  agreed  with  him,  and  to  tell  Fane  to  draw  out  his 
brigade  on  the  St.  lago  road.  On  my  return  I  found 
several  companies  of  the  5oth  and  42nd  retiring,  and  that 
Sir  J.  Moore  had  been  wounded  There  was  a  heavy  fire 


SIR  J.  MOORE'S  CAMPAIGN.  391 

from  behind  all  the  hedges  and  enclosures,  but  scarcely 
any  considerable  force  could  be  discovered  on  either  side. 
The  French  maintained  a  heavy  fire  from  their  field-pieces 
on  the  position,  directing  them  chiefly  on  the  mounted 
officers.  The  enemy  appeared  to  me  to  be  retiring  at 
every  point  towards  their  own  position. 

"*  i;th. — On  the  i/th  the  enemy  did  not  appear  till 
7  o'clock,  when  a  small  corps  of  cavalry  advanced 
cautiously.  About  three  in  the  evening  the  enemy  brought 
forward  a  few  field-pieces  to  the  high  ground  near  the 
water  and  opened  a  fire  on  some  of  the  transports  near 
the  citadel.  At  this  moment  I  was  about  to  embark/ 

"  I  have  copied  an  old  journal  which  was  written  in  great 
haste,  and  have  related  the  substance  of  that  which  came 
under  my  own  view.  The  whole  of  Noble's  account  is 
false.  The  absurd  stuff  about  Betanzos  being  intended  to 
be  destroyed  must  be  his  own  invention.  It  may  be 
asserted  safely  that  we  never  saw  the  enemy  on  the  march 
in  any  force  except  at  Lugo,  and  that  all  their  fighting 
was  with  the  stragglers. 

*'  The  bridge  of  Castro  Gonzalo  was  burnt.  I  believe 
you  know  more  about  this  than  I  do.  Crauford  superin- 
tended it.  With  respect  to  the  Engineers'  tools,  I  heard 
Pasley  complaining  of  the  want  of  them.  There  was  at 
that  time  no  staff  corps  or  any  establishment  attached  to 
that  department,  and  all  work  of  mining  was  performed 
by  working  parties,  and  tools  were  issued  by  the  Quarter- 
master-General's Department  or  by  the  Commissariat. 
At  Astorga,  I  believe,  among  the  camp  equipage 
destroyed,  the  entrenching  tools  shared  the  same  fate. 

"  The  next  bridge  attempted  to  be  destroyed  was  not 
far  from  Nogales,  on  the  Rio  Herrerias,  but  when  the 
bridge  was  proposed  to  be  destroyed  Sir  J.  Moore  himself 
rather  objected  to  it,  knowing  the  river  could  be  forded  a 
few  hundred  yards  below. 

"  The  next  bridge  was  between  Lugo  and  Betanzos,  I 
believe  over  the  Mino.  Jones  has  exaggerated  the 
occurrences  on  this  day's  march. 

"  We  may  affirm  that  all  the  straggling  before  the  march 
from  Lugo  was  of  that  kind  which  is  common  to  all  British 
columns,  and  that  the  stragglers  up  to  that  day  were 
chiefly  composed  of  drunkards.  Two  divisions  which  were 
quartered  in  the  villages  near  the  position  in  front  of  Lugo 
marched  by  a  narrow  lane  instead  of  at  once  striking  into 


392  APPENDIX  I. 

the  main  road.  Thus  marching  on  this  bad  road  on  a 
dark  night  the  rear  of  the  column  was  not  far  from  Lugo 
till  two  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  Qth.  But  even  this 
was  not  of  much  importance ;  for  the  whole  had  passed 
the  river  and  halted  three  leagues  from  Lugo  before  one 
o'clock  p.m.  I  observed  few  stragglers  that  had  not  passed 
the  river,  and  arrived  at  the  bivouac  near  Venta  Bahamondo 
or  Venta  de  Guteniz  before  2  p.m. 

"  The  French  did  not  enter  Lugo  before  9  o'clock 
and  were  not  seen  during  this  march.  There  was  a  small 
rearguard  of  cavalry.  The  columns  marched  about  7 
or  8  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  the  gth.  The  weather 
was  dreadful  and  it  rained  the  whole  night,  and  in  the 
divisions  that  were  suffered  to  halt  during  the  night  and 
put  in  motion  before  half  the  men  were  assembled  there 
was  a  great  deal  of  confusion,  and  during  the  whole  of 
this  day  there  were  many  that  could  not  find  their  divi- 
sions. Two  regiments  (the  59th,  I  believe,  was  one)  did 
not  arrive  at  Betanzos  with  more  than  150  men.  Sir  J. 
Moore  passed  these  dispersed  divisions  early  in  the 
morning.  From  this  imprudent  halt  alone  arose  all  the 
horrors  which  Jones  ascribes  unjustly  to  hard  marching. 
It  is  evident  that  the  reserve  marched  in  perfect  order, 
although  the  different  corps  of  that  division  had  more 
work  than  the  others.  Thus,  if  the  generals  of  division 
had  been  more  expert,  the  divisions  would  have  arrived 
at  Corunna  without  ever  once  seeing  the  enemy  except 
at  Lugo. 

"  The  reserve  halted  in  a  good  position  in  front  of 
Betanzos.  I  rode  out  to  Sir  E.  Paget  and  everything 
appeared  in  perfect  order,  but  stragglers  were  passing  in 
great  numbers.  Jones  says  that  he  could  discover  nothing 
like  an  organized  army. 

"  On  the  I  oth  we  halted 

"  At  Betanzos  a  mine  was  sprung  at  the  end  of  the 
town  on  the  road  leading  to  Corunna.  This  detained  the 
French  cavalry  some  time.  The  divisions  marched  in  one 
column  and  everything  appeared  to  go  on  very  regularly. 
The  cavalry  retired  to  Corunna  independently.  There 
could  have  been  nothing  but  a  rearguard  [affair?]  between 
Lugo  and  Corunna,  and  no  kind  of  skirmish  took  place. 
The  76th  were  at  Villa  Franca,  the  59th  and  5ist,  I 
believe,  did  not  march  further  than  Lugo — nor  the  23rd; 
but  I  am  not  quite  certain  of  this. 


SIR  J.  MOORE'S  CAMPAIGN.  393 

"  You  are  nearly  right  in  your  estimate  of  the  army  at 
Lugo.  However,  I  think  the  cavalry  fit  for  service  must 
have  been  under  1,500.  You  are  nearly  right  in  your 
estimate  of  the  combatants  at  Corunna,  viz.,  14,600. 
Noble's  plan  of  the  battle  appears  correct,  and,  I  think, 
better  than  ours. 

"  Sir  J.  Moore,  you  must  recollect,  moved  in  the  direction 
of  Mayorga  to  ensure  his  junction  with  Baird,  and  from 
that  place  to  Carrion  by  Sahagun,  and  by  the  direct  road, 
there  is  not  more  than  four  or  five  miles  difference.  But 
as  a  good  place  to  concentrate,  and  a  short  distance  to 
march  from  and  to  communicate  with  Romana  at  Mavilla, 
Sahagun  was  preferable  to  Mayorga  to  march  from  with 
an  intention  of  making  an  attack.  Besides,  Sir  J.  Moore 
had  the  choice  of  marching  on  Saldanha  at  the  same  time. 

"  Sir  John  Moore  would  probably  have  pushed  on  Sir 
E.  Paget  further  and  supported  him  with  Fane's  Brigade 
had  he  ... 

"  I  think  you  should  dwell  much  on  his  intention  of 
going  to  Vigo  to  put  everything  right,  and  on  the  folly  of 
Baird's  allowing  the  signal  to  be  hoisted  for  all  the  trans- 
ports to  steer  for  England  before  the  officers  had  been 
trans-shipped  to  their  own  battalions,  &c. 

"  I  am  sorry  I  cannot  give  you  a  better  account  of  the 
march ;  but  in  the  papers  which  I  gave  you  at  Cobham 
and  the  preceding  ones  describing  the  march  from  Lisbon, 
I  took  great  care  that  the  dates  were  correct  by  comparing 
them  with  old  records.  I  recollect  having  had  some  dis- 
cussion about  the  date  of  the  6th  and  7th  January  some 
years  since.  Jones  has  copied  most  of  his  narrative  from 
James  Moore,  and  assumed  that  as  the  data  of  his  argu- 
ments. The  order  dated  '  Lugo,  the  gth '  is  certainly  a 
mistake.  I  have  written  this  in  much  haste  to  save  the 
packet,  so  that  I  fear  you  will  have  as  much  trouble  in 
reading  it  as  I  had  in  deciphering  yours. 

"  Do  read  Southey's  second  volume.  He  has  completely 
ruined  his  character  as  an  historian.  His  work  ought  to 
be  reviewed  immediately.  I  will  transmit  to  you  what 
I  think  should  be  published  respecting  his  errors  and 
bitterness  against  Sir  John.  That  story  about  Bonaparte's 
having  said  that  he  would  have  shot  Soult  if  he  had  issued 
his  proclamation  declaring  himself  King  of  Portugal  I 
suspect  to  be  one  of  his  ridiculous  anecdotes  for  which  he 
has  no  authority.  He  states  that  Sir  John  Moore's  move- 


394  APPENDIX  I. 

ments  had  some  effect,  but  not  by  any  means  in  pro- 
portion to  '  the  sacrifice '  he  made,  and  that  if  he  had 
fought  in  Gallicia  the  Spaniards  would  have  attacked 
Madrid ! !  Against  this  statement  we  have  only  to  produce 
St.  Infantado's  letters.  However,  his  book  will  save  you 
much  trouble.  Do  not  be  disheartened.  The  important 
documents  will  always  make  your  work  the  best  that  has 
been  circulated. — Yours  sincerely, 

"J.  COLBORNE." 


B 

EXTRACTS  FROM  AN  UNPUBLISHED  ARTICLE  (1827)  ON  SOUTHEY'S 
"  HISTORY  OF  THE  PENINSULAR  WAR." 

i.  SOUTHEY'S  ACCOUNTS    OF  SIR  JOHN   MOORE    AND   MR. 
FRERE. 

"  The  depreciation  of  the  services  of  Sir  John  Moore  and 
the  defence  of  Mr.  Frere  seems  the  grand  object  of 
Mr.  Southey's  work.  It  is  this  bias  that  has  induced  him  to 
assert  with  dogmatical  presumption  that  '  Sir  John  Moore 
wanted  faith  in  the  courage  of  British  soldiers/  a  general 
that  had  confided  in  it  more  than  any  other,  and  that  had 
fought  with  them  in  the  first  rank  from  his  youth,  and 
directed  the  most  glorious  and  arduous  operations  of  the 
British  army. 

"  Mr.  Frere  conducted  himself,  we  think,  as  a  con- 
scientious and  well-intentioned  Minister,  but  he  participated 
in  the  delusion  and  blindness  of  the  Spanish  Government, 
and  his  official  letters  and  documents  seem  to  partake  of 
the  arrogance  of  his  patron  and  poet.  He  certainly 
deserves  many  of  the  eulogiums  passed  upon  him,  but  if 
Mr.  Southey  has  attempted  to  wind  him  up  at  the  expense 
of  a  man  whose  reputation  was  basely  sacrificed  to  party 
spirit,  who  had  devoted  his  whole  life  and  energies  to  his 
country  and  profession,  whose  ability  and  decision  did 
materially  aid  the  Spanish  people,  he  has  for  ever  forfeited 
any  claim  he  might  have  had  to  the  character  of  a  just  and 
diligent  historian,  and  far  better  would  it  have  been  for  his 
fame  had  he  never  ventured  beyond  his  strength — beyond 


SIX  J.  MOORE'S  CAMPAIGN.  395 

the  Remains  of  Henry  Kirke  White  and  the  precincts  of 
biography." 

2.  SIR  JOHN  MOORE  RIGHT   IN   NOT   FIGHTING  AN  ACTION 

EARLIER. 

"  A  battle  should  not  be  fought  except  an  important 
object  is  to  be  gained.  Sir  John  Moore  had  taken  the 
lead  with  an  inferior  force,  and  the  movements  of  his 
adversary  became  subordinate  to  his.  In  uniting  the 
British  army  and  directing  it  with  the  aid  of  Romana's 
Division  against  an  isolated  corps,  he  effected  a  total 
change  in  the  enemy's  combinations.  He  was  aware  that 
no  consideration  but  the  actual  crisis  at  which  Spanish 
affairs  had  arrived  should  induce  him  to  give  up  Portugal 
and  his  communications  with  Lisbon.  On  military 
principles  he  perceived  his  movement  was  faulty,  yet  a 
glorious  cause  and  the  representations  of  the  Spanish 
authorities,  the  attention  he  was  bound  to  pay  to  their 
reports  of  the  exertions  they  were  making  on  the  Tagus, 
in  La  Mancha  and  Estremadura,  demanded  that  a  trial 
of  the  activity  and  perseverance  of  the  provinces  should 
be  made.  His  friend,  Mr.  Stuart,  informed  him  that  a 
retrograde  movement  on  Portugal  would  produce  an  effect 
not  less  serious  than  the  most  decisive  victory  [of  the 
enemy]. 

"  His  offensive  movement,  then,  was  founded  on  the 
exaggerated  statements  from  Aranjuez,  Toledo  and  the 
southern  provinces.  He  drew  the  principal  mass  of  the 
hostile  force  on  him,  but  he  attracted  it  from  Saragossa, 
from  the  capital,  from  the  pursuit  of  the  hunted  divisions 
of  Castanos,  St.  Juan  and  Galuzzo ;  he  protected  the 
straggling  mob  of  Blake  and  gave  Romana  an  opportunity 
of  organizing  it.  He  might  defeat  Soult  and  destroy  his 
corps  or  some  of  the  divisions  of  the  8th  Corps  on  the 
march  to  Madrid. 

"  The  most  important  part  of  his  project  had  been 
accomplished ;  to  risk  his  army  in  carrying  into  effect  a 
secondary  operation  from  which  a  certain  loss  would  have 
been  sustained  without  an  important  result  might  have 
suited  the  tactics  of  Cuesta,  Venegas,  Carbaojal  and 
Arezaga,  but  not  those  of  an  officer  of  experience. 

"  In  few  cases  can  a  commander  be  justified  in  bringing 
on  an  action  to  save  what  is  termed  the  '  honour  of  the 


396  APPENDIX  /. 

nation.1  Why  should  Sir  John  Moore,  who  had  gained  his 
first  object,  and  then  found  it  necessary  to  conduct  his 
army  by  a  retrograde  movement  and  steadily  pursued  his 
purpose,  lose  his  army  to  increase  his  own  reputation  ?  "• 


3.  STRAGGLING  ON  SIR  JOHN  MOORE'S  CAMPAIGN. 

"  In  no  one  movement  during  the  whole  campaign  were  we 
able  to  prevent  straggling  to  an  immense  amount  Luckily 
we  generally  advanced — when  we  recovered  our  stragglers. 
In  every  British  army  the  great  majority  of  the  men  are 
well-conducted,  brave,  the  best  soldiers ;  by  practice  they 
become  intelligent  and  [excellent]  in  every  respect.  I 
suppose  the  army  given  up  by  the  Duke  of  Wellington  at 
Bordeaux  was  the  most  compact  and  movable  army  that 
had  ever  been  assembled.  But  let  us  not  suppose  that  to 
the  very  last  we  effected  [the  putting  down  of  straggling] ; 
the  disease  of  straggling  was  incurable.  The  system  of 
recruiting  is  so  defective  and  so  radically  bad  that  in  every 
regiment  we  must  say  there  are  from  50  to  100  bad 
characters  that  neither  punishment  nor  any  kind  of 
discipline  can  restrain.  In  quarters  they  are  kept  in  some 
measure  restrained,  but  the  moment  the  army  is  in  move- 
ment they  separate  from  their  regiment.  Their  object  is 
to  march  independently  and  ultimately  to  get  into  some 
hospital.  So  that  for  the  most  part  these  kind  of  characters 
are  absent  and  unserviceable. 

"  So  that  in  this  campaign,  when  we  talk  of  disorder 
and  disorganization,  the  disorganization  was  confined 
entirely  to  this  species  of  straggling  occasioned  by 
drunkards,  or  a  preference  to  march  independently  and 
overtake  their  divisions  at  their  leisure.  We  appeal  to 
every  regiment  on  this  retreat  whether  there  was  any 
disobedience  or  disorder  but  this.  The  divisions  of  Hope 
and  Fraser  being  a  head  one  and  Sir  D.  Baird's  being 
ahead  of  the  corps  which  covered  the  retreat — these  divi- 
sions never  having  seen  the  enemy  till  their  arrival  at 
Lugo — proves  that  the  rapidity  of  the  march  was  not  the 
cause  of  the  [straggling],  besides,  the  stragglers  of  the 
covering  [corps],  which  had  to  fight,  were  comparatively 
fewer;  and  the  whole  march  was  performed  with  great 
regularity.  We  must  except  one  night,  the  night  after  the 
march  to  Lugo,  but  this  was  purely  accidental." 


SIR  J.  MOORE'S  CAMPAIGN.  397 


LETTER  TO    LADY   NAPIER   ON  SIR   JOHN    MOORE'S    CHOICE    OF 

CORUNNA   AS    HIS    PORT    OF    EMBARKATION. 

"  109,  Eaton-square, 
"28th  May,  1850. 

"  My  dear  Lady  Napier, — In  reply  to  your  queries,  you 
must  first  be  made  acquainted  that  when  Sir  J.  Moore  was 
assured  that  Napoleon  was  in  full  march  in  search  of  him, 
he  despatched  Colonel  Fletcher,  Commanding  Engineer, 
with  instructions  to  visit  Vigo,  Betanzos,  Corunna  and 
Ferrol,  and  report  on  the  facilities  or  advantages  offered 
at  each  of  those  places  as  points  of  embarkation  for  jtroops 
pursued  by  an  enemy.  At  Lugo,  I  believe,  Fletcher 
returned  with  his  report,  and  on  the  night  of  our  arrival 
read  it  to  the  Military  Secretary  half  asleep  from  fatigue. 
In  the  morning  early  it  was  laid  before  the  Commander-in- 
Chief.  Sir  J.  Moore  had  many  years  before  been  employed 
by  the  Duke  of  York  at  the  desire  of  the  Minister  of  the 
day  in  making  an  inspection  of  the  coast  in  the  vicinity 
of  Ferrol,  and  from  his  own  recollection  imagined  that 
vessels  tacking  out  of  the  river  would  be  exposed  to  the 
fire  of  an  enemy. 

"  Corunna,  therefore,  was  decided  on  under  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case,  as  the  point  from  which  troops  could 
embark  with  less  risk  and  with  reference  to  the  stand 
which  might  be  safely  made  at  Betanzos  en  route,  and  its 
short  distance  from  Corunna,  and  the  march  which  could 
easily  and  safely  be  accomplished  by  the  columns  retiring 
from  that  position.  The  needless  march  and  countermarch 
of  Fraser's  Division,  the  slow  progress  of  the  several  corps 
in  retiring  from  the  position  taken  up  at  Lugo,  the  forced 
night  march  and  imprudent  halt  of  Baird's  Division  and 
consequent  dispersion  of  the  troops  in  barns  and  sheltered 
fields,  determined  Sir  J.  Moore  to  continue  his  march 
with  as  little  delay  as  possible  from  Betanzos  in  the  expec- 
tation of  seeing  the  transports  in  the  Bay  of  Corunna 
prepared  to  receive  artillery,  baggage  and  troops. — Yours 
very  sincerely, 

"  J.   COLBORNE." 


(     398     ) 


APPENDIX    II. 


LORD  SEATON'S  ACCOUNTS  OF  WATERLOO,  WITH 
SOME  REMARKS. 


OBSERVATIONS  ON  COLONEL  GAWLER'S  "  CRISIS  OF  THE  ACTION 
AT  WATERLOO"  (DICTATED  TO  COLONEL  W.  ROWAN,  AT 
TORONTO,  1835). 

"  To  establish  the  precise  time  when  the  battle  was  no 
longer  doubtful  and  the  movements  which  were  the 
immediate  cause  of  hastening  the  crisis  is  the  object  of 
the  writer.  And  as  he  is  persuaded  that  the  movements  of 
Sir  H.  Clinton's  Division  and  of  General  Adam's  Brigade, 
and  of  the  52nd  Regiment  in  particular,  tended  greatly  to 
hasten  the  crisis,  it  is  necessary  to  describe  the  several 
positions  of  the  division  from  half-past  three  o'clock  to 
half-past  seven,  fixing  from  seven  to  half-past  seven  as 
the  critical  half  hour,  but  time  passes  so  quickly  in  an 
action,  and  everyone  is  so  occupied  in  performing  his  own 
duty,  that  it  will  be  difficult  to  find  persons  agree  as  to 
time.  However  that  may  be,  it  is  clear  that  while  the 
columns  of  Napoleon,  which  made  the  unsuccessful  attack 
on  the '  point  which  is  usually  called  our  right  centre, 
advanced  in  full  march  towards  the  troops  occupying  our 
centre  (the  Brunswickers  retiring  and  the  British  Guards 
closing  in),  no  one  who  was  looking  steadfastly  at  the 
movements  of  the  Imperial  Guards  at  that  time  could  say 
that  the  battle  did  not  look  critical,  or  but  that  the  Imperial 
Guards  had  the  appearance  of  success,  and  also  that  our 
centre  was  on  the  point  of  being  penetrated.  This,  then, 
we  must  fix  as  the  time  when  no  change  for  the  better  on 


WATERLOO. 


399 


our  side  had  taken  place,  and  that  we  were  in  the  greatest 
danger;  but  the  moment  the  Imperial  Guards  halted  and 
formed  square  in  consequence  of  a  menaced  attack  on 
their  left  flank,  our  prospects  were  immediately  changed 
for  the  better.  It  was  the  '  crisis,'  and  half  an  hour  after- 
wards, when  they  were  thrown  into  confusion  and  they 
retreated  towards  '  La  Belle  Alliance/  the  battle  was  won. 
They  had  no  reserve  formed  worth  the  name  of  a  reserve. 
All  attacks  of  cavalry  or  infantry  after  that  moment  were 
the  necessary  consequence  of  the  flight  and  the  endeavour 
to  save  such  part  of  the  crew  of  the  wreck  as  could  be 
brought  off  without  incurring  further  risk. 

"  Therefore,  however  splendid  the  conduct  of  any  corps 
might  have  been,  after  the  first  flight  of  the  French,  in 
reaping  the  fruits  of  the  victory  and  in  completing  the 
rout  of  the  retiring  columns,  they  took  no  part  in  the 
critical  affair  on  the  plateau  of  La  Haye  Sainte  or  plain 
below  it  which  the  left  flank  of  Napoleon's  columns 
overlooked. 

"Assuming  that  the  three  regiments,  the  52nd,  7 1st  and 
95th  passed  the  cross-road  which  runs  a  few  hundred  yards 
in  rear  of  La  Haye  Sainte  and  forms  an  acute  angle  with 
the  Nivelles  road,  at  half-past  three  or  four  o'clock,  the 
52nd  halted  in  the  low  ground  three  or  four  hundred  yards 
in  front  of  that  road,  and  about  700  yards  from  the  nearest 
angle  of  Hougomont.  Remaining  there  an  hour,  the  52nd 
Regiment,  being  a  strong  regiment,  formed  two  squares, 
the  7  ist  formed  square  200  yards  to  the  right  of  the  52nd, 
and  on  the  approach  of  the  French  cavalry  towards  the 
7 1st,  the  95th,  apparently  not  more  than  two  companies, 
formed  close  to  the  rear  of  the  52nd.  Colonel  Nicolay 
of  the  staff  corps  and  several  officers  ran  into  the  square 
of  the  52nd.  Two  of  the  enemy's  guns  were  on  the  high 
bank  or  ridge  in  front  of  the  52nd,  apparently  about  200 
yards  from  the  squares ;  but  were  only  to  be  seen  by  the 
mounted  officers.  A  mounted  officer,  Sir  John  Colborne, 
who  had  ascertained  the  exact  position  of  these  guns, 
called  out  from  the  commencement  of  the  ascent  to  a 
captain  of  the  52nd  to  say  whether  he  could  see  the  guns 
from  his  part  of  the  square.  These  guns  and  a  howitzer 
fired  constantly  on  the  squares.  The  right  and  front  faces 
of  the  right  square  of  the  52nd  opened  a  fire  obliquely 
on  the  French  Cuirassiers,  who  made  a  movement  towards 
the  rear  of  Hougomont,  towards  the  7ist  The  remainder 


400  APPENDIX  II. 

of  Clinton's  Division  were  formed  to  the  rear  of  the  right 
of  the  7  ist  Regiment. 

"  The  Duke  of  Wellington  sent  a  message  to  the  52nd 
by  Colonel  Hervey  to  retire  up  the  hill,  about  half-past 
five;  but  Colonel  Hervey  was  requested  by  Sir  John 
Colborne  to  inform  the  Duke  that  the  regiment  was  not 
in  danger  from  the  guns  in  front,  if  the  order  was  given 
from  the  apparent  vicinity  of  the  guns.  However,  on  the 
Nassau  Regiment,  or  some  of  the  allied  troops,  running 
rapidly  out  of  the  wood  of  Hougomont  towards  our  line, 
the  52nd  prepared  to  retire  and  form  two  lines — the  right 
sub-divisions  forming  one  line  and  the  left  sub-divisions 
the  other — and  retired  rapidly  up  the  hill  towards  the 
cross-road  which  they  had  crossed  an  hour  before.  While 
they  were  retiring,  a  field  officer  of  the  Cuirassiers  galloped 
out  of  the  enemy's  columns  and  came  at  full  speed  down 
the  hill  towards  the  52nd,  hallooing  lustily,  '  Vive  le  Rot!  ' 
as  he  approached.  This  officer  pointed  out  the  spot  where 
Napoleon  was  and  where  the  Imperial  Guards  were  on 
the  march  to  make  a  grand  attack.  The  52nd  halted  in 
two  lines  about  10  yards  behind  the  cross-road  where  the 
ground  sloped  towards  our  position.  The  officer  of  the 
Cuirassiers  pointed  out  to  the  officer  commanding  the 
52nd,  Sir  John  Colborne,  the  exact  spot  where  Napoleon 
was  with  the  Imperial  Guards.  The  guns  under  Colonel 
Gould*  on  the  cross-road  were  all  silent,  there  was  scarcely 
any  firing  except  in  the  rear  of  La  Haye  Sainte  and  on 
that  part  of  our  centre.  The  dense  columns  of  the  French 
were  in  full  march  on  the  plateau  of  La  Haye  Sainte,  near 
the  farm,  and  the  flank  of  the  columns  at  this  time  appeared 
to  form  a  right  angle  with  the  52nd,  supposing  the  left 
of  the  line  of  the  52nd  to  be  prolonged.  A  few  minutes 
before  this  an  officer,  Sir  John  Colborne,  had  occasion  to 
look  at  his  watch  and  said,  '  The  wounded  had  better  be 
left  where  they  are,  the  action  must  be  over  in  half  an 
hour.1  Therefore,  at  seven,  we  will  say,  the  $2nd  wheeled 
the  left  company  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  circle  to  the 
left  and  formed  the  remainder  on  the  new  line,  with 
the  intention  of  moving  on  the  left  -flank  of  the  Imperial 
column  and  -firing  into  the  column  to  retard  the  movement. 
The  52nd  thus,  at  seven  o'clock,  were  formed  into  two 
lines,  not  four  deep,  but  each  left  sub-division  in  rear  of 

*  Lieut.-Colonel  C.  Gold. 


WATERLOO.  401 

its  right,  the  whole  forming  two  complete  lines,  the  rear 
line  keeping  the  wheeling  distance  of  a  sub-division  from 
the  front  line.  At  this  time  the  95 th,  apparently  a  small 
number,  formed  on  the  left  of  the  52nd.  A  strong  com- 
pany of  the  52nd  was  sent  to  skirmish  in  front  and  to  fire 
into  the  Imperial  column.  At  this  moment  General  Adam 
came  to  the  52nd  from  the  /ist,  seeing  the  52nd  moving 
on.  The  Duke,  it  appears,  at  the  same  time  had  sent 
Colonel  Percy  to  the  52nd.  The  52nd,  however,  were 
already  in  motion,  its  right  flank  totally  unprotected,  and 
moved  off  in  two  lines  well  formed,  and  covered  by  skir- 
mishers commanded  by  Lieutenants  Anderson  and 
Campbell,  who  had  directions  to  push  on  and  look  to  the 
whole  battalion  as  their  support. 

"  Whether  the  95 th  moved  off  with  the  52nd  is  not 
certain.  They  certainly  did  not  continue  on  the  left 
flank  the  whole  time  of  the  march  towards  the  front  The 
5  2nd  moved  steadily  on.  The  instant  the  French  columns 
felt  the  fire  of  Anderson's  skirmishers  they  halted,  appeared 
to  be  in  some  confusion,  and  opened  a  heavy  fire  on  the 
52nd.  The  two  officers  of  the  skirmishers  were  wounded 
and  the  greater  part  of  the  men  ;  the  right  of  the  battalion 
also  suffered  severely.  The  52nd  still  moved  on,  passing 
the  entire  front  of  Byng's*  Brigade  of  British  Guards  (who 
were  stationary  and  not  firing)  at  about  300  yards  or  so 
in  front  of  them,  and  forming  probably  a  right  angle,  or 
perhaps  an  obtuse  angle,  with  the  line  of  the  Guards. 

"At  the  moment  the  52nd  commenced  the  movement 
Lord  Hill  was  near  the  British  Guards  commanded  by 
Maitland,  and  no  movement  on  their  part  had  then  taken 
place.  Therefore  it  is  imagined  that  when  the  52nd  com- 
menced the  movement — they  were  shortly  followed  by  the 
7 1st  and  the  whole  of  Clinton's  Division — the  Imperial 
troops  saw  that  their  flank  and  rear  were  menaced  by  a 
mass  of  troops — they  halted ;  but  the  moment  this  halt 
took  place  our  centre  also  made  a  forward  movement, 
which  was  resisted  by  the  attacking  corps  of  the  French. t 
The  52nd  in  the  meantime  had  proceeded  to  within  a 
short  distance  of  the  rising  ground  on  which  the  French 

*  Most  of  Byng's  own  brigade  was  at  Hougomont.  Colborne  means 
Maitland's  Brigade,  with  whom  Byng  was,  as  he  had  succeeded  to 
the  command  of  the  whole  division  through  Cooke's  being  wounded. 

j-  Colborne  means  that  he  imagines  whatever  movement  was  made 
by  the  Guards,  took  place  at  this  time. 


402  APPENDIX  II. 

were  formed,  when  a  body  of  British  cavalry  were  per- 
ceived at  full  speed  approaching  the  front  of  the  left 
company  of  the  52nd.*  The  officer  of  the  company  gave 
orders  to  fire,  "supposing  they  had  come  from  the  enemy's 
column.  The  three  adjoining  companies  wheeled  back 
to  form  square.  The  battalion  at  the  time  was  under  a 
heavy  fire  from  the  Imperial  Guards,  and  the  regiment  was 
halted  for  a  few  minutes  to  enable  the  companies  to 
rectify  their  line.  At  this  moment  while  the  three  com- 
panies were  forming  up,  the  Duke  was  close  in  the  rear 
and  said,  '  Well,  never  mind — go  on,  go  on ! '  This  halt 
brought  the  ?ist,  which  corps  had  not  been  so  much 
exposed  to  the  fire  as  the  52nd,  close  on  the  right  of  the 
52nd.  The  52nd  then  advanced  at  full  speed.  The 
greater  part  of  the  French  gave  way  in  confusion,  but 
some  remained  formed  close  to  the  deep  road  running 
direct  from  La  Haye  Sainte  to  La  Belle  Alliance.  Captain 
Cross  called  out,  '  They  are  coming  over,  don't  fire ! '  The 
French,  however,  opened  a  straggling  fire,  some  running 
across  the  road  and  a  few  remaining  till  the  52nd  were 
within  six  or  seven  yards  of  them.  The  whole  of  the  52nd 
charged  briskly  till  they  were  impeded  by  the  deep  road, 
when  they  halted  for  a  minute  or  two  till  they  received  the 
word  to  pass.  They  had  some  difficulty  in  getting  over. 
When  they  had  passed  they  formed  line  and  wheeled  to 
the  right.  Sir  John  Colborne's  horse  was  here  shot,  and 
he  mounted  one  of  the  gun  horses.  They  found  a  gun 
on  the  plateau  fully  horsed  and  moved  on  in  line,  keeping 
their  right  on  the  road,  and  passed  La  Belle  Alliance,  and 
were  joined  by  the  skirmishers  at  the  head  of  Billow's 
Corps,  which  shortly  after  that  came  obliquely  from  the 
left 

"In  the  meantime  the  ?ist  had  proceeded  towards 
Rossomme  and  did  not  pass  the  road  where  the  52nd  did 
The  whole  of  Sir  H.  Clinton's  Division,  the  moment  the 
French  were  observed  in  retreat  and  in  confusion,  had 
struck  to  their  right  towards  Rossomme.  The  52nd 
passed  about  80  pieces  of  cannon  and  tumbrils  within  a 
quarter  of  an  hour  after  they  had  passed  the  Charleroi 
road  from  Waterloo.  The  skirmishing  or  attack  that  took 
place  in  the  retreat  from  Rossomme  or  Planchenoit,  the 
52nd  took  no  part  in ;  they  halted  when  the  evening 

*  See  p.  227  n. 


WATERLOO.  403 

closed.  Billow's  corps  in  column  passed  the  52nd  after 
the  regiment  had  halted. 

"  The  writer  has  never  been  on  the  ground  since ;  but 
he  is  positive,  as  far  as  his  memory  can  be  relied  on,  that 
these  facts  are  correctly  stated,  and  is  thus  certain  that  no 
corps  whatever  passed  between  the  52nd  and  the  French 
from  the  time  the  52nd  moved  on  the  flank  of  the  French, 
for  the  52nd  were  under  a  heavy  fire  the  whole  time  and 
were  opposed  to  the  moment  they  touched  the  Charleroi 
road.  When  they  were  formed  to  the  left  of  the  Charleroi 
road  no  corps  was  near  them.  The  only  corps  of  cavalry 
near  the  52nd  or  the  French  column  during  the  attack 
was  the  regiment  of  cavalry  that  moved  in  the  direction  of 
the  left  company  of  the  52nd.  Thus  it  appears  that  the 
movement  to  which  Sir  H.  Vivian  alludes*  must  have  been 
the  attack  made  in  retreat,  and  that  all  the  troops  that 
came  in  contact  with  the  French  must  have  moved  across 
the  track  of  the  52nd  in  their  movement  from  the  cross- 
road to  the  Charleroi  road  and  while  the  52nd  were 
charging  up  to  the  plateau  of  La  Haye  Sainte." 

Note  by  Sir  William  Rowan:  "When  the  52nd  had 
halted  and  taken  up  its  ground  for  the  night  I  went  to 
look  for  my  brother.  ...  At  some  distance  in  the 
rear  I  fell  in  with  the  Guards,  also  halted  with  piled  arms. 
While  talking  to  Captain  Davies,  formerly  of  the  52nd, 
Sir  John  Byng  came  up  and  said,  '  We  saw  the  52nd 
behaving  nobly,  as  it  always  has  done.'  " — W.  R. 


B 

LETTER,   MEMORANDUM,   AND   SECOND   LETTER   TO   CAPTAIN 
SIBORNE. 

"  Kitley,  Yealmpton, 

"  22nd  February,   1843. 

"  I  have  been  so  fully  occupied  since  the  year  1815  that 
I  have  seldom  had  time  or  inclination  to  read  any  of  the 
accounts  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo.  Indeed,  it  has  always 
been  a  most  unpleasant  task  to  refer  to  our  past  military 
operations,  which  are  connected  with  many  painful 
recollections. 

*  In  his  controversy  with  Colonel  Gawler  in  the  United  Service 
Journal,  1833,  Pt.  II.,  p.  315,  &c. 


404  APPENDIX  II. 

"  I  have  cautiously  abstained  from  giving  opinions  on 
controverted  points  that  would  draw  me  into  discussions. 
I  think,  however,  that  it  almost  becomes  my  duty  to  give 
you  every  assistance  in  my  power  to  enable  you  to  com- 
pare the  facts  in  my  statement  with  the  information  which 
you  have  received  from  various  sources,  and  to  correct  the 
errors  which  appear  in  the  account  you  have  forwarded  to 
me. 

"  We  were  all  so  intent  in  performing  our  own  parts 
that  we  are  disposed  to  imagine  that  the  brigade  or  corps 
with  which  we  were  engaged  played  a  most  distinguished 
part,  and  attribute  more  importance  to  the  movements 
under  our  own  immediate  observation  than  they  deserved. 
I  am  persuaded  that  none  but  mounted  officers  can  give 
a  correct  account  of  the  battle,  and  very  few  of  those  had 
an  opportunity  of  seeing  much  beyond  the  limited  space 
which  they  traversed. 

"  I  have,  in  great  haste,  from  the  impressions  which  I 
strongly  retain  at  this  moment,  written  down  the  principal 
facts  which  occurred  under  my  observation,  a  kind  of 
log-book  from  1 1  o'clock  to  the  close  of  the  action.  .  .  . 
— I  remain,  &c., 

"  SEATON." 


Memoranda : 

"  Kitley, 

"  24th  February,  1843. 

"It  was  eleven  o'clock  when  our  batteries  (of  20  guns, 
I  believe)  in  position  on  the  rising  ground  to  our  left  of 
Hougomont  opened  their  fire  on  a  column  advancing  on 
Hougomont. 

"  The  French  commandant  of  the  Premier  Legere  men- 
tioned to  me  a  few  days  after  the  battle  that  he  was  in 
the  front  of  that  column,  and  that  the  first  shot  from  our 
guns  killed  and  wounded  three  of  his  regiment.  At  this 
time  several  shots  reached  the  52nd  Regiment,  then 
halted  in  column  to  the  rear  of  the  road  leading  to  Merbe 
Braine  and  the  point  of  intersection  of  that  road  and  the 
Nivelles  road. 

"  Desirous  of  seeing  the  commencement  of  the  action, 
I  rode  with  Colonel  Rowan  to  a  commanding  eminence. 
My  attention  was  directed  to  the  French  Lancers,  which 
showed  themselves  near  the  cross-road  leading  to  Braine- 


WATERLOO.  405 

la-Leud,  and  cheering.  After  this  cheer  a  large  space  of 
our  position  to  the  left  of  Hougomont  appeared  covered 
with  our  dispersed  cavalry,  rapidly  retiring.  Two  large 
masses  of  French  cavalry  followed  them  in  good  order. 
They  passed  the  batteries  of  20  guns  to  which  I  have 
referred,  which  appeared  abandoned  and  had  ceased  to 
fire. 

"  I  returned  to  the  52nd  Regiment,  which  was  on  the 
march  in  column  and  advancing  towards  the  cross-road 
that  connects  the  high  road  from  Genappe  to  Waterloo 
and  the  road  from  Nivelles  to  Waterloo.  The  52nd 
continued  its  march  to  the  valley  which  separated  the 
right  central  part  of  our  position  from  the  enemy  and 
halted  about  500  yards  in  front  of  the  cross-road.  I  rode 
up  the  opposite  ascent  and  observed  two  guns  pointed  and 
firing  at  our  column.  I  returned  and  called  out  to  Captain 
Shedden,  the  officer  leading  the  column,  and  desired  him 
to  tell  me  whether  he  could  see  these  guns.  I  formed  two 
squares  on  the  appearance  of  the  masses  of  heavy  cavalry 
to  our  right,  but  nearer  to  the  /ist  Regiment  than  to  the 
52nd. 

"  Several  shells  fell  near  the  left  angle  of  our  more 
advanced  square  and  the  left  side  of  it  was  grazed  by 
a  sharp  fire.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Charles  Rowan  was 
anxious  to  take  the  command  of  the  left  square,  in  which 
Colonel  Chalmers  was,  but  on  my  acquainting  him  that 
I  should  superintend  both  the  squares,  he  remained,  at 
my  request,  with  me.  The  front  and  right  faces  of  this 
square  opened  fire  on  the  French  Cuirassiers  advancing 
towards  us,  and  the  French  cavalry  halted  and  retired  and 
appeared  in  disorder. 

"  Colonel  Hervey,  one  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington's  aides- 
de-camp,  brought  up  an  order  from  the  Duke  for  the  52nd 
to  retire  up  the  hill.  I  mentioned  to  him  that  if  the  Duke 
had  ordered  us  to  retire  with  reference  to  our  exposed 
position,  that  we  were  protected  by  the  ground  in  front. 

'  Very  well/  he  replied,  '  I  will  mention  this.'  How- 
ever, soon  after  I  had  received  this  order  I  heard  a  great 
noise  and  clamour  in  the  direction  of  Hougomont,  and 
observed  the  Nassau  Regiment,  I  believe,  running  in  dis- 
order out  of  the  wood ;  and  supposing  that  Hougomont 
would  be  abandoned  and  our  flank  would  be  exposed,  I 
formed  columns  from  squares  and  wheeled  into  two  lines, 
and  this  formation  being  completed  we  faced  about  and 


406  APPENDIX  II. 

retired  in  two  lines  through  the  Belgian  guns  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Gould,*  and  as  we  were  ascending 
the  hill  a  French  colonel  of  the  Cuirassiers  galloped  out 
of  the  French  ranks,  holloaing  out,  '  Vive  le  Roil ' 
repeatedly,  and  rode  up  to  me,  addressed  [me]  and  said, 
'  Ce  —  Napoleon  est  la  avec  les  Gardes.  Voila  fattaque 
qui  se  -fait'  This  officer  remained  with  me  for  some  time. 

"  On  our  arriving  near  the  cross-road  on  the  summit  of 
the  hill,  near  the  Belgian  guns,  I  halted  the  52nd.  Many 
of  our  wounded  were  lying  a  few  paces  in  our  front.  My 
anxious  attention  had  been  attracted  to  the  dense  columns 
moving  on  the  Genappe  road  towards  the  centre  of  our 
position,  and  observing  their  rapid  advance  I  ordered  our 
left-hand  company  to  wheel  to  the  left  and  formed  the 
remaining  companies  on  that  company.  Colonel  Charles 
Rowan  assisted  in  completing  this  formation,  with  whom 
I  had  had  some  conversation  on  the  intended  movement 
and  on  the  necessity  of  menacing  the  flank  of  the  French 
columns. 

"  This  movement  placed  us  nearly  parallel  with  the 
moving  columns  of  the  French  Imperial  Guards.  I 
ordered  a  strong  company  to  extend  in  our  front,  and  at 
this  moment  Sir  F.  Adam  rode  up  and  asked  me  what  1 
was  going  to  do.  I  think  I  said,  '  To  make  that  column 
feel  our  Ere.'  Sir  F.  Adam  then  ordered  me  to  move  on 
and  that  the  ?ist  should  follow,  and  rode  away  towards 
the  7 1  st. 

"  I  instantly  ordered  the  extended  company  of  the  52nd, 
about  100  men  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant 
Anderson,  to  advance  as  quickly  as  possible  without  any 
support  except  from  the  battalion,  and  to  fire  into  the 
French  column  at  any  distance.  Thus  the  52nd  formed 
in  two  lines  of  half-companies,  the  rear  line  at  10  paces' 
distance  from  the  front,  after  giving  three  cheers,  followed 
the  extended  company,  passed  along  the  front  of  the 
Brigade  of  Guards  in  line,  commanded  by  Sir  John  Byng, 
and  about  500!  yards  in  front  of  them.  If  our  line  had 
been  produced  it  would  have  formed  an  obtuse  angle  with 
this  Brigade  of  Guards. 

"  I  observed  that  as  soon  as  the  French  columns  were 
sharply  attacked  by  our  skirmishers,  a  considerable  part 

*  Colonel  Gold's  guns  were  British, 
f  Siborne  adds  a  ? 


WATERLOO.  407 

of  the  column  halted  and  formed  a  line  facing  towards 
the  52nd  and  opened  a  very  sharp  fire  on  the  skirmishers 
and  on  the  battalion.  The  only  skirmishers,  I  think,  that 
were  out  on  that  day  from  our  brigade  were  those  of  the 
52nd  which  I  have  mentioned,  but  I  am  certain  that  none 
fired  but  those  of  the  52nd.  Three  or  four  companies  of 
the  95th  were  formed  on  our  left,  rather  to  the  rear  of  our 
line ;  the  remainder  of  the  brigade,  the  7 1  st,  must  have 
been  at  least  600  yards  to  the  rear*  when  the  52nd  com- 
menced its  movement  towards  the  Imperial  Guards ;  but 
I  think  I  observed  the  /ist  moving  on,  as  well  as  the 
whole  of  Sir  H.  Clinton's  Division,  when  we  had  advanced 
a  few  hundred  paces. 

"  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  fire  on  the  flank  of  the 
French  column  from  the  52nd  skirmishers  and  the 
appearance  of  a  general  attack  on  its  flank  from 
Sir  F.  Adam's  Brigade  and  Sir  H.  Clinton's  Division 
generally,  was  the  cause  of  the  first  check  received, 
or  halt  made,  by  the  Imperial  Guards.  The  52nd 
suffered  severely  from  the  fire  of  the  enemy;  the  loss  of 
skirmishers  was  severe  and  the  two  officers  of  the  com- 
pany were  wounded.  The  right  wing  of  the  52nd  lost 
nearly  1 50  men  during  the  advance ;  the  officer  carrying 
the  regimental  colour  was  killedt 

"  At  this  moment  two  or  three  squadrons  of  the  23rd 
Dragoons  appeared  directly  in  front  of  the  line  of  the 
52nd,  approaching  rapidly  towards  the  line.  The  two 
companies  on  the  left  halted  and  fired  into  them,  supposing 
them  to  be  the  enemy's  cavalry.  My  horse  was  wounded ; 
I  called  out  to  the  adjutant  to  stop  the  fire,  and  whilst  we 
were  rectifying  this  mistake  which  had  occurred,  the  only 
one  that  had  occurred  during  the  day,  and  which  inter- 
rupted our  march,  the  Duke  of  Wellington  came  to  the 
rear  of  the  left  of  our  line  near  the  two  companies  which 
had  fired.  I  said  to  his  Grace,  '  It  is  our  own  cavalry  which 
has  caused  this  firing/  His  Grace  replied,  '  Never  mind, 
go  on,  go  on.'  We  continued  our  advance,  which  soon 
brought  us  under  the  hill  or  ascent  occupied  by  the 
Imperial  Guards,  and  we  found  ourselves  protected  from 
their  fire  by  the  hill.  Our  line,  from  the  badness  of  the 


*  Sibornesays  "  not  more  than  150  yards." 

f  According  to  Leeke  (p.  38),  Ensign  Nettles  was  killed  while  the 
52nd  was  retiring  just  before  the  attack  by  the  Imperial  Guards. 


408  APPENDIX  IL 

ground  and  the  interruption  to  which  I  have  alluded,  had 
thrown  the  two  right-hand  companies  into  some  disorder, 
and  I,  suspecting  the  French  cavalry  were  not  far  from 
our  right,  called  out  to  the  officers  commanding  Nos.  I  and 
2  Companies  to  halt  and  bring  up  their  companies  in  good 
line,  and  whilst  I  was  restraining  the  disorderly  impetu- 
osity of  these  companies  under  great  excitement,  several 
officers  in  front,  Colonel  Churchill  and  Colonel  Chalmers, 
were  cheering  and  wraving  their  hats  and  caps  in  front. 

"At  this  time  the  7 1st  formed  on  our  right  flank  and  I 
ordered  the  bugles  to  sound  the  advance  and  the  whole 
line  charged  up  the  hill,  and  on  our  arriving  at  the  edge 
of  the  deep  road,  the  opposite  side  of  which  the  Imperial 
Guards  had  occupied,  the  52nd  fired,  at  least,  most  of 
the  companies.  We  observed  the  enemy  in  great  con- 
fusion, some  firing,  others  throwing  away  their  packs  and 
running  to  the  rear. 

"  Captain  Cross  called  out  that  the  French  soldiers  near 
us  were  going  to  surrender,  but  on  their  continuing  to  fire 
on  us,  I  ordered  the  52nd  Regiment  to  '  pass  the  road,'  and 
the  whole  passed  through  the  guns  and  carriages,  &c.,  and 
we  formed  columns  of  companies,  our  right  resting  on  the 
road  to  Genappe.  We  moved  on  in  column  and  passed, 
I  think,  80  guns  or  carriages  in  about  10  minutes  after 
this  new  formation.  No  cavalry  whatever  could  be  seen 
on  our  left  or  to  the  left  of  the  Genappe  road,  and  I  am 
sure  that  no  British  cavalry  were  between  us  and  the 
French  for  the  last  hour  of  the  battle.  I  think,  therefore, 
that  the  attacks  of  our  cavalry  at  this  time  must  have  been 
made  by  the  cavalry  which  had  passed  in  rear  of  the  52nd 
and  to  the  right  of  the  Genappe  road. 

"  I  observed  smoke  and  firing  towards  Planchenoit  and 
to  the  right  and  left  of  the  Genappe  road.  The  ;ist  did 
not  cross  the  Genappe  road  but  moved  to  the  right  as  well 
as  part  of  [the  other  brigade  of]  Sir  H.  Clinton's  Division. 

"  At  the  junction  of  the  Genappe  road  and  the  road 
leading,  I  believe,  from  Wavre  to  Nivelles,  the  skirmishers 
of  the  52nd  and  the  advance  of  the  Prussians  under 
General  Billow  mixed.  When  we  passed  this  point  it  was 
nearly  dark.  We  halted  a  few  hundred  yards  from  it  and 
the  whole  of  General  Billow's  Corps  passed  our  right  on 
the  road  leading  to  Genappe. 

"  The  Duke  of  Wellington,  on  returning,  I  suppose, 
from  Belle  Alliance,  passed  the  left  of  our  column  and 


WATERLOO.  409 

inquired  for  me  and  left  a  message  that  we  were  to  halt 
for  the  night. 

"  Sir  John  Byng  mentioned  to  me  at  Paris  that  he 
observed  our  movement  in  front  of  his  brigade,  and  that 
at  this  time  his  brigade  had  no  ammunition  left.  Lord 
Hill  mentioned  to  me  also  that  he  was  near  the  Brigade 
of  Guards  when  he  observed  the  52nd  moving  across  the 
plain,  that  some  men  of  the  British  Guards  were  retiring, 
that  he  ordered  them  to  advance,  waving  his  hat  to  them. 

"  I  think,  therefore,  that  this  was  the  time  when  a 
portion  of  the  Imperial  Guards  halted  to  fire  on  the  52nd, 
and  that  immediately  after  this  halt  the  British  Guards 
charged  and  made  their  forward  movement.  It  appears 
to  me  evident,  if  this  statement  be  correct,  the  movement 
of  the  52nd  took  place  some  time  before  any  forward 
movement  was  made  by  the  Guards. 

"  Perhaps  this  information  and  the  minute  details  which 
I  have  mentioned  may  enable  you,  with  the  different 
accounts  which  you  have  received  from  other  officers,  to 
correct  the  many  errors  into  which  you  have  fallen  in  your 
account  of  the  close  of  the  engagement.  If  Colonel 
Charles  Rowan,  Lord  Strafford*  and  Sir  F.  Adam  confirm 
these  details,  you  may  consider  this  account  of  the  last 
two  hours  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo  authentic,  and  a  correct 
version.! 

"  I  have  been  particular  in  stating  many  unimportant 
occurrences,  because  I  am  persuaded  several  absurd 
blunders  and  stories  have  originated  from  the  movements 
of  the  52nd  and  General  Adam's  Brigade  having  been 
misrepresented. 

"  S." 


To  Captain  Siborne. 

[Private  and  confidential.] 

"  Corfu, 

"22nd  April,   1843. 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  was  so  much  occupied  previously  to  my 
departure  from  England  that  I  had  not  time  to  reply  to 
your  letter  of  2/th  February. 

*  Previously,  Sir  J.  Byng. 

•]-  This  paragraph  from  '  perhaps '  is  omitted  in  the  published 
Waterloo  Letters,  its  place  being  supplied  by  stars. 


410  APPENDIX  II. 

"Although  I  think  it  incumbent  on  me  again  to  offer 
some  remarks  on  the  battle  of  Waterloo,  with  reference  to 
my  observations  on  the  errors  which  it  appeared  to  me  you 
had  fallen  into,  I  send  you  my  explanations,  persuaded 
that  we  of  the  52nd,  who  have  so  freely  given  our  notions 
of  the  results  of  the  movements  towards  the  close  of  the 
action,  were  little  qualified  to  furnish  correct  information 
on  the  subject  of  the  general  operations  of  our  army,  in 
consequence  of  our  whole  attention  having  been  absorbed 
by  the  movements  which  we  were  actively  engaged  in 
carrying  into  effect,  and  that  you,  who  have  had  access  to 
the  evidence  of  officers  posted  in  every  part  of  the  field, 
must  be  enabled  to  form  a  just  conclusion  as  to  the  grand 
features  of  the  battle. 

"  I  met  in  town  with  several  officers  of  the  52nd  who 
were  near  me  at  the  close  of  the  action,  and  as  they  all 
differ  materially  in  their  accounts  of  it,  I  beg  you  will 
destroy  the  confidential  statement  which  I  forwarded  to 
you,  and  which  I  drew  up  after  being  acquainted  with  your 
earnest  desire  to  collect  information  on  certain  points, 
under  the  impression  only  that  some  of  the  details 
mentioned  by  me  might  tend  to  confirm  other  accounts  in 
your  possession. 

"  Sir  Frederick  Adam  and  myself  are  persuaded  that 
there  was  only  one  attack  made  by  the  Imperial  Guards, 
and  that  that  attack  was  in  progress  at  the  moment  when 
the  52nd  Regiment  wheeled  to  its  left  and  advanced, 
unsupported  by  any  other  corps  excepting  four  companies 
of  the  95th,  and  that  the  Imperial  Guards  halted  and  fell 
back  precisely  at  that  time  and  opened  a  fire  from  the  left 
flank  of  their  formation,  and  that  their  hesitation  in  moving 
to  the  front  and  change  of  position  took  place  in  conse- 
quence of  the  fire  of  the  52nd,  its  steady  advance,  and 
the  appearance  of  the  supporting  line  of  the  rest  of  Adam's 
Brigade  and  the  whole  of  Sir  H.  Clinton's  Division. 

"  I  was  in  a  position  which  enabled  me  to  observe  the 
moment  at  which  the  columns  of  the  Imperial  Guards 
halted  and  closed  to  the  rear — and  my  attention  was  chiefly 
and  anxiously  directed,  to  the  point  where  they  halted. 

"  I  am,  therefore,  confident  that  the  whole  of  the  columns 
of  the  attack  of  the  Imperial  Guards  that  approached  the 
line  defended  by  the  Brigade  of  British  Guards  were  on 
march  at  the  time  the  52nd  wheeled,  and  continued  their 
march  till  the  fire  of  the  regiment  was  felt  by  them;  and 


WATERLOO.  411 

that  the  attack  of  the  52nd  commenced  after  it  had 
advanced  50  or  60  paces,  and  before  any  forward 
movement  on  the  part  of  the  British  Guards. 

"  I  conclude,  then,  that  the  Imperial  Guards  assumed  a 
defensive  position  at  that  time,  and  remained  on  the 
defensive  till  they  were  assailed  and  dispersed  by  General 
Adam's  Brigade,  and  that  when  the  52nd  commenced  its 
first  advance  it  was  at  least  300  yards  in  front  of  any 
other  corps  except  the  95th  and  that  no  other  regiment 
was  near  the  52nd  on  its  reaching  the  point  occupied  by 
the  Imperial  Guards,  behind  the  road  encumbered  by  the 
French  artillery,  except  the  7 1st,  which  regiment  had 
moved  to  its  right  and  did  not  cross  the  road  in  front. 

"  The  Duke  of  Wellington  states,  I  believe,  in  his 
memorandum  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo  that  he  sent  an 
order  to  Sir  H.  Clinton  to  advance  and  attack  the  Imperial 
Guards  as  they  were  approaching  our  line.  This  order 
was  carried  by  Colonel  Percy,  who  mentioned  to  me  that 
he  saw  the  52nd  advancing  along  the  plain  as  he  was 
conveying  the  Duke's  message.  The  forward  movement 
of  the  British  Guards  must  therefore  have  taken  place 
about  the  time  he  left  the  Duke. 

"All  subsequent  operations  were  defensive  on  the  part 
of  the  French,  and  were  occasioned  probably  by  the 
simultaneous  movements  of  the  British  Guards  and  the 
52nd,  the  menaced  advance  of  Sir  H.  Clinton,  and  the 
approach  of  the  Prussians  which  had  compelled  Napoleon 
to  throw  back  his  right  wing. — I  remain,  dear  sir,  yours 
faithfully, 

"  SEATON." 


ANSWERS  TO   QUESTIONS   TUT  BY  CAPTAIN   W.   C.   YONGE,   AND 

LETTER. 

Question  I. — At  what  period  was  Adam  wounded,  and 
if  he  did  not  continue  with  the  brigade  during  the  whole 
battle,  at  what  time  did  he  leave  the  field,  and  who 
succeeded  to  the  command? 

Answer.— He  was  wounded  either  during  or  immediately 
after  the  wheeling  up  of  the  52nd  to  the  left  for  the 
purpose  of  taking  in  flank  the  French  advancing  column 


412  APPENDIX  II. 

in  their  final  attack,  and  then  left  the  field.  No  one 
assumed  the  command  of  the  brigade ;  the  commanding 
officer  of  each  "regiment  acted  according  to  his  discretion. 

Question  II. — Did  Sir  John  Colborne  order  the  for- 
mation of  four  deep,  and  did  he  direct  the  advance  and 
charge  of  the  52nd  on  his  own  responsibility  or  through 
direction  of  the  Duke? 

Answer. — The  Duke  of  Wellington  had  some  time 
previously  ordered  the  formation  of  four  deep.  Sir  John 
Colborne,  thinking  such  a  formation  in  the  ordinary 
manner  (i.e.,  with  intervals  between  the  files)  inexpedient, 
did  not  comply  with  the  order.  But  the  52nd  were 
subsequently  formed  in  two  squares  on  the  slope  of  the 
hill  in  advance  of  the  position,  from  whence,  after  some 
time,  they  were  withdrawn  to  the  crest  of  the  hill,  and 
then  Sir  John  Colborne,  as  the  safest  way  of  complying 
with  the  order,  placed  the  left  wing  of  the  regiment  in 
rear  of  the  right  wing,  closed  up. 

He  received  no  directions  from  anyone  for  the  wheeling 
of  the  regiment  and  the  attack  on  the  flank  of  the  French 
column.  A  few  minutes  previously  a  colonel  of  French 
Cuirassiers  had  galloped  in,  shouting,  "  Vive  le  Roi "  ;  and 
coming  to  Sir  John  Colborne,  informed  him  that  Napoleon 
was  forming  a  column  of  attack  and  pointed  out  where 
the  formation  was  going  on.  As  soon  as  this  column 
advanced,  Sir  John  Colborne,  having  said  to  the  adjutant, 
Winterbottom,  "  We  must  bring  the  regiment  up  on  their 
flank,"  Winterbottom  said,  "We  cannot  do  it ;  we  cannot 
wheel  the  regiment."  To  which  Sir  John  Colborne 
replied,  "  Wheel  the  left  company,  and  the  others  will  con- 
form to  it."  During  the  movement  Adam  came  up  and 
asked,  "  What  are  you  about  ? "  To  which  Sir  John 
Colborne  replied,  "  Don't  you  see  that  advancing  column  ?  " 
Almost  immediately  afterwards  Adam's  wound  took 
place  and  he  left  the  field. 

Question  III. — When  the  52nd  were  formed  four  deep 
with  their  right  shoulder  forward,  what  was  the  exact 
position  of  the  7 1st? 

Answer. — The  /ist,  having  been  in  line  to  the  right  of 
the  52nd,  it  will  be  obvious  that  when  the  wheel  of  the 
52nd  had  taken  place  so  as  to  bring  their  line  at  right 
angles  to  the  position,  the  /ist  were  considerably  in  their 
rear.  The  forward  movement  of  the  52nd  was  retarded 


WATERLOO.  413 

by  two  circumstances.  1st— The  French  column  being, 
as  usual,  flanked  by  skirmishers,  Sir  John  Colborne  desired 
to  throw  out  some  to  answer  them,  and  requested  the 
officer  commanding  two  companies  of  the  Rifle  Corps 
(attached  to  the  brigade)  to  deploy  for  this  purpose.  He 
refused,  and  then  Sir  John  Colborne  ordered  out  the  right 
companies  of  the  52nd,  checking  for  the  time  the  advance 
of  the  regiment.  The  other  cause  was  that  some  English 
Light  Dragoons  being  charged  by  the  enemy,  were  driven 
in  with  such  haste  that  they  galloped  directly  on  the  line 
of  the  52nd,  followed  closely  by  the  French,  several  of 
whom  were  shot  close  upon  and  even  within  our  line,  the 
men  opening  intervals  to  let  them  through  and  shooting 
them  as  they  passed.  These  two  causes  of  delay  in  the 
advance  of  the  52nd  enabled  the  /ist,  who  had  followed 
our  movement,  to  come  up,  and  they  advanced  on  our 
right,  I  believe,  at  about  the  ordinary  interval  of  battalions 
in  line. 

Question  IV. — Did  the  /ist  co-operate  instantly  with 
the  52nd  advance,  and  yield  them  efficient  support,  and 
how  near  was  the  left  of  the  /ist  to  the  right  of  the  52nd 
at  any  one  moment  during  their  movement,  first  to  La 
Haye  Sainte  and  continued  up  to  La  Belle  Alliance? 

Answer. — The  first  part  of  this  question  is  answered 
above. 

When  the  French  column  was  driven  back  and  the  regi- 
ments, bringing  up  their  left  shoulders,  followed  them,  the 
7 1st  gradually  increased  their  distance,  diverging  to  their 
right  and  going  to  the  right  of  the  road  while  the  52nd 
went  to  the  left. 

I  think  the  /ist  did  not  approach  the  52nd  again  until 
both  the  regiments  arrived  at  La  Belle  Alliance. 

Question  V. — What  was  the  force  of  the  Imperial 
Guards  with  which  the  52nd  came  into  immediate  contact, 
and  what  was  the  total  force  brought  up  to  sustain  the 
attack? 

Answer. — The  French  column  appeared  to  consist  of 
six  or  seven  thousand  men.  I  cannot  at  all  say  what 
portion  of  them  were  of  the  Imperial  Guard.  After  their 
repulse  the  52nd  followed  them  rapidly,  at  a  run,  so  as  to 
overtake  and  pass  a  considerable  number  who  were 
entangled  in  a  hollow  cross-road,  and  then  passed  on  to 
the  attack  of  a  body  of  apparently  between  2,000  and 


414  APPENDIX  II. 

3,000  of  the  Guards,  who  had  preserved  their  order  and 
occupied  a  hill  rather  to  the  left  of  the  direct  line  of 
advance  towards  La  Belle  Alliance.  I  think  there  were 
three  battalions  of  them.  They  opened  a  heavy  fire  on 
us  as  we  advanced  in  line  till  we  came  within  50  or  60 
yards,  when  moving  off  in  good  order,  our  men  being 
rather  blown  with  their  long  run,  by  the  time  we  got  to 
the  crest  of  the  hill  they  had  disappeared  on  the  other  side 
and  we  saw  no  more  of  them.  A  considerable  space  of 
ground  was  passed  between  the  hollow  cross-road  which  I 
have  mentioned  and  the  hill  where  these  battalions 
were  posted.  In  going  over  this  ground  the  Duke  was 
immediately  in  rear  of  the  52nd,  and  when,  in  consequence 
of  seeing  that  parties  of  Cuirassiers  who  were  retiring 
before  us  were  continually  trying  to  form,  apparently  with 
the  intention  of  charging  us,  several  of  the  officers  were 
rather  checking  the  pace  of  the  men  for  fear  of  the  ranks 
becoming  disordered,  he  two  or  three  times  called  out, 
"  Go  on,  go  on,"  and  so  it  was  that  these  Cuirassiers  were 
fairly  driven  off  without  ever  being  able  to  make  any  head. 

Question  VI. — Was  the  charge  of  Maitland's  Brigade  or 
a  battalion  thereof  seen  by  the  52nd,  and,  if  so,  in  what 
state  did  they  retire  after  breaking,  as  it  is  said  they  did, 
the  leading  column  of  the  French  Guard? 

Answer. — This  charge  and  the  reported  expression  of 
the  Duke  of  Wellington,  "  Up,  Guards,  and  at  them,"  are 
altogether  apocryphal,*  and  to  be  classed  with  that  fiction 
on  the  part  of  the  French,  "  La  Garde  meurt,  mats  ne  se 
rend  pas"  which  they  assert  to  have  been  uttered  in 
answer  to  a  summons  to  surrender  by  those  very  battalions 
of  the  Imperial  Guards  whom  I  have  described  as  convey- 
ing themselves  away  so  cleverly  before  we  could  get  to 
the  top  of  the  hill  on  which  they  were  posted. 

To  those  who  claim  for  the  Guards  the  credit  of 
repelling  this  column  of  attack,  we  might  say  as  Prince 
Hal  to  FalstafT,  "  Mark  how  plain  a  tale  shall  put  you 
down."  The  52nd  having,  as  before  mentioned,  changed 
front  to  the  left  so  as  to  bring  their  line  to  a  slightly 
obtuse  angle  with  the  line  of  the  position,  and  the  /ist 


*  To  this  hasty  dictum  we  must  not  attach  too  much  importance. 
In  his  communications  to  Colonel  Rowan  and  Captain  Siborne, 
Colbornc  had  tried  to  reconcile  his  recollections  with  the  accounts 
given  by  the  Guards.  See  also  his  letter  to  Colonel  Bentham  below. 


WATERLOO.  415 

having  come  up  on  their  right,  they  advanced  on  the  flank 
of  the  enemy's  column,  and  the  left  of  the  52nd  outflanked 
the  head  of  the  column.*  On  our  approach  the  French 
halted  and  retired  in  confusion,  receiving  a  severe  fire  from 
the  two  regiments  which,  bringing  up  their  left  shoulders, 
pursued  them  so  that  the  52nd  passed  over  the  ground  on 
which  the  enemy's  column  had  advanced.  It  is  evident 
that  had  the  Guards  charged  the  head  of  the  column,  they 
must  have  been  intermingled  with  the  left  of  the  52nd, 
whereas,  in  fact,  as  to  Byng's  Brigade,  they  were  stationary, 
doing  nothing,  like  a  regiment  on  parade,  and  this  was 
accounted  for  shortly  after  by  Sir  John  Byng,  who  told 
Colborne  that  they  had  no  ammunition  left,  adding,  "  I 
was  very  glad  to  see  you  coming  in  our  front." 

As  to  Maitland's,  they  had  been  falling  back  a  short 
distance,  but  on  our  movement  taking  place  advanced 
again  and  halted  in  line  with  Byng.  The  Duke  also  on 
our  advance  galloped  forward,  as  Major  Percy,  one  of  his 
aides-de-camp,  said,  with  a  very  different  expression  of 
countenance  from  that  which  he  had  worn  for  some  while 
before. 

Not  a  word  was  heard  of  any  charge  made  by  the 
Guards  until  after  our  arrival  at  Paris,  when  the  despatch 
had  come  out,  and  astonished  everyone  by  the  omission  of 
all  mention  of  the  circumstances  of  the  repulse  of  this  last 
effort  of  the  enemy,  and  when  Lord  Bathurst,  in  the  House 
of  Lords,  had  said,  in  giving  an  account  of  the  action,  that 
the  English  Guards  had  .  .  .  (remainder  wanting). 


To  Captain  W.  C.  Yonge. 

";th  February,   1852. 

"  From  some  questions  put  to  me,  I  fear  it  may  be  the 
intention  of  Bentham,  or  some  of  our^  52nd  friends,  to 
bring  before  the  public  the  exploits  of  our  old  corps  and 
its  officers.  Nothing  can  be  more  disagreeable  or  create 
more  jealousy  than  thrusting  continually  before  readers 
the  claims,  or  supposed  merits,  of  particular  corps  or 
officers  long  after  the  events,  to  be  discussed  or  recorded, 
as  a  tribute  to  their  exertions.  It  does  no  good  to  indi- 
viduals or  generals,  and  such  notices  are  very  properly 
considered  as  puffs,  or  as  published  for  some  interested 

*  Not  so  drawn  in  Leeke's  Plate  I.,  p.  43. 


41 6  APPENDIX  II. 

motive.  I  heard  the  Duke  of  Wellington  say  at  his  own 
table  at  Paris  in  1815,  '  Let  the  battle  of  Waterloo  stand 
where  it  does ;  we  are  satisfied/  He  knew  that  the  first 
impressions  given  could  not  be  removed  easily,  and  that 
the  merit  of  the  English  army  being  brought  into  an 
authorised  controversy  would  become  depreciated  by  the 
advocacy  of  some  and  the  jealousy  of  others.  Dr.  Moore 
annoyed  his  son,  Sir  John,  and  exposed  him  to  bitter 
sarcasms  by  his  continual  insertion  in  the  papers  [of] 
eulogiums  on  his  gallant  and  successful  service.  Sir 
Sydney  Smith,  a  man  of  extraordinary  qualifications, 
destroyed  his  character  by  his  talking  and  writing,  so  that 
he  passed  for  a  charlatan  par  tout. n 


D 

LETTER  AND  MEMORANDUM  TO  COLONEL  BENTHAM. 

"Deer  Park,  Honiton, 
w  1 5th  October,  1853. 

"  My  dear  Bentham, —  ...  It  may  be  more  satis- 
factory to  you,  instead  of  replying  to  your  queries,  to 
draw  your  attention  to  the  principal  movements  which 
accelerated  the  termination  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo,  and 
to  the  facts  which  would  be  admitted  as  evidence  in 
support  of  the  claims  of  the  52nd  to  the  merit  of  having 
first  checked  the  advance  of  the  Imperial  Guards  at  the 
crisis  of  the  battle  and  of  having  completed  their  deroute 
by  marching  directly  on  their  dense  columns,  and,  by  a 
flank  movement,  charging  them  so  vigorously  that  the 
whole  gave  way  and  retired  in  confusion.  The  statements 
of  officers  engaged  at  Waterloo  I  found  were  generally  so 
difficult  and  conflicting  that  it  was  impossible  to  draw  up 
any  correct  account  from  them.  Captain  Siborne,  I 
believe,  consulted  every  officer  in  command  with  whom  he 
was  acquainted  or  to  whom  he  was  introduced,  and 
endeavoured  to  make  their  versions  correspond  with  the 
facts  generally  known  relative  to  the  movements  of  divi- 
sions, brigades  and  regiments.  I  have  never  read  his 
account.  If  you  bring  the  52nd  into  a  contest  with  the 
Guards  by  attempting  to  prove  from  rumour  that  the 
latter  was  retiring  at  the  time  they  are  said  to  have  charged 
and  defeated  the  French  troops,  you  will  raise  up  a  host 


WATERLOO.  417 

of  opponents  to  your  account,  which  would  rather  injure 
the  cause  of  the  52nd. 

"  I  suppose  that  the  Guards  must  have  made  some  for- 
ward movement  and  that  many  officers  must  have  seen  it, 
but  I  contend  that  the  French  columns  had  been  checked 
and  thrown  into  disorder  before  the  Guards  moved.  I 
saw  the  column  of  the  Imperial  Guards  steadily  advancing 
to  a  certain  point  and  I  observed  them  halt,  which  was 
precisely  as  the  skirmishers  of  the  52nd  opened  fire  on 
their  flank.  My  attention  was  so  completely  drawn  to  our 
position  and  dangerous  advance,  a  large  mass  of  cavalry 
having  been  seen  on  our  right,  exposed  as  it  was,  that  I 
could  see  no  movement  whatever  on  the  part  of  the 
Guards ;  and,  indeed,  as  we  advanced,  I  believe  we  were 
too  much  under  their  position  to  have  had  them  in  sight. 
Sir  J.  Byng's  Brigade  remained  in  line  without  firing  or 
making  any  movement  while  we  passed  along  its  front, 
our  line  forming  a  right  angle  with  that  brigade,  and 
about  200  yards  nearer  to  the  French.  Sir  J.  Byng  told 
me  afterwards  at  Paris  that  he  had  his  whole  attention 
drawn  to  our  movement,  and  that  his  brigade  had  no 
ammunition  left.  He  gave  us  at  that  time  full  credit  for 
our  advance.  Till  the  Duke  of  Wellington's  despatch  was 
made  known  at  Paris  we  had  never  heard  of  the  charge  of 
the  Guards,  and  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  attack  of 
the  French  had  been  checked  by  the  advance  of  the  52nd 
and  the  movements  afterwards  of  the  whole  of  Sir  H. 
Clinton's  Division,  before  any  forward  movement  had  been 
made  by  the  brigade  commanded  by  Sir  P.  Maitland. 
This  account  corresponds  with  that  given  me  by  Lord 
Hill,  who  was  close  to  the  Guards  and  saw  no  moving 
across  the  plain. 

"  When  we  followed  the  French  to  La  Belle  Alliance  no 
troops  from  the  part  of  the  position  occupied  by  the 
Guards  were  near  us,  and  we  passed  80  guns  and  carriages 
a  short  time  after  the  French  had  retired,  which  they  had 
left  on  the  road  from  La  Haye  Sainte  to  La  Belle  Alliance. 

"  I  have  written  this  as  circumstances  occurred  to  me  to 
remind  me  of  the  part  we  performed,  without  method,  but 
with  these  remarks  and  the  facts  mentioned  in  the  enclosure 
you  may  be  able  to  judge  correctly  of  the  claims  of  the 
52nd. — Yours  very  faithfully, 

"  SEATON." 


41 8  APPENDIX  II. 

(Enclosure.) 

"  The  52nd  crossed  the  road  running  in  the  direction  of 
Hougomont,  and  halting  in  the  low  ground,  formed  two 
squares.  A  large  mass  of  cavalry  menaced  several  times 
the  front  and  right  faces  of  the  square  nearest  Hougomont. 
and  their  guns  opened  fire,  on  which  the  cavalry  retired, 
but  not  far.  At  the  same  time  two  guns  opened  on  the 
same  square,  enfilading  the  left  face  of  it.  A  shell  burst 
at  the  angle,  killing  and  wounding  several  men.  At  this 
moment  Colonel  C.  Rowan  said  to  Sir  J.  Colborne,  '  Do 
you  think  we  can  stand  this  ? '  He  replied,  '  But  you  see 
it  is  not  a  simultaneous  attack.'  A  few  minutes  after- 
wards Colonel  Hervey,  an  aide-de-camp  to  the  Duke  of 
Wellington,  rode  into  the  square  and  delivered  the 
message,  '  The  Duke  wishes  you  to  retire  up  the  hill/  Sir 
John  Colborne  replied,  '  Acquaint  the  Duke,  if  he  thinks 
we  are  too  exposed,  that  we  are  not  suffering  from  the  fire 
of  those  guns.'  f  Very  well,'  he  said,  '  I  will  mention  that.' 
There  was,  however,  a  sudden  rush  of  several  companies 
of  the  Nassau  Regiment  out  of  the  wood  of  Hougomont, 
from  which  it  was  supposed  that  the  wood  was  occupied 
by  the  enemy.  Therefore  the  52nd  formed  two  lines 
from  square  and  retired  up  the  slope  to  the  left  [right  ?]  of 
Sir  John  Byng's  Brigade.  A  few  minutes  before  the  52nd 
began  to  retire  an  officer  galloped  out  from  the  French 
cavalry  down  the  hill,  shouting,  '  Vive  le  Roi! '  and  riding 
up  to  Sir  J.  Colborne  and  Colonel  Rowan,  stated  that 
Napoleon  was  advancing  '  there,'  pointing  to  the  road 
leading  to  La  Haye  Sainte,  to  attack  with  his  columns. 
Sir  John  Colborne  retired  with  this  officer  in  rear  of  the 
52nd,  passing  through  the  batteries  commanded  by  Colonel 
Gould,  and  after  posting  the  52nd  in  line,  ordered  the 
adjutant  to  take  the  wounded  to  the  rear. 

"At  about  half -past  six  o'clock,  after  he  had  been 
anxiously  looking  at  the  dense  columns  moving  towards 
La  Haye  Sainte  and  afterwards  advancing  rapidly  on  that 
road,  he  ordered  the  52nd  to  wheel  to  the  left  on  the  left 
company.  This  brought  the  52nd  parallel  with  the  flank 
of  the  French  column  of  attack.  A  strong  company,  com- 
manded by  Lieutenant  Anderson,  was  ordered  to  extend, 
skirmish  in  front,  and  feel  the  enemy,  and  the  regiment 
immediately  advanced.  The  French  troops,  on  feeling  the 
fire  of  the  skirmishers,  appeared  checked,  halted,  and 
opened  a  heavy  fire  on  the  52nd. 


WATERLOO.  419 

"  The  Imperial  troops  had  been  in  movement  up  to  this 
time,  and  no  forward  movement  on  the  part  of  the  Guards 
had  as  yet  taken  place.  Lord  Hill  said  a  few  days  after- 
wards, '  I  saw  the  52nd  moving  across  the  plain.'  It  is, 
therefore,  believed  that  the  flank  movement  of  the  5 2nd 
and  the  advance  of  Sir  H.  Clintons  Division  afterwards 
compelled  the  French  column  to  halt,  and  whatever  move- 
ment on  the  part  of  the  Guards  took  place  must  have  been 
ordered  after  the  52nd  had  occasioned  the  halt  of  the 
French.  The  52nd,  as  they  closed  on  the  French,  saw 
only  in  their  front  the  troops  opposed  to  them.  The 
French  cavalry  on  the  right  of  the  52nd  had  retired,  having 
probably  been  withdrawn  when  the  Prussians  first 
appeared  marching  on  Planchenoit.  The  52nd  passed  in 
front  of  the  Brigade  of  Guards  commanded  by  Sir  J.  Byng, 
advancing  always  on  the  Imperial  Guards,  who  had 
wheeled  from  column  and  continued  their  fire  till  the  52nd 
arrived  at  the  crest  of  the  deep  road  which  divided  them. 
They  then  dispersed,  and  the  52nd,  crossing  the  road, 
advanced  in  pursuit.  At  this  time  General  Billow's  skir- 
mishers appeared  on  the  left  of  the  52nd  and  firing 
increased  in  the  direction  of  Planchenoit.  The  52nd  must 
have  been  at  least  half  an  hour  moving  on  the  flank  of  the 
French  from  the  time  the  regiment  first  wheeled  till  the 
charge  took  place. 

"  The  crisis  may  be  called  the  period  when  the  French 
columns,  advancing  with  the  intention  of  penetrating  our 
centre,  were  checked  and  compelled  to  halt  by  the  flank 
movement  and  fire  of  the  52nd.  This  was  the  very  first 
appearance  of  a  change  in  our  favour.  The  attackers  were 
attacked  and  checked  in  their  assault  and  driven  from  the 
ground  which  they  had  gained  before  they  could  deploy. 

"  The  whole  of  the  Imperial  columns  advanced  at  the 
same  time  and  their  flank  was  first  attacked  by  the  52nd 
before  any  forward  movement  was  made  to  check  them  in 
front  The  Prussians  could  not  have  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  the  French  so  as  to  cause  the  throwing  back  of 
their  right  wing  till  after  the  Imperial  Guards  had  com- 
menced the  attack  on  our  centre.  The  52nd  marched  in 
pursuit  till  9  o'clock.  Biilow's  column  passed  at  the  cross- 
road near  Belle  Alliance. 

"  Colonel  Percy  was  ordered  by  the  Duke  to  carry  a 
message  to  Sir  H.  Clinton  to  advance  with  his  division, 
and  saw  the  52nd  advancing  along  the  plain  as  he  left 

P  2 


420  APPENDIX  II. 

the  Duke  and  before  any  movement  whatever  had  been 
made  by  the  Guards.  The  52nd  opened  fire  when  some 
squadrons  of  our  own  cavalry  appeared  in  front  of  the  left 
company  of  the  5  2nd.  This  impeded  their  march  for 
some  minutes.  No  regiment  except  the  52nd  fired  on  the 
flank  of  the  Imperial  Guards,  while  this  attack  of  the 
52nd  was  going  on  so  close  to  the  position  of  the 
Guards.  The  52nd  having  been  actually  engaged 
closely  with  the  divisions  of  the  halted  column  for  half 
an  hour,  there  can  be  no  difficulty,  perhaps,  in  ascer- 
taining the  precise  time  the  British  Guards  charged, 
as  their  forward  movement  must  have  taken  place  during 
that  half  hour,  and  the  Imperial  Guards  were  not  finally 
dispersed  till  the  52nd  charged  up  the  hill  close  to  the 
road,  behind  which  the  Imperial  Guards  had  been  half  an 
hour,  it  may  be  said,  in  position. 

"October,  1853." 


E 

MEMORANDUM  BY  JAMES,  SECOND  LORD  SEATON. 

The  second  Lord  Seaton,  in  18/3,  addressed  a  letter  on 
the  subject  of  the  52nd  at  Waterloo  to  Mr.  F.  Hope 
Patterson,  author  of  Recollections  of  the  33rd  Regiment 
(privately  printed).  This  letter  was  privately  printed  in 
1894,  after  Lord  Seaton's  death. 

Speaking  of  his  father,  Lord  Seaton  writes : 

"  However  much  he  disliked  interfering  personally  in 
this  .  .  .  controversy,  ...  it  always  caused  him  a  certain 
amount  of  surprise  and  annoyance  to  find  the  long 
movement  and  march  of  the  52nd  denied,  a  movement 
which  was  the  talk,  indeed,  of  the  whole  army  on 
the  march  to  Paris  and  during  the  time  it  was  there 
stationed,  and  on  account  of  which  movement  he  had  been 
daily  receiving  congratulations  from  numerous  officers  of 
the  English  army,  including  Sir  John  Byng,  of  the  Guards, 
himself.  The  conversion  of  this  extended  and  dangerous 
movement  of  the  52nd  into  a  mere  wheel  of  the  regiment 
on  the  flank  of  the  Guards  annoyed  him  as  much  almost  as 
seeing  the  movement  altogether  ignored  (as  it  was)  in  the 
meagre  despatch  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington. 


WATERLOO.  421 

"...  Another  point  on  which  Lord  Seaton  always 
insisted  was  that  there  was  one  grand  attack  made  by 
Napoleon  with  his  Guards  to  break  through  the  centre  and 
follow  up  the  advantage  gained  by  Donzelot  in  the  pos- 
session of  La  Haye  Sainte,  and  thus  establish  a  decided 
advantage  before  the  Prussians  could  develop  their  attack 
in  flank,  and  that  he  watched  and  saw  the  whole  of  this 
French  attack  from  beginning  to  end,  and  that  there  were 
no  two  isolated  attacks  as  described  by  Siborne  and 
others.  ...  It  would  have  placed  him  in  an  anomalous 
position,  in  opposition  to  the  spirit  of  his  subsequent 
movement,  to  have  allowed,  from  his  position  on  the  hill 
facing  Hougomont,  the  alleged  first  attack  to  have  taken 
place  without  movement  or  ever  seeing  it. 

"  Lord  Seaton,  however,  never  pretended,  as  Colonel 
Chesney  rather  sarcastically  implies,  that  the  52nd 
defeated  the  whole  French  army.  They  always  gave  full 
credit  to  the  energetic  and  brilliant  co-operation  of  the 
Prussians  .  .  .  they  agreed  with  Colonel  Chesney  in 
what  he  has  stated  as  to  the  effect  of  the  Prussian 
advance.  .  .  . 

"  Another  point  on  which  Lord  Seaton  was  certain,  from 
personal  observation  and  from  seeing  the  result,  was  that 
the  French  line  generally  (or  except  in  certain  instances) 
did  not  wait  to  be  attacked,  but  broke  in  a  succession  of 
panics.  .  .  .  Lord  Seaton  saw  this  occur  .  .  .  directly 
after  his  charge  or  flank  attack.  A  part  of  this  you 
will  see  confirmed  if  you  will  read  the  French  despatch 
— a  despatch  that  was  little  read  in  England  at  the  time, 
but  which  Lord  Seaton  often  alluded  to  in  confirmation  of 
the  fact  that  a  panic  had  occurred.  It  is  published  at  the 
end  of  Cotton's  book,  A  Voice  from  Waterloo" 


F 

REMARKS. 

Lord  Seaton's  accounts  of  the  movement  of  the  52nd 
are  not  perhaps  as  lucid  as  could  be  wished.  For  many 
years  he  seems  to  have  tried  to  dismiss  the  subject  of 
Waterloo  from  his  mind,  and  when  he  was  induced  to  pen 
his  memoranda,  he  wrote  apparently  without  the  aid  of 
plans  and  without  much  knowledge  of  what  had  been 
written  from  other  points  of  view  about  the  last  phase 


422  APPENDIX  II. 

in  the  great  battle.  If,  however,  his  accounts  are  com- 
pared with  those  of  other  writers  who  took  part  in  the 
movement,  Mr.  W.  Leeke,*  Colonel  G.  Gawler,t  and  Cap- 
tain W.  C.  Yonge,t  the  main  facts,  so  far  as  Adam's 
Brigade  is  concerned,  stand  before  us  not  to  be  assailed. 

The  great  difficulty  is,  of  course,  to  reconcile  the 
accounts  of  the  52nd  officers  with  those  of  the  officers  of 
Maitland's  Brigade  of  Guards.  The  latter  claim  to  have 
themselves  routed  the  leading  column  of  the  Imperial 
Guards,  and  their  evidence,  collected  by  Sir  James 
Lindsay  in  the  Army  and  'Navy  Gazette,  1867,  p.  467, 
is  not  to  be  made  light  of.§ 

And  Major  Macready,  in  the  United  Service  Magazine 
for  1845,  shows  that  Colin  Halkett's  Brigade  was  also 
engaged  with  part  of  the  Imperial  Guard.  At  what 
moment  did  these  attacks  take  place  ?  In  what  relation 
do  they  stand  to  the  movement  originated  by  Colborne  ? 

These  questions  involve  a  further  one  :  What  was  the 
constitution  and  formation  of  the  French  attacking  force? 

Captain  Siborne,  after  collecting  the  evidence  of  indi- 
vidual officers  of  different  corps,  was  driven  to  adopt  the 
theory  that  the  French  Imperial  Guard  made  two  attacks 
with  two  columns  at  a  quarter  of  an  hour's  interval — that 
the  first  column  (formed  near  La  Haye  Sainte  and  con- 
sisting- of  six  battalions)  was  repelled  by  the  British 
Guards,  and  the  second  (formed  near  the  angle  of  the 
orchard  of  Hougomont,  and  consisting  of  four  battalions) 
by  Adam's  Brigade  and  the  rest  of  Sir  H.  Clinton's  Divi- 
sion. This  theory  is  now  generally  given  up.  Colborne's 
evidence  is  here  very  weighty,  and  he  utterly  scouted  the 
idea  of  two  attacks. 

Mr.  Ropes  ||  believes  that  the  French  force  came  on  in 
two  columns  in  echelon,  the  rear  column  being  to  the 
left ;  that  the  leading  column  was  repulsed  by  the  Guards, 
and  that  Colborne  saw  only  the  rear  column,  which  he 

*  Lord  Section's  Regiment  at  Waterloo,  1866. 

f  The  Close  and  Crisis  of  the  Action  at  Waterloo  (United  Service 
Journal,  1833). 

J  Memoir  of  Lord  Scatons  Services,  privately  printed,  1853. 

§  Sir  John  Byng's  report,  "  Nivelles,  June  19,  1815,"  Sir  P.  Mait- 
land's report  of  same  date,  Lord  Saltoun's  letter  of  1815,  letter  from 
Captain  Powell  (published  in  Waterloo  Letters],  &c. 

||  The  Campaign  of  Waterloo. 


WATERLOO.  423 

took  for  the  whole  attacking  force.  This  theory  obliges 
us  to  believe  that  the  leading  column  of  the  attack  could 
have  advanced  and  become  engaged  with  Maitland's 
Guards  unseen  by  Colborne.  Is  that  possible  ? 

But  neither  Siborne  nor  Ropes  seems  to  have  been 
acquainted  with  a  valuable  memorandum,  now  preserved 
in  the  Morrison  collection,  London,  written  by  General 
Petit,  who  commanded,  at  Waterloo,  the  1st  Grenadiers 
of  the  Old  Guard.  This  document,  which  Mrs.  Morrison 
has  kindly  allowed  me  to  copy,  if  it  is  to  be  relied  on, 
gives  us  the  exact  constitution  of  Napoleon's  attacking 
force* 

According  to  General  Petit  (who  seems  not  to  use  the 
expression  "  Middle  Guard "),  the  infantry  of  the  Old 
Guard  was  composed  of  two  divisions,  the  one  consisting 
of  the  ist,  2nd,  3rd  and  4th  Grenadiers,  the  other  of  the 
ist,  2nd,  3rd  and  4th  Chasseurs.  In  each  division  the  1st 
Regiment  formed  a  reserve. 

The  strength  of  these  regiments  was  (roughly)  as 
follows :  — 


ist  Grenadiers  ...  1,450 

2nd         „           ...  1,250 

3rd         „           ...  1,250 

4th         „            ...  800 


ist  Chasseurs  ...  1,450 

2nd         „  ...  1,250 

3rd          „  ...  1,250 

4th         „  ...  1,000 


At  the  close  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo  the  eight 
battalions  composing  these  regiments  were  employed, 
according  to  Petit,  as  follows  :  — 

The  ist  Grenadiers  was  posted  in  two  squares  near 
Belle  Alliance,  on  either  side  of  the  Charleroi  road,  as  a 
reserve.  This  was  commanded  by  General  Petit  himself. 
These  were  the  last  two  squares  that  stood  their  ground. 

The  ist  Battalion  ist  Chasseurs  was  placed  behind  the 
farm  of  Le  Caillou,  apparently. 

The  ist  Battalions  2nd  Grenadiers  and  2nd  Chasseurs 
had  been  sent  to  Planchenoit 

The  great  column  of  attack  was  formed  of  the  3rd  (ist 
Battalion  only)  and  4th  Grenadiers  and  Chasseurs  f  in 

*  The  document  has  been  used  by  Houssaye,  in  whose  notes  I  first 
heard  of  it.  It  had  also,  I  think,  been  used  by  the  authors  of  the 
Victoires,  Conquetes,  &c.,  de  V  Armee  Fran$aise,  and  in  that  case  must 
have  been  written  by  1821.  It  will  be  found  in  print  in  the  English 
Historical  Review,  April,  1903. 

t  These  (3rd  and  4th)  regiments  are  often  called  "The  Middle 
Guard.'* 


424 


APPENDIX  II. 


squares  of  battalions  in  echelon,  but  in  close  contact, 
except  that  the  4th  regiments  of  each  arm,  owing  to  their 
weakness,  only  formed  one  battalion  each.  The  column 
was  arranged  as  follows : 


ist  Batt. 
3rd  Grenadiers. 
(Its  right  close  to  the  Charleroi  road.) 


4th  Grenadiers. 


4th  Chasseurs. 


ist  Batt. 
3rd  Chasseurs. 


2nd  Batt. 
3rd  Chasseurs. 


The  total  strength  of  this  column  was  therefore  about 
3,675  men. 

When  this  column  was  repulsed,  an  attempt  was  made 
to  bring  forward  the  2nd  Battalions  2nd  Grenadiers  and 
2nd  Chasseurs,  but  they  had  similarly  to  fall  back. 

Meanwhile  the  2nd  Battalion  3rd  Grenadiers  was  posted 
at  a  point  between  Belle  Alliance  and  Hougomont,  the 
Emperor  remaining  with  it  during  the  attack.  The  bat- 


WATERLOO.  425 

talion  was  joined  by  Cambronne  with  2nd  Battalion  1st 
Chasseurs.  These,  if  we  should  follow  Petit,  would  be 
the  squares  of  the  Guard  which  retired  when  the  52nd 
approached  them  after  its  encounter  with  the  main  column. 
But  Colborne  speaks  of  "  three  squares,"  and  Houssaye 
makes  these  consist  of  the  2nd  Battalion  1st  Chasseurs 
and  the  above-mentioned  2nd  Battalions  2nd  Grenadiers 
and  2nd  Chasseurs. 

On  the  strength  of  Petit's  account  of  the  formation  of 
the  main  attacking  force,  M.  Henri  Houssaye*  constructs 
the  following  theory  of  its  defeat 

He  maintains  that  by  the  time  the  five  squares  in 
echelon  approached  the  British  lines  they  had  become 
four,  owing  to  the  fourth  combining  with  the  third.  These 
echelons,  of  which  three  consisted  of  only  one  battalion 
each,  attacked  the  British  line  at  different  points.  The 
first  encountered  the  left  of  Halkett's  Brigade,  the  second 
the  right  of  that  brigade,  the  third,  the  strongest,  was 
repelled  by  Maitland's  Guards,  the  fourth  by  Adam's  Bri- 
gade. Each  echelon  encountered  a  force  superior  to  it  in 
numbers,  and  was  repulsed  in  detail.  This  view,  though 
consistent  with  the  plan  of  the  battle  drawn  by  Craan,  is 
strongly  contradicted  by  Colborne's  evidence,  as  well  as 
that  of  most  other  witnesses,  English  and  French. 

Colborne  maintains  that  he  saw  the  approaching  force 
as  a  column,  that  he  wheeled  the  52nd  Regiment  on 
the  left  flank  of  the  first  body,  and  that  up  to  that  time 
there  had  been  no  fighting  on  the  part  of  the  Guards. 

Is  it  possible  to  reconcile  these  statements  of  so  com- 
petent an  eye-witness  with  the  testimony  of  combatants 
at  other  points  of  the  Allied  line?  With  great  diffidence 
I  would  suggest  that  they  can  be  reconciled  in  the 
following  manner :  — 

Petit  tells  us  that  the  column — formed  as  he  has 
described — marched  parallel  to  the  Charleroi  road  till  it 
had  passed  La  Haye  Sainte.  We  know  that  from  that 
point  at  least,  instead  of  keeping  its  previous  direction, 
it  crossed  the  field  diagonally  to  its  left,  if  not  in  obedience 
to  an  order,  by  a  natural  tendency  to  take  the  line  of  least 
resistance. 

What  effect  would  this  change  of  direction  have  on 
the  formation  of  the  attacking  body? 

*  1815,  Waterloo. 


426  APPENDIX  If. 

Each  square  would  execute  a  half-left  wheel  movement. 
British  Guards. 


If  the  dotted  lines  be  taken  to  represent  the  original 
position,  and  the  continuous  lines  the  new  position  of  the 
squares,  it  will  be  seen  that  they  will  now  be  no  longer 
in  echelon  but  in  line. 

If  we  then  suppose  that  the  left  squares  (the  original 
rear  squares)  got  at  all  in  advance  of  the  squares  on  their 
right*,  and  if  we  further  suppose  that  two  or  three  of  the 
squares  on  the  left  got  more  or  less  massed  together  one 
in  rear  of  the  other,  the  attack  would  be  made  somewhat 
as  follows :  — 

JBritisJv 


&jX^ 

"  A 

ri\ 
•*\ 

**8                    *e 

0^     ,.C 

°6 

s^li 

*  Captain  Meiklejohn  points  out  in  a  letter  that  the  greater  resist- 
ance offered  to  the  French  squares  on  the  right  than  to  those  on  the 
left,  and  the  fact  that  they  were  marching  over  ground  more 
encumbered  with  the  results  of  previous  righting,  might  well  cause 
these  squares  to  make  less  progress  than  those  to  their  left.  He 
suggests  also  that  the  intervention  of  the  French  Light  Artillery  might 
cause  the  left  squares  to  lose  touch  with  those  to  their  right,  and 
diverge  still  more  to  the  left. 


WATERLOO.  427 

Now  such  a  formation  would  satisfy  the  conditions  of 
the  problem. 

While  Colborne  and  Leeke,  speaking  only,  we  may 
suppose,  of  the  troops  approaching  their  angle  of  the 
position,  saw  them  as  two  columns  with  an  interval 
between  them,  an  observer  in  the  2nd  Battalion  95th 
Regiment,  Corporal  Aldridge,  whose  testimony  is  given 
in  Siborne's  Waterloo  Letters,  says  that,  to  his  eye,  "  The 
French  came  up  in  three  columns  abreast  of  each  other; 
they  looked  like  quarter- distance  columns." 

The  plan  of  the  battle,  by  the  Belgian,  Craan,  1816, 
represents  the  French  Guards  as  deployed  in  four  bodies 
opposite  different  points  of  the  Allied  line.  And  Major 
Macready,  3Oth  Regiment,  stated  in  the  United  Service 
Magazine,  1 845  :  "  All  I  heard  and  all  I  read  of  those 
events  soon  after  their  occurrence  would,  equally  with 
what  I  saw,  have  led  me  to  conclude  that  the  first*  attack 
of  the  Imperial  Guards  came  in  contact  with  the  British 
front  in  an  echelon  or  line,  and  not  in  a  mass  of  columns 
— something  as  represented  in  Craan's  plan." 

Assuming  then  that  the  French  Guard  came  on  in  the 
manner  indicated,  Colborne  may  well  have  seen  the  whole 
body  advancing  from  La  Haye  Sainte,  as  he  describes 
and  have  brought  the  52nd  Regiment  on  the  flank  of  the 
leading  square  (or  column),  according  to  his  contention, 
before  ever  the  British  Guards  were  engaged.  He  could 
not,  of  course,  safely  have  brought  his  regiment  on  the 
flank  of  the  leading  square  if  other  squares  had  been 
following  in  echelon  on  his  right. 

When  the  leading  square,  owing  to  Colborne's  move- 
ment, came  to  a  halt,  we  may  suppose  that  the  squares 
to  its  right  and  rear  continued  their  course  and  en- 
countered Colin  Halkett's  Division  and  Maitland's  Guards. 
These  squares,  we  may  then  suppose,  were  already  thrown 
into  confusion  by  the  British  fire  and  charges  when  the 
troops  on  the  left  were  driven  back  under  the  fire  and 
charge  of  Adam's  Brigade,  and,  as  Captain  Yonge  says, 
"  involved  in  their  disorder  the  other  troops  in  echelon  on 
their  right."! 

*  He  is  here  presuming  the  truth  of  Siborne's  theory  of  the  two 
attacks. 

f  It  is  remarkable  that  Yonge  assumes  the  rear  part  of  the 
attacking  force  to  have  been  echeloned  to  its  right,  and  Leeke  draws 
it  so  in  his  plan,  p.  43. 


428  APPENDIX  II. 

If  this  theory  be  found  untenable,  I  can  only  leave  the 
task  of  reconciling  the  various  accounts  of  the  repulse  of 
the  Imperial  Guard  to  enthusiasts  possessed  of  more 
military  knowledge  than  I  can  claim,  and  a  more  than 
ordinary  amount  of  courage. 


429 


INDEX. 


Abercromby,  Col.  Hon.  A.,  159. 
Abercromby,     Hon.     James.        See 

Dunfermline,  Lord. 
Abercromby    (Abercrombie),     Gen. 

Sir  John,  130,  155. 
Abercromby      (Abercrombie),      Sir 

Ralph,    in    Holland,    8 — 15 ;     in 

Minorca  and  Egypt,  22 — 26. 
Acadie,  281. 
Adam,  Sir  F.     Waterloo  Campaign, 

225,  238,  244,  401,  406,  409,  410— 

412;  Ionian  Islands,  329,  330. 
Adam's      Brigade      at      Waterloo, 

215—237,    398—428;     at    Paris, 

241 — 246. 

Adams,  Mr.  G.  G.,  A.R.A.,  377. 
Addington  Ministry,  43. 
Airey,  Lord,  373. 
Alava,  d',  Gen.  M.  R.,  219. 
Alba  de  Tormes,  Battle  of,  131. 
Albemarle,    Lord,    Story    told    by, 

216,  217. 
Albert,   Prince   Consort,  351,    374; 

visits  Napoleon  III.  at  St.  Omer, 

354- 

Albuhera,  155  ;  battle  of,  158—162. 
Alemtejo,  The,  132,  143,  146. 
Alexander,  Sir  J.  E.,  364. 
Alexandria,  25—32,  42,  59,  101. 
Alhandra,  142,  144,  145,  146. 
Alkmaar,  Battle  of,  19. 
Almeida,  93,  139,  143. 
Alten,  Gen.  Baron,    183,    187,   189, 

190,  201. 
American   Captain,  an,  Stories  of, 

38. 

Anderson,  Canon,  of  Montreal,  310. 
Anderson,  Lieut.  M.,  52nd,  401,  406, 

418. 

Anderson,  Col.,  no — 114,  117,  252. 
Anglesey,  Marquis  of  (Lord  Paget, 

Lord  Uxbridge),  86,  97,  103,  124, 

219,  222,  347,  385,  386. 
Anstruther,  Brig.-Gen.,  114. 


Antonio  De    Bane,  a  servant,  122, 

155  ;  letter  from,  178. 
Antony,   Cornwall,   125,    165,    177, 

181,  208,  272. 
Apsley  House,  378. 
Areizaga,  Gen.,  130,  133,  395. 
Armorial  bearings,  311. 
Arthur,  Sir  George,  297,  301,  308, 

364. 

Ashworth,  Brig.-Gen.,  145. 
Astorga,  95,  96,  102,  104,  105,  386, 

391- 

Atalaya,  137,  138. 
Austerlitz,  Battle  of,  48. 
Austria  and  Napoleon,  47,  59. 
Austria,  Archduchess  Sophia  of,  368 
Austria,  Archduke  John  of,  368. 
Austria,      Emperor      of      (Francis 

Joseph),  367—369. 
Azuaga,  156,  157. 

Badajos,  90,  131,  133,  135,  150,  152, 
154,  156,  157,  159.  I0"o;  storming 
of,  176  n. 

Baden,  247. 

Baird,  Gen.  Sir  D.,  31,  93 — 96,  102, 
1 1 6,  383— 397  passim. 

Balaclava,  Battle  of,  355,  362. 

Ballesteros,  Gen.,  160. 

Barcelona,  203. 

Barclay,  Lieut. -Col.  (52nd  Regt), 
174. 

Bargus,  Alethea  Henrietta.  See 
Yonge,  Mrs.  John. 

Bargus,  Frances  Mary.  See  Yonge, 
Mrs.  W.  C. 

Bargus,  Miss,  82. 

Bargus,  Richard,  68. 

Bargus,  Rev.  T.,  3,  4,  13,  124,  125  ; 
letters  to,  7 — 120  passim. 

Bargus,  Mrs.  Thomas.  See  Col- 
borne,  Mrs.  Samuel. 

Bargus,  Mrs.  T.  (Mary  Kingsman), 
4,  62,  95  ;  letters  to,  129,  132. 


430 


INDEX. 


Barham  Downs,  8. 

Barkway,  Herts,  7,  44,  45,  71—73. 

Barnard,    Gen.  Sir  A.,   170,   176  nt 

204,  247. 

Barrosa,  Battle  of,  155. 
Bathur^t,  Lord,  234,  415. 
Bayonne,  198,  199,  328. 
Beauharnois,  303,  304,  305. 
Beckwith,    Maj.-Gen.  Charles,  194, 

199,  222  ;  family  history,  223  n  ; 

letter  from,  362. 
Beckwith,  Col.  T.  S.,  173. 
Bedard,  Judge,  308. 
Beechwood,     Plympton,    367,    370, 

372-376. 
Belle  Isle,  22. 
Benalcazar,  Colborne's  gallantry  at, 

156. 
Benavente    (Benevente),    82,     105, 

384,  385 ;  cavalry  affair  near,  97, 

102—104,  385,  386. 
Bentham,   Col.   (52nd),  415  ;    letter 

and  memorandum  to,  416. 
Bentinck,  Lord  William,  389. 
Beresford,  Marshal,   144,  149 — 151, 

154)  IS5>  J59,  160,  162,  206. 
Bergen,  Battle  of,  17 — 19. 
Berlin,  247. 

Betanzos,  390,  391,  397. 
Bethune,    Bishop,   of   Toronto,    his 

estimate  of  Colborne,  322. 
Birch,  Col.,  74. 

"  Birkenhead,"  The  loss  of  the,  347. 
Blake,  Gen.  (of  the  Spanish  Army), 

95,  160,  395- 

Blakeney,  Gen.  Sir  E.,  348. 

Blucher,  Marshal,  244. 

Bonaparte,  Joseph,  50,  134. 

Bonaparte,    Napoleon,    29,   33,   43, 
86,  96,   102,   107,    134,  *n,  212, 
214,  215,  240,  393  ;  seen  by  Col- 
borne  at  Waterloo,  223,  224,  400;   j 
book  read  by,  244. 

Borgia,  54. 

Boucherville,  303,  304. 

Bouchette,  R.  S.  M.,  292. 

Boulton,   Mr.   (Attorney-General  of 
Upper  Canada),  259,  266. 

Bowen,  Sir  G.  F.,  334,  339. 

Boyle,  Lord,  4. 

Brabourne  Lees,  73 — 75. 

Bragganstown,  4  n,  367. 

Braine-le-Comte,  215. 

Bridge-making,  148,  149. 

British  character,  108,  135. 

British  soldiers,  Quality  of,  107, 198. 

Brodrick,  Gen.,  387. 

Brooke,  Lord,  3. 


Brotherton,  Col.,  232. 

Brown,  "  General  "  T.  S.,  286,  288. 

289. 

Brussels,  208,  210,  211,  214. 
Buenos  Ayres,  Disaster  at,  69,  73, 

74- 

Buller,  C.,  299. 
Billow,  Gen.  Von,  228,402,403,408, 

419- 

Bunbury,  Sir  H.  E.,  53,  123. 
Bunbury,  Mrs.  (born  Fox),  155. 
Buonaparte.     See  Bonaparte. 
Burghersh,  Lord,  127. 
Burgos,  91,  93. 

Burgoyne,  F.  M.  Sir  J.  F.,  350. 
Burrard,  Capt.,  in. 
Burrard,  Sir  Harry,  i. 
Burrard,  Gen.  Sir  Harry,  80 — 85. 
Busaco    (Vusacos),   Battle   of,    140, 

141,352. 
Byng,  Gen.  Sir  John.    See  Strafford. 

Cadiz,  133,  134. 

Cadoux,  Capt.  D.  (95 th  Regt.),  184. 
Cairo,  30;  capitulation  of,  25,  26. 
Calabria,  33,  35,  36,  51—56. 
Calahorra     (Calhorra),     Colborne's 

frustrated  ride  to,  90,  92. 
Cambridge,  H.R.H.  Adolphus,  Duke 

of,  327. 
Cambridge,  H.R.H.    George,  Duke 

of,  350;  letters  from,  335,  370. 
Cameron,  Gen.  Sir  Alan,  Stories  of, 

136- 

Campbell,  Col.  (41  st  Regt.),  73,  120. 
Campbell,  Lieut.  G.  (52nd),  401. 
Campbell,    Capt.   J.    (42nd    Regt.), 

Story  of,  148. 

Campo  Mayor,  Affair  of,  150 — 154. 
Canada,  378 ;  the  defence  of,  374. 
Canada,  Lower,  271 — 322. 
Canada,  Upper,  253—270,  280,  291, 

296,  319;  Reserve  Lands  question, 

260,  261  ;   Rebellion  in,  304 — 321. 
Canadian    Rebellion,    1837,    285 — 

293,   320;    1838,  301 — 306,   320; 

courts-martial,  306 — 311,  320,  321. 
Canaveral,  Colborne's  ride  to,  91. 
Canning,  Right  Hon.  G.,  speech  by, 

on  the  Corunna  Campaign,   121  ; 

his  Ministry,  251;  death,  252. 
Canterbury,  7,  8. 
Capua,  Prince  of    (son  of   ex-King 

of  Naples),  368. 
Cardigan,  Lord,  369. 
Cargill,  Lieut.  (52nd  Regt.),  187  «. 
Carlisle,  (7th)  Earl  of,  364,  369. 
Carmichael,  Col.,  303. 


INDEX. 


431 


Castanos,    Gen.    (of    the    Spanish 

Army),  90,  92,  96,395. 
Casteleur,  Chateau  of,  197,  199. 
Castello  Branco,  139. 
Castel  Sarrasin,  207. 
Castlereagh,  Lord,  81,  121  n. 
Castricum,  Battle  of,  19. 
Castro  de  Gonzalo,   102,   103,  385, 

391 

Caughnawaga,  302. 
Cavan,  Earl  of,  31. 
Cephalonia,  336—338. 
Ceuta,  64. 
Chalmers,    Lieut.-Col.    W.   (52nd), 

405,  408. 
Chamusca,  148. 
Chartres,  Duke  de,  245. 
Chenier,  Dr.,  289,  290,  293. 
Chesney,  Col.,  421. 
Chester,  248. 

Chobham  Camp,  350— 352. 
Christ's  Hospital,  2—4. 
Cintra,  Convention  of,  83,  85,  94. 
Ciudad  Rodrigo,  93,  134,  143,  150; 

siege  of,  165 — 175. 
Clarke,  Col.  J.  (66th),  158. 
Claval,  Col.,  53. 

Clephane,  Lieut.-Col.  (20th),  73. 
Clinton,  Sir  H.,  99,  213. 
Clinton's     Division     at     Waterloo, 

215—237.  398.  400,  401,  402,  422. 
Clonmell,  Lord,  364. 
Clonmell,  Lady,  364. 
Coa,  Battle  of  the,  137,  138. 
Coimbra,  85,  175—179- 
Colborne,  Charles,  1—2. 
Colborne,      Cordelia     Anne.        See 

Yonge,  Mrs.  Duke. 
Colborne,  Hon,  Cordelia,  284,  361, 

366,  375. 
Colborne,  Lieut. -Gen.  the  Hon.  Sir 

Francis,  247,  249,  284,  291,  292, 

301 ;  in  the  Crimea,  352,  355,  364 ; 

letters   to,   366,   372;    letters  to, 

on  duties   of   officers,    344,  352; 

letter  to,  on  the  Crimean  War, 

360. 
Colborne,  Hon.  and  Rev.  Graham, 

349.  372,  376- 

Colborne,  Hon.  James.  See  Seaton, 
2nd  Lord. 

Colborne,  Hon.  Jane.  See  Mont- 
gomery-Moore, The  Hon.  Lady. 

Colborne,  John  Saumarez,  Death  of, 
356. 

Colborne,  Lady  (Miss  Elizabeth 
Yonge).  See  Seaton,  Lady. 

Colborne,  Samuel,  I,  2. 


Colborne,  Mrs.  Samuel,  I — 4. 
Coldwater,  Upper  Canada,  265. 
Cole,  Gen.  Sir  G.  Lowry,  155,  188, 

328;  at  Albuhera,  159;  at  Orthes, 

200 — 203. 

Coleridge,  Sir  J.  T.,  327. 
Coleridge,  Samuel  Taylor,  2,  39  n. 
Collins   (Canadian  journalist),  254, 

255- 

Combermere,  F.  M.  Viscount,  348. 
Commanding  officers,  Duties  of,  344. 
Constantino,  156,  157. 
Cooke,  Lieut.-Gen.  Sir  G.,  234. 
Coote,  Gen.  Eyre,  26—28. 
Corfu,  332—344. 
Cork,  21. 
Corunna,  93,  383,  397;  retreat  to, 

96 — 1 08,  384,  397  ;  battle  of,  100, 

108—110,  117,  390,  391. 
Cotton's  Voice  from  Waterloo,  421. 
Crabbendam,  8 — 16. 
Craig,  Lieut.-Gen.  Sir  James,  46,  48, 

49- 

Crampton,  Capt.  J.  (95th  Regt.),  169. 

Craufurd,  Gen.  J.  Catlin,  389. 

Craufurd,  Gen.  R.,  391  ;  at  White- 
locke's  trial,  74 ;  Battle  of  the  Coa, 
J37.  *38;  at  Ciudad  Rodrigo,  172, 
173;  stories  of,  170,  173,  174. 

Crimean  War,  352 — 362 ;  Sir  G. 
Napier's  and  Lord  Seaton's  com- 
ments on,  355—361. 

Cross,  Capt.  J.  (52nd),  402,  408. 

Cuesta,  Gen.  (of  the  Spanish  Army), 
128,  130,  395. 

Cunningham,  Gen.,  19. 

Curragh,  the,  Reviews  at,  366,  372. 

Dalrymple,  Gen.  Sir  Hew,  80,  82, 

83,  85. 
Davies,  Capt.  J.  H.  (ist  Foot  Guards), 

403- 

Davoust,  Marshal,  239,  240. 
Deer  Park,  near  Honiton,  34.5,  346, 

352. 
Derby  (i4th),  Earl  of  (Mr.  Stanley), 

259- 

Des  Voeux,  Sir  C.,  12,  14,  15,  327. 
Devonport,  378. 

Diggle,  Gen.  C.,  Anecdote  of,  63. 
Dittisham,  349,  372. 
Divisions.     See  Peninsular  Army. 
Don,  Major-Gen.,  8,  9. 
Donzelot,  Gen.,  421. 
"  Doric  Club,''  280,  282. 
Douglas,  Sir  Howard,  361. 
Douglas,  Sir  James,  85. 
Douro,  Passage  of  the,  126,  127. 


432 


INDEX. 


Downes,  Lord,  346,  364. 
Dresden,  247. 

Drummond,  Major-Gen.,  164. 
Drummond,      Mr.      (Minister       at 

Palermo),  64. 
Dublin,  363—372. 
Duckworth,  Admiral,  59,  127. 
Duckworth,  Col.  G.  H.  (48th  Regt.), 

161. 

Duffey,  Capt.  J.  (43rd  Regt.),  169. 
Dundas,  Col.  (83rd),  306. 
Dundas,  Mr.,  M.P.,  99. 
Dunfermline,      Lord     (Jas.      Aber- 

cromby),  $11,315. 
Duquette  (Canadian  rebel),  310. 
D'Urban,  Sir  B.,  156  «,  157. 
Durham    (ist)    Earl    of,   302,    309; 

Governor-General  of  Canada,  295 

—301  j  his  Report,  255,  296,  311. 

Eden,  Lieut.-Col.  John,  310,  311. 
Eglinton,  Earl  of,  364. 
Egmont  Binnen,  Battle  of,  19. 
Egmont  op  Zee,  Battle  of,  17 — 19. 
Eguia,  Gen.  (of  the  Spanish  Army), 

128,  130. 
Egypt,      Expedition     to,     25 — 32 ; 

second  expedition  to,  59,  101. 
El  Bodon,  1 66,  168,  169. 
Elder,   Col.  G.    (Portuguese   Ca9a- 

dores),  Story  of,  176**. 
Ellenborough,  Earl  of,  331. 
Ellice,  Edward,  305. 
Ellice,  Mrs.  E.,  305. 
Elvas,  91,  133,  134,  154;  Colborne 

sent  to  procure  the  surrender  of, 

86—90. 

England,  Col.,  65. 
Esla,  The,  102—104. 
Esterhazy,  Prince,  368. 
Estremadura,     Spanish     Army    in, 

128—131,  395. 
Estremoz,  86,  90. 
Exeter,  6. 

Falmouth,  115. 

Fane,  Gen.  H.,  390,  393. 

Fane,  Capt.  T.,  195. 

Fareham,  4. 

Fergusson's  scheme  for  the  defence 

of  Portsmouth,  350. 
Ferrol,  397. 

"  Fits  de  Liberte"  279,  280,  282. 
Fisher's    portrait   of    Lord   Seaton, 

373,  378. 
Flaxley,  181. 
Florence,  247. 
Foncebadon,  105. 


Fort  George,  Minorca,  22 — 25. 

Fox,  Gen.  Henry,  57—64,  no,  122; 
stories  of,  65,  66. 

Fox,  Mrs.  H.,  61,  62,  109. 

Foy,  Gen.,  202. 

France,  Occupation  of ,  by  the  Allies, 
241—248. 

Fraser,  Maj.-Gen.  A.  M.,  385,  387, 
396,  397- 

Fran9ois  (Sir  J.  Moore's  servant), 
no,  112,  114. 

Fraser,  Sir  W.,  352. 

French  and  English  in  the  Penin- 
sula, Relations  of,  127,  145,  148, 

153- 
French  officers,  Stories  of,  187,  195, 

223,  239,  400. 

Frere,  Right  Hon.  J.  H.,  121  «,  394. 
Freyre,  Lieut. -Gen.  (Spanish  Army), 

204. 

Friedland,  Battle  of,  62. 
Fuente  Ovejuna,  156,  157. 
Fuentes  de  Onoro,  Battle  of,  164. 

Gaeta,  49,  50,  56. 

Galicia,  Moore's  campaign  in, 
104—107,  383—397. 

Galluzzo,  Capt.-Gen.  of  Estrema- 
dura, 90,  395. 

Garonne,  R.,  204. 

Garstin  (2Oth  Regt.),  36. 

Garstin,  Cordelia  Anne.  See  Col- 
borne,  Mrs.  Samuel. 

Gawler,  Col.  G.  (52nd),  227,  398; 
praises  Lord  Seaton's  movement 
at  Waterloo,  231,  232. 

Gerona,  Siege  of,  135. 

Gibbs,  Major  E.  (52nd),  169. 

Gibraltar,  38,  41,  64,  67,  70. 

Girod,  Gen.,  88. 

Girod    (Canadian  rebel),   289,  290, 

293- 

Gizeh,  30. 
Glenelg,   Lord,  261,   272,  273,  294, 

307;    letter    to,    261 — 264,    316; 

despatches   from,  271,    272,    299, 

309;  letters  from,  299,  316. 
Goddard,   Dr.  (Winchester),  4,  124, 

181. 

Godden,  Sir  Robert,  211. 
Goderich,  Lord.     See  Ripon,  Earl  of. 
Gold,  Lieut.-Col.  C.,  400,  406. 
Gomm,  F.  M.  Sir  W.  M.,  96  n. 
Gordon,    Col.   J.   Willoughby,    in, 

117,  120. 

Gore,  Col.  Hon.  C.,  285—289,  304. 
Gosford,   (2nd)  Earl  of,  276,  378 — 

28  J,  294. 


INDEX. 


433 


Gottenburgh  (Gottenborg),  75 — 77. 
Gough,  (ist)  Viscount,  364. 
Gould.     See  Gold. 
Graham,    Col.   T.      See    Lynedoch, 

Lord. 
Grant,  Lieut.-Col.  C.  (i5th  Hussars), 

390- 

Greece,  332,  336,  337,  3*0—342. 
Gregg,        Commodore        (Russian 

service),  47. 
Greville,  Charles,  36. 
Grey,  (3rd)  Earl,  338. 
Guelphic  Order,  274. 
Guernsey,  Colborne  Lieut. -Gov.  of, 

249—253,  326;  Elizabeth  College, 

249,  250. 
Guinaldo,  165. 
Gurwood,  Lieut.  J.  ($2nd),  167,  171. 

Hagerman,  Mr.  (Solicitor-General  of 
Upper  Canada),  259,  301. 

Halifax,  N.  S.,  279. 

Hamilton  (Upper  Canada),  255. 

Hamilton,  Gen.,  12,  15,  16. 

Hamilton,  Lady,  and  Nelson,  66, 
67. 

Hanover,  344. 

Hardinge,  (ist)  Viscount  (Sir  H. 
Hardinge),  at  Albuhera,  159;  on 
the  march  to  Paris,  244 ;  praises 
Lord  Seaton,  326;  Commander- 
in-Chief,  348,  350,  355,  360  n,  363. 

Harris,  Dr.  (Torquay),  376. 

Head,  Sir  F.  B.,  264,  271 — 273,  275, 
283. 

Head,  Col.  M.  (i3th  Lt.  Dragoons), 
150. 

Heathcote,  Sir  W.,  327. 

Helder  (Heelder),  The,  8,  13,  14, 
1 6. 

Hervey,  Gen.  (Col.)  F.  E.,  86,  126, 
127,  223,  400,  405,  418. 

Hesse-Philippsthal,    Prince    of,   50, 

59- 

Hill,  Viscount  (Sir  R.  Hill),  409,  417, 
419;  Hill's  Division,  132 — 162, 
401 ;  at  Busaco,  140  ;  Wellington's 
opinion  of  him,  140;  in  the 
Pyrenees,  328;  his  action  at  St. 
Pierre,  198,  199;  Commander-in- 
Chief,  300,  313,  314  n. 

Hoghton,  Major-Gen.  D.,  at  Albu- 
hera, 159. 

Holland,  Expedition  to,  7 — 20. 

Holland,  King  of,  210,  an. 

Hope,  Gen.  Sir  John  (4th  Earl  of 
Hopetoun),  93,  94,  95  «,  96,  100, 
in,  1 1 6— 118,  385,  387,  390,  396. 


Houat,  Island  of,  22. 

Hull,  248. 

Hume,  Jos.,  M.P.,  260,  278,  326. 

Hutchinson,   Lieut.-Gen.  (2nd  Earl 

of  Donoughmore),  25 — 28,  31. 
Hyams,  Bagshot,  350. 

Indian  Army  in  Egypt,  30,  31. 

Indians  in  Canada,  262,  301 ;  address 
from,  264. 

Infantry  officers,  ought  to  be 
mounted,  214. 

Inglis,  Sir  R.,  327. 

Inkerman,  Battle  of,  355,358,  360. 

Ionian  Islands,  277 ;  Sir  F.  Adam 
Lord  High  Commissioner,  329, 
330;  Lord  Seaton,  ditto,  331 — 
343;  history  of,  332;  constitu- 
tion of  1817,  333,  336;  Lord 
Seaton's  reforms,  337—343. 

Ireland,  Lord  Seaton  Commander 
of  the  Forces  in,  363 — 372. 

Jaraicejo,  128. 

Jones,  Sir  J.  T.,  388,  392,  393. 
Junot,  Marshal,    Duke  of  Abrantes, 
67,  82,  83,  84,  86. 

Kellermann,  Gen.  F.  C.,  and  the 
Convention  of  Cintra,  85,  86,  88, 
89;  story  of,  94. 

Kempt,  Gen.  Sir  J.,  at  Maida,  51 — 
53;  at  Vera,  186,  189;  at  Orthes, 
201 ;  his  advice  to  Colborne,  251, 
252  ;  Gov.-Gen.  of  Canada,  309  ; 
in  London,  327. 

Kent,  H.R.H.  the  Duke  of,  Stories 
of,  41. 

Keppel,  Lieut.    See  Albemarle,  Lord. 

Kilmainham,  Rojal  Hospital,  363, 
364- 

Kingston,  306. 

Kirkwall,  Viscount,  339,  342. 

Kitley,  330,  331. 

Lacy    (Lascy),     Marshal     (Russian 

service),  47. 
La  Mancha,  Spanish  Army  of,  129, 

130,  132,  395- 
Lamb,  Charles,  3. 
La  Prairie,  303,  307. 
Las  Agallios,  165. 
Latour-Maubourg,    Gen.,    150,    156, 

158. 

Le  Boutillier,  Mr.  G.,  249. 
Leeke,  W.  (52nd  Regt.),  209,  214, 

216,    220,    221,    224,    227  n,    237, 

238,  242,  243,  248. 


434 


INDEX. 


Lefebvre-Desnouettes,  Gen.,  97,  98, 

102—104,  386. 
Leith,  Gen.  Sir].,  141. 
Le  Noble,  Mons.,  388,  391,  393. 
Lesaca,  183. 

Leweson-Gower,  Maj.-Gen.,  74. 
Lewis,  Sir  G.  C.,  374. 
Lichfield,  6,  248. 
Lisbon,  70,  84,  86,  88,  90,  91,  93, 

146,  165,  176  n,  395. 
Liverpool,  6. 
Liverpool,  Lord,  121  n. 
London,   116 — 124,    165,   324 — 327, 

345—349*  372;   Freedom    of  the 

City  presented   to    Lord    Seaton, 

326. 
Londonderry,      (3rd)     Marquis      of 

(Gen.  Sir  C.  Stewart),  118,  121, 

127,  347.  348,  384- 
Love,  Gen.  Sir  J.  F.,  364. 
Lowe,  Sir  Hudson,  213,  246. 
Lugo,  100,  105,  384 — 397/>ass/w. 
Lumley,   Hon.    William,    33,     153, 

159. 

Lygon,  Col,  242. 
Lymington,  I,  3. 
Lyndhurst,  i,  346. 
Lynedoch,  Lord  (Col.  T.  Graham), 

75,   86,   97,  in,    155,    182,   324; 

extracts  from  diary,  90,  114,  115  ; 

stories  of,  98 — 100. 
Lyneham,  323,  327. 
Lysons,  Gen.  Sir  Daniel,  292  «. 

MacDonald,  Col.,  17 — 19. 
Macdoncll,  Major-Gen.  Sir  J.,  303, 

317.  3*8. 

Mackenzie,  W.  L.,  258—261,  266. 
McLean,  Capt.  (2oth),  51,  52. 
McNamara,  Lieut.  T.  (95th),  169. 
Madrid,  93,  96,  143,  384. 
Magilla,  157. 

Maida,  Battle  of,  34,  51—56,  68. 
Mailhot  (Canadian  rebel),  303. 
Mainwaring,  Col.  (5ist),  164. 
Maitland,  Gen.  Sir  P.,  254,  257,  347  ; 

Maitland's   Brigade  at  Waterloo, 

224,  232,  234,  235,  398—428. 
Maitland,  Sir  T.,  332. 
Malta,  23,  30 ;  2oth  Regt.  stationed 

at,  33—45- 

Mamalouc  beys  massacred,  31. 
Mannheim,  247. 
March,  Lord.     See  Richmond,  Duke 

of. 

Mareotis,  Lake,  27,  28. 
Maria  Theresa  of  Austria,  Order  of, 

241;  its  centenary,  367 — 369. 


Markham,  Capt.  (32nd),  286. 

Massena,  Marshal,  in  Italy,  50,  56  ; 
besieging  Almeida,  139;  defeated 
at  Busaco,  140,  141  ;  invades 
Portugal,  142 — 147;  retreats,  148 

—154- 

Matcham,  Mr.  Eyre,  6, 372 — 374. 
Maude,  Gen.,  74. 
Mayorga,  385,  393. 
Mein,   Capt.   W.  (52nd),   167 — 170, 

189;  story  of,  184. 
Melbourne,  Lord,  324. 
Menou,  Gen.,  26,  27,  31. 
Merbe  Braine,  216,  217,  220. 
Merry,  Capt.  A.  (52nd),  169. 
Messina,  50,  52,  55,  58,  60,  68. 
Mileto,  Action  at,  59. 
Militia,  23,  346. 
Militia,  ist  Staffordshire,  7. 

„       2nd  Staffordshire,  7. 

„       3rd  Lancashire,  7. 

,,       Irish,  21,  366. 
Milton,  Lord,  121. 
Minorca,  22 — 26. 
Missisquoi,  292. 
Moncey,  Marshal,  238. 
Mondego,  R.,  141,  142,  150. 
Montgomery- Moore,  Gen.  Sir  A.  G., 

241,  365,  367—369- 
Montgomery- Moore,  The  Hon.  Lady, 

112  n,  235,  324,369,372. 
Montreal,  270,  274,  279 — 282,  286, 

288 — 290,  293,  296,  299,  300,  302, 

303.  307.  3*8,  320. 
Moore,  Francis,  118,  122. 
Moore,  Adm.  Sir  Graham,   1 1 1  n  ; 

letter  from,  256. 
Moore,  James  Carrick,  112  n,  126, 

130,  389,  393- 

Moore,  Dr.  John,  118  n,  122  n,  416. 

Moore,  Gen.  Sir  John,  116,  118,  119, 
121  n,  125,  163,  416;  in  Holland, 
9  ;  in  Sicily  and  Gibraltar,  57 — 
71  ;  in  Sweden,  72 — 79;  in  the 
Peninsula,  80 — 84,  91,  92  ;  on  the 
retreat  to  Corunna,  102  —  106, 
383 — 394;  death  of,  108 — 115, 
117;  Colborne's  appreciation  of, 
61,  100 — 102,  106 — 109,  117,  251, 
365,  383—397  J  stories  of,  94,  97, 
98,  100 ;  his  conduct  debated  in 
Parliament,  120 — 122;  letters  of, 
118,  130;  his  supporters  to  his 
arms,  311  n. 

Moore,  Mrs.  Stephen,  324. 

Moore,  Wm.,  Letter  from,  252. 

Mortier,  Marshal,  134,  150,  154. 

Mulcaster,  Capt.  (R.  E.),  167. 


INDEX. 


435 


Murray,  Gen.  Sir  George,  77,  78, 
125,  129,  182,  190,  242,  247,  255, 
360. 

Napier,  Sir  Charles  J.,  114,  329  n, 

348. 
Napier,    Sir   George   T.,    113 — 115, 

170,    176  n,    199,    202,    203,    387, 

389;  atCiudad  Rodrigo,  171,  172; 

letters     from,     256,      269,      355  ; 

letter  to,  356. 
Napier,    Sir    W.    F.    P.,    231       his 

opinion  of  Sir  J.   Moore  and  of 

Colborne,  251 ;  letter  from,  252  n; 

letters  to,  327—329,  383—394. 
Napier,  Lady  (Miss  Caroline  Fox), 

397- 

Napierville,  302 — 304,  306. 
Naples,  35,  36,  43,  66 ;   expedition 

to,  46 — 50. 
Naples,    King  and  Queen   of.     See 

Two  Sicilies,  King  and  Queen  of. 
Napoleon  I.     See  Bonaparte. 
Napoleon  III.,  354. 
Nelson,  Adm.  Lord,  23,  43,  45,  64; 

stories     of,     66,     67  ;     character 

defended,  374. 
Nelson,  Robert,  302,  303. 
Nelson,  Dr.  Woiford,  280,  283,  285, 

286,  288,  289,  292. 
Netherlands,  The,  208 — 213. 
Nettles,  Ensign  W.  (52nd),  407. 
Neuilly,  Bridge  of,  Crossing  of  the, 

239- 

New  Brunswick,  280. 
Newcastle,  Duke  of,  355,  360  n. 
Newton  Ferrers,  125,  377. 
New  York,  270,  271. 
Ney,    Marshal,    Duke    d'Elchingen, 

134,  245. 
Niagara,  297. 

Nicolay,  Col.  W.  (Staff  Corps),  399. 
Nisbet,  Josiah,  67. 
Nivelle,  Battle  of,  189 — 196. 
Nivelles,  215,  238. 
Noble.     See  Le  Noble. 
Nogales,  388,  391. 
Normanby,  (ist)  Marquess  of,  Letter 

to,   312,  313;    letters   from,   312, 

315. 
Nora  Scotia,  278.     See  "  Halifax." 

Ocana,  Battle  of,  130,  131,  133,  205. 
Odelltown,  302,  304. 
O'Donnel  (Odonnel),  Gen.,  135. 
O'Hara,  General  C,  64,  65. 
Oliphant,  Lieut.-Col.  (2Oth),  45. 
Olivenca,  150,  155. 


Oporto,  141,  142;  Bishop  of,  143. 
Orange,   Prince  of,   208  ;  stories  of, 

209 — 213;  Colborne,  Mil.  Sec.  to, 

208 — 213. 

Orthes,  Battle  of,  199 — 203,  231,  328. 
Osman  Bey,  31. 

Otterbourne,  Hants,  4,  346,  352,  355. 
Otway,   Col.    L.    W.    (i3th    Light 

Dragoons),  150,  152. 

Paget,  Gen.  the    Hon.  Sir  E.,  108, 

112,  117,390,  392,393. 
Paget,  Mr.  (Sir)  James,  375,  376. 
Paget,  Lord.     See  Anglesey. 
Pakenham,  Gen.  Sir  E.,  205. 
Palermo,  56,  58,  62. 
Palmerston,  Viscount,  251. 
Pamplona    (Pampeluna),   Siege    of, 

183,  184,  327. 
Panet,  Judge,  308. 
Papineau,  L.  J.,  260,  274,  276,  278, 

280,  282,  283,  285,  286,  288. 
Paris  occupied  by  the  Allies,  238 — 

246;  revisited,  247,  331,  369. 
Pasley,  C.  (R.E.),  391. 
Patterson,  F.  Hope,  420. 
Peel,  Sir  Robert,  325. 
Pembroke  College,  Oxford,  3,  350. 
Peninsular  Army: 

2nd  Division  (Hill's),  132 — 162 
passim  ;  at  Busaco,  140,  141  ; 
at  St.  Pierre,  198. 

3rd  Division  (Picton's),  200,  202, 
203. 

4th  Division,  159,  160,  200,  203. 

6th  Division^  200. 

7th  Division,  200,  203. 

Light  Division,  163 — 208  passi m. 
Peninsular  War,  80 — 209,  383 — 397. 
Perceval,  Right  Hon.  S.,  121. 
Percy,  Col.  the  Hon.  H.,  112 — 114, 

225,  401,  411,  419. 
Petit,  Gen.,  225  n,  228  n,  233  «,  423 

—425. 

Petten,  Battle  of,  17. 
Petty,  Lord  H.,  121. 
Phillpotts,  Major,  305. 
Picquets,  10,  144,  145,  185. 
Picton,  Gen.  Sir  T.,  203,  206,  218. 
Pierrepont,  Capt.  (2Oth),  68,  177. 
Plymouth,  180. 
Pompey's  Pillar,  26,  28,  30. 
Portalegre,  133,  134. 
Portsmouth,    The   defence   cf,    350, 

351. 

Portugal,  80 — 92 ;  Massena's  in- 
vasion of,  142 — 147  ;  Royal  family 
of,  70;  King  John  of,  144. 


436 


INDEX, 


Portuguese   Army,  English    officers 

in,  145- 

Powlett,  Capt.  (2oth  Regt.),  12,  18. 
Prescott  (Upper  Canada),  304,  306. 
Preston,  6,  7. 
Prideaux,  Sir  E.,  378. 
Prussia,  King  of  (Frederick  William 

III.),  248. 
Puslinch,  Yealmpton,  125,  165,  181, 

208,  323,  330,  367,  373. 
Pyramids,  The,  29,  30. 
Pyrenees,  The,  193 ;  Battles  of,  183. 

Quebec,  277,  280,  281,  284,  294, 
295,  300,  319,  320;  Plains  of 
Abraham,  278,  296. 

Queenston,  297. 

Quevres-au-Camp,  215. 

Radcliffe,  Lieut.-Col.  (2Oth),  369. 

Raglan,  Lord  (Lord  FitzRoy  Som- 
erset), 201,  202,  209,  275,  300, 
327,  356,  364  ;  letter  to,  313. 

Regiments : 

2nd  Life  Guards,  353. 

1st     (King's)     Dragoon     Guards, 

297,  303. 
7th  Hussars,  303. 
lOth  Light   Dragoons   (Hussars), 

103,  385,  386. 
I3th    Light  Dragoons  at  Campo 

Mayor,  150—154. 
i8th  Light  Dragoons,  385. 
23rd  Light  Dragoons,  227,  413. 
Grenadier  Guards,  303. 
ist  Foot  (Royals),  286,  287,  288. 
3rd   (Buffs),    137;     at    Albuhera, 

159—162. 
1 5th,  301,  303. 
1 7th,  8,  303. 
20th,  6 — 73  passim,  Si,  83,  369, 

336,  387- 
23rd,  392. 

24th,  284,  286,  298,  303. 
26th,  353. 
27th,  51,52. 
28th,  390. 
29th,  159,  1 60. 
3ist,  137,  160. 
32nd,  285,  286,  287. 
40th,  8. 
42nd,  390. 
43ra",  138,  298;  at  the  storming  of 

Fort  San  Francisco,  166 — 171. 
48th,  137;  at  Albuhera,  159 — 162. 
50th,  390. 
5'st,  389,  392. 


Regiments  (continued]  : 

52nd,  63,  163 — 250  passim,  283, 
311,  317,  319,  325,  345,  376, 
378,  386,  387,  398-428  passim. 

57th,  1 60. 

59th,  392. 

63rd,  8. 

66th,  1 30-163 passim,  267, 286,303. 

7ist,  216,  221,  223,  225,  226,  228, 
230,  238,  399—413  passim. 

73rd,  303. 

76th,  387,  389,  392. 

79th,  136. 

83rd,  306. 

94th,  260. 

95th  (Rifle  Brigade),  138,  163, 
l67>  173.  !83,  189,  200,  201, 
216,  221,  226,  227,  387,  399, 
401 — 413;  Lord  Seaton  becomes 
Colonel-in-Chief,  374. 

Portuguese  Ca9adores,    133,    140, 

141,  143,  152,  158,  163,  183,  186, 

189,    192,   200,  20 :,  203;  parting 

from  the  Light  Division,  208. 
Reynier    (Regnier),    Gen.,   52,    137, 

138,  139,  145. 
Rhune,    La    Petite,     Storming    of, 

189—194. 
Richardson,   Major  John,  296,   297, 

364- 

Richelieu,  R.,  281,  286,  301. 
Richmond,  Duke  of  (Earl  of  March), 

178,  202,  325. 

Richmond,  Surrey,  118,  122. 
Ripon,  Earl  of  (Viscount  Goderich) 

252  «,  259,  262. 

Roebuck,  J.  A.,  M.P.,  278,  313  n. 
Roli9a,  Battle  of,  83,  84. 
Romana,  Marquis  of,  105,  135,  395. 
Rome,  247. 

Ropes,  Mr.  J.  C.,  234,  422, 423. 
Rosetta,  29,  30. 
Ross,  Major-Gen.  Robert,  12,  33,  34, 

63,  67,  120,  207,  387. 
Rothes,  Lady,  372. 
Rowan,  Col.  Sir  C.,  227,  235,  239, 

240,  404 — 406,  409,  414  n,  418. 
Rowan,  Field-Marshal  Sir  W.,  364, 

398,  403  ;  letter  from,  379. 
Rueda,  384. 
Russell,  Lord  J.,  277,  295,  325,  327, 

328,  337,  346. 
Russia,  Emperor  of  (Alexander  I.), 

243,  248. 
Russia,  59, 85 ;  allied  with  England — 

in  Holland,  17  ;  at  Gibraltar,  41  ; 

in    the     Mediterranean,    44 — 50  ; 

Crimean  War,  352 — 364. 


INDEX. 


437 


Ryder,  Judge-Advocate,  74. 
Rysbraeck,  J.  M.  (sculptor), 


Sahagun,  384,  385,  393. 

St.  Benoit  (St.  Bennet),  290,  291. 

St.  Boes,  200,  201,  203. 

St.  Charles,  285,  286,  287,  288. 

St.  Cyr,  Marshal,  47. 

St.    Denis,     Lower     Canada,     280, 

285—289. 
St.  Edouard,  303. 
St.  Eustache,  289 — 291,  293. 
St.  Germain,  246. 
St.  Helen's  (Isle  of  Wight),  80,  83. 
St.  Jean  de  Luz,  189,  200. 
St.  John's,  308. 
St.  Lucia,  no. 
St.  Martha,  160. 

St.  Martin's,  Lower  Canada,  293. 
St.  Miguel,  141,  142. 
St.  Omer,  248. 
St.  Pierre,  Action  of,  198. 
St.  Remi,  303. 
St.  Scholastique,  291. 
Sala,  199. 
Salamanca,  91, 93 — 95,  131,  134,383, 

384- 

San  Domingo,  74. 

San  Francisco,  Fort  of,  Capture  of, 
1 66 — 171. 

San  Sebastian,  Siege  of,  182 — 184. 

St.  Andero  (Santander),  181. 

Santarem,  142,  148 — 150. 

Saragossa,  135,  395. 

Sarzedas,  139. 

Saugo,  165. 

Schagen  Brug,  Battle  of,  12 — 16, 
1 8. 

Scharnhorst,  Gen.,  348. 

Scott  (Canadian  rebel),  293. 

Scott,  G.  E.  (52nd  Regt.),  222. 

Seaton,  F.M.,  Lord,  passim. 

Seaton,  Lady  (Miss  Elizabeth  Yonge), 
125,  165,  181,  246—253,  346,  351, 
355,  36l>  373,  375— 377  J  tetters 
from,  275,  281,  286,  287,  290,  300, 
302,  303,  306,  307,  308,309,311, 
314,  315,  318,  354,  366,  372. 

Seaton,  2nd  Lord  (James  Colborne). 
246,  247,  249,  284,  304,  331, 
345,  367,  377  I  paternal  directions 
to,  268;  letter  to,  379;  memo- 
randum by,  420. 

Seaton,  Lady  (Hon.  Charlotte  de 
Burgh),  345,  377. 

Seaton,  3rd  Lord,  353,  379. 

Sebastopol,  355 — 360. 

Selsey,  2nd  Lord,  7,  I2O«. 


Selsey,  Lady  (Hester  E.  Jennings), 

1 20. 
Selwyn,    G.    A.,    Bishop    of    New 

Zealand,  331. 

Seville,  129,  133,  134,  143,  158,  160. 
Shaw- Kennedy,     Gen.     Sir    James, 

praises  Colborne's    movement    at 

Waterloo,  230,  231. 
Shedden,  Capt.  J.  (52nd),  405. 
Siborne,    Capt.,     Letters,    &c.,    to, 

403 — 411,  414  n. 
Sicily,  33—38,  57—67,  75,  331- 
Sierra  Morena,  160. 
Skerrett,  Gen.,  183,  184,  349. 
Smith,  Lieut. -Gen.  Sir  Harry,  142, 

J53W>  159  «,  164,  i66n,  180,  184, 

187—192,    197,    198,    207,   31 1  n, 

347,349,  352,356,  381. 
Smith,  Lady   (Juana   M.  de   Leon), 

198,  352 ;    a   meeting  with    Lord 

Seaton,  and  his    regard   for  her, 

349- 

Smith,  Lieut.-Col.  (27th),  52. 
Smith,  Adm.  Sir  W.  Sidney,  28,  70, 

416. 
Smyth,  Lieut.-Col.  (20th),8— 10, 12, 

17- 

Snodgrass,  Col.  K.,  192. 
Somerset,      Lord      FitzRoy.        See 

Raglan,  Lord. 
Sonnini,  C.  N.  S.,  28. 
Sontag,  Gen.  (Dutch),  n. 
Sorel,  Lower  Canada,  279,  280,  284, 

285,  286,  289,  291,  298,  302. 
Soult,  Marshal  (Duke  de  Dalmatic), 

96,   102,  104,   129,   130,  154,   158, 

160,  161,  182,  183,  198,  203,  327, 

328,  389,  393,  395. 
Southey's  History  of  the  Peninsular 

War,  100,  253,  393,  394—396- 
Spaniards,  Character  of  the,   133 — 

136 ;  how  regarded  by  the  French, 

195  ;  at  Toulouse,  204,  205,  328. 
Sparkwell,  Devon,  379. 
Sperling,  J.  (R.E.),  232. 
Stanhope,  Major  Hon.  C.,  114. 
Stanhope,  Capt.  Hon.  J.,  112 — 114. 
Stanhope,  Lady  Hester,  112. 
Stanley,  Mr.     See  Derby. 
Stewart,  Sir  C.  W.  See  Londonderry. 
Stewart,  Gen.  Sir  W.,  140,  148,  150, 

153,  161  ;  report  by,  161. 
Stockholm,  76 — 78. 
Strafford,    Earl    of    (Maj.-Gen.    Sir 

John  Byng),   234,  324,  328,  401, 

403,  406,  409,  415,  417,  420. 
Straggling  in   Moore's   Army,   391, 

392>  396. 


438 


INDEX. 


Stuart,  Major-Gen.  Sir  John  (Count 

of  Maida),  51—  53,  56,  57. 
Stuart    de    Rothesay,     Lord     (Mr. 

Stuart),  211,  395. 
Sweden;  King  of  (Gustavus  IV.),  75, 

77 — 79  J    expedition    to,    75 — 79, 

101. 
Sydenham,      Lord      (Mr.       Poulett 

Thompson),  316,  318. 
Syracuse,  38,  43,  47. 

Tagus,  R.,   133,  134,  137,  138,  140, 

142,  144,  148,  150,  154. 
Talavera,  Battle  of,  125 — 129,  174. 
Tarbes,  Battle  of,  203. 
Taylor,  Sir  H.,  252;  letter  to,  272; 

letter  from,  274. 
Thomar  (Tomar),  150,  154. 
Thompson  (R.E.),  167. 
Thompson,  Mr.  Poulett.   See  Syden- 
ham, Lord. 

Tierney,  G.,  M.P.,  121. 
Toronto  (York),  254,  258,  259,  260, 

266,    267 ;    King's    College,    257 ; 

Upper  Canada  College,  257,  321. 
Torquay,  249,  344,  376,  377. 
Torrens,  Sir  H.,  252;    letter  from, 

163. 

Torres  Vedras,  Lines  of,  142. 
Toulouse,  203,  204,  207  ;  Battle  of, 

204 — 206,  328. 
Townsend,  Miss,  Letter  to,  92,  108, 

123. 

Trafalgar,  Victory  of,  46. 
Travers,  Capt.  J.  (95th),  169. 
Trench,  Mrs.,  her  diary,  374. 
Trinidad,  253. 
Turks,  26,  29. 
Two  Sicilies,  Kingof  the(Ferdinand), 

35»  5°)  66;  Queen   of  (Caroline), 

46,  64,  66,  101 ;  King  of  (Joseph), 

50. 

United  Service  Club,  378. 

Upton,  Col.  the  Hon.  A.  P.  (Guards), 

Story  of,  183. 
Uxbridge,  Lord.     See  Anglesey. 

Valenciennes,  248. 
Valetta,  23,  39. 
Valladolid,  93,  95,  96. 
Venegas,  Gen.,  128  «,  134,  395. 
Vera,  Bridge  of,    184  ;   storming  of 

the  Pass  of,  185 — 189,  231. 
Versailles,  246. 
Victor,  Marshal,  128. 
Victoria,  Queen,  307,  300,  350,  351, 

354,  369,  372. 


Villafranca,  98,  144,  386,  387,  389 

392. 

Villamur,  Gen.,  156. 
Vimiero  (Veimira),  Battle  of,  83 — 

85. 

Vittoria,  91,  181. 
Vivian,  Gen.  Sir  Hussey,  203,  219, 

326,  403. 

Wade,  Col.  T.  F.,  C.B.,  39. 

Walker,  Capt.  (20th),  18. 

Wallace,  Major  (2oth),  73. 

Ward,  Sir  (Mr.)  Henry,  339 ;  letter 
to,  340—342. 

War  Office,  251,  252. 

Warton,  Dr.  Joseph,  4. 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  6. 

Washington,  274,  306. 

Waterloo,  Campaign  of,  217 — 237, 
361,  398 — 428  ;  battlefield  re- 
visited, 344;  Banquets,  326,  330, 
346,  347- 

Weedon,  248. 

Weir,  Lieut.  G.  (32nd),  285,  287, 
288,  299. 

Wellesley,  Hon.  Henry,  124. 

Wellesley,  Lady  Emily,  209. 

Wellesley,  Lord  Charles,  301. 

Wellesley,  Sir  A.  See  Wellington, 
Duke  of. 

Wellington  (ist),  Duke  of  (Sir  A. 
Wellesley),  82— 84,  124,  125,  128, 
129,  139,  i68«,  170,  172,  175,  178, 
182,  1 86,  189,  199,  212,  237,  247, 
325 — 327,  411,  416;  at  Vimiero, 
83,'  84;  at  Talavera,  127;  at 
Busaco,  140;  before  Nivelle,  190, 
191  ;  at  Orthes,  201 — 203 ;  at 
Toulouse,  204 — 206 ;  at  Waterloo, 
223,  226,  227,  400,  402,  407 — 419; 
Waterloo  despatch,  233,  417,  420  ; 
funeral,  347 ;  his  sword,  349  ; 
stories  of,  164,  171,  188,  210,  211, 
218,  241 — 246;  note  from,  181. 
Colborne's  opinions  :  —  of  his 
regard  for  the  aristocracy,  126; 
his  genius  shown  in  1810,  142 — 
144;  ditto  throughout  the  Penin- 
sular War,  207  ;  ditto  at  Water- 
loo, 236;  his  character  in  old 
age,  329  ;  Colborne's  supposed 
resemblance  to,  267,  296,301,  371. 

Wellington,  (2nd)  Dake  of,  Note 
from,  349. 

Wetherall,  Col.  G.  A.  (Royals),  285, 
286,  287,  304. 

Whinyates,  Capt.  E.  C.  (R.H.A.), 
218. 


INDEX. 


439 


Whitelocke,  Gen.,  69;  trial  of,  73, 

74- 

Whyte  (White),  Gen.,  74. 
William  IV.,  274,  275. 
Winchester,  3,  7. 

Winchester  College,  3—6,  355.  379. 
Windham,  W.  (M.P.),  121. 
Windsor,  7. 
Winterbottom,   Lieut.  J.  (Adjutant, 

52nd),  203,  412. 
Wolseley,  Field- Marshal    Viscount, 

217  n. 

Wood,  Col.  Sir  G.  A.  (R.A.),  218. 
Woodford,  Gen.  Sir  A.,  347. 
Woodgate,  Lieut.  J.  (52nd),  169,  170. 

Yarmouth,  20. 

Yealmpton,  246,  247,  249,  288. 

Yonge,  Miss  Charlotte  M.,  4,  5,  6  «, 

16,  22,  236,  237,  251,  355. 
Yonge,  Rev.   Duke,   43,    118,   125; 

letters  to,  160,  178. 
Yonge,  Mrs.  Duke  (Cordelia  Anne 

Colborne),  2,  43,  126,  367;  letters 

to,  13,  22,35,  116,  177,  272. 
Yonge,  Miss  Elizabeth.    See  Seaton, 

Lady. 
Yonge,  Rev.  James,  125. 


Yonge,  Mrs.  James  (Lady  Seaton's 
mother),  323  ;  letter  to,  290. 

Yonge,  Rev.  John,  181,  298,  323, 
377;  letters  to,  275,  277,  278, 
281,  286,  287,  298,  370. 

Yonge,  Mrs.  John  (Alethea  Henri- 
etta Bargus),  3,  62,  95,  323,  367 ; 
letters  to,  44,  67,  71,  75,  76,  95, 
119,  122,  123,  126,  131,  134  (2), 
138,  141,  146,  179. 

Yonge,  Capt.  W.  C.  (52nd),  220, 
221  n,  251,  346;  his  praise  of 
Colborne's  movement  at  Water- 
loo, 229 ;  answers  to  questions  of, 
411,  416. 

Yonge,  Mrs.  W.  C.  (Frances  Mary 
Bargus),  4,  62,  68,  95,  250,  251, 
352;  letters  to,  137,  180,  237, 

373- 

York.     See  Toronto. 
York,  H.R.H.  the  Duke  of,  7,  8,  16, 

19,  60,  118,  120,  124,  136,  397. 

Zafra,  156. 

Zamora,  165. 

Zezere,  R.,  140,  147,  148,' 149. 

Zijp  Dyke,  8,  12,  19. 

Zurich,  247. 


DA 
68 

.12 
S4.S6 


Smith,  George  Charles  Moore 
(ecU) 

The  life  of  John  Colborne, 
field-marshal  lord  Seaton 


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